Journey to Damascus: Dr. André Bank on Everyday Life, Politics, and Security in Syria

André, what was your goal in travelling to Damascus at the end of October 2025? André Bank: After more than 15 years and following the end of the dictatorship, I wanted to see the situation on the ground with my own eyes: I wanted to understand what drives Syrians, how they view politics, the economy, and security, what their worries and hopes are, and how they see the future of their country. To do that, I sought conversations with people who have played a role in the political transition process following the downfall of Bashar al-Assad. What was on your mind before the trip, and what was it actually like to enter the country? Bank: Before the trip, I spent a lot of time wondering whether I would be able to pass the checkpoints and how safe it would be. When I entered Syria overland from Lebanon with a colleague from Berlin, I was surprisingly calm – perhaps because I had processed so much beforehand. Alongside the initial concern, there was also great anticipation because I was able to visit with people in Damascus whom I hadn’t seen in a long time – something unimaginable just a year ago! What changes struck you first in Damascus? Bank: That the ubiquitous Assad portraits were gone! In the old city, however, a lot seemed surprisingly familiar. The Sūq al-Ḥamīdiyya, the famous market street, was bustling with people, and cafés and restaurants were well frequented. At the same time, I had the impression that poverty is more visible today than before. Instead of Assad’s omnipresent informants, I saw mostly young men from Hay’at Taḥrīr al-Shām (HTS), the now ruling Islamist rebels. Overall, though, there was much less security personnel. Also striking were the many solar panels and diesel generators people use to supply themselves with electricity. Outside the city centre, in the southern and eastern districts that were controlled by rebels during the war and bombarded and besieged for years by the Assad regime and its ally Russia, I saw a completely different picture: incredible destruction. What concerns people most in their daily lives right now? Bank: That varies greatly, of course, but economic issues are central for almost everyone. Entire neighbourhoods including Yarmuk, Jobar, and Harasta – where nearly a million people once lived – are completely destroyed. For a city of three to four million, that’s massive: the housing shortage is driving rents up. At the same time, salaries are not being paid, while prices for essentials such as bread and diesel are rising because the government has cut subsidies. Many people are struggling to survive day to day. Can children even go to school? Bank: Schools, kindergartens, and healthcare were massively destroyed during the war. You do see some children in school uniforms, but many kids of primary school age are on the streets in the mornings, selling chewing gum or begging. So, school attendance is far too low. In the past, Syria had a good education rate for boys and girls compared to the region, but war, destruction, and displacement have set the country back decades. But I also have something positive to share: in the completely destroyed Yarmuk neighbourhood, where people are painstakingly rebuilding their homes by hand, there was one functioning building – an UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees) school with a small garden and playground. Two children were playing there – that contrast was very moving for me. What about basic rights in Syria? Is there freedom of speech, press freedom, and freedom of assembly? Bank: Compared to the Assad era, certain fundamental rights in Damascus are much more present. People speak much more freely and confidently, sometimes with sharp criticism of the transitional government, but also with praise. There are public political salons with lectures and discussion rounds. Expressing one’s opinion and carrying out political exchange are possible, which was very inspiring to see. There is also a degree of pluralism in the media: alongside state channels, there is also opposition media, and social media is unregulated. This enables open debates but has also amplified hate speech, fake news, and defamatory discourse against minorities, thereby exacerbating current conflicts. What is currently at the top of the transitional government’s agenda? Bank: The central question is how to generate revenue. Interim president Ahmad al-Sharaa is relying on diplomacy: In Moscow, he negotiated with Russian president Vladimir Putin about Assad’s extradition, the continued presence of Russian military bases, arms deliveries, and continuing to have Syrian currency printed in Russia. In Washington, he secured a temporary suspension of the so-called Caesar sanctions to facilitate international investment. At the same time, al-Sharaa is trying to stabilise relations regionally: cooperating closely with Turkey while keeping communication channels open with Israel, and also seeking funds from the wealthy, Sunni-dominated Gulf states whilst in talks with the Shiite-led Iraqi government about border security. With the exception of Iran and Lebanon’s Hezbollah, the Syrian government is pursuing a kind of zero-problems foreign policy to gain recognition, security, and financial aid. And, domestically, what will the transitional government and parliament tackle first?

Bank: In Damascus, key laws are currently being discussed to set the course for reforming political institutions. These include an electoral law and a party law. Nearly a year after the upheaval, there is still no diverse party landscape to speak of. HTS, which dominated the transitional government, has officially dissolved; it was never a party but a rebel organisation. Overall, opposition to Assad was primarily organised militarily in the form of rebel groups and civically via NGOs and other networks. Some of these initiatives could evolve into parties. So, appropriate laws are needed to ensure that the declared goal of holding free elections in 2028 can actually be achieved. Are there already efforts to address war crimes and human rights violations? Bank: This is a major issue in Syrian society. Many Syrians want justice, documentation of human rights violations, and accountability for those responsible. The constitutional declaration of March 2025 enshrined a transitional justice (TJ) process; there is a TJ commission and a commission for the disappeared, which is investigating an estimated 180,000 missing persons cases. However, its members face significant financial and organisational challenges. For example, international documents from UN organisations are to be merged with Syrian files – a huge logistical task. The TJ commission’s mandate is also questionable: according to a presidential decree, it focuses on crimes committed by the Assad regime from 1970 to 2024; violence by HTS, the Islamic State (IS), and other groups is not to be addressed. In short: work on addressing the crimes has begun, but the complex process is still in the very early stages. Have forces loyal to Assad now been completely replaced in administrative and state positions? Bank: At the top levels, many officials who were affiliated with Assad have left the country or gone underground. However, numerous bureaucrats from Assad’s era remain in the ministries. At the top, some HTS members are moving in – people with little to no administrative experience. That’s why ministries are bringing in advisors from NGOs who know how to organise workflows, make policy, structure meetings, and write reports. This raises challenges, partly organisational due to outdated technology – the old bureaucrats are still working with floppy disks and Windows 97, while the advisors are showing up with MacBooks – but it also creates opportunities for influencing reform, including by European organisations. In what way? Bank: The advisors bring with them their contacts – for example, to organisations such as the GIZ (Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit, a German organisation dedicated to international cooperation), or projects with financial resources. This allows them to set conditions for reforms. German organisations in particular have the potential to exert even more influence, as Germany enjoys an excellent reputation in Syria. The German government is officially focusing on stabilisation, which effectively gives al-Sharaa a free pass. I would like to see more German engagement in Syria – financial aid tied to the implementation of concrete political and economic reforms. Instead, the domestic debate in Germany often revolves around sending many Syrian refugees back as quickly as possible. But that runs counter to the goal of stabilisation, because the last thing Syria needs now is even more unemployed or unhoused people. Only once there is a participatory political process, prospects for people, jobs, and functioning schools will many Syrians likely return voluntarily and help rebuild their country. Sequencing – the right order – is crucial. Can we speak of a post-war period in Syria? Bank: No. The transitional government uses the term “post-war,” which is understandable because it wants to spread hope and attract foreign investment – after all, almost no one invests in a war-torn country. For people in Damascus, the war is largely over. But if you look at other parts of the country, violence persists: Turkey occupies the north, Israel controls the southwest and regularly bombs Syrian territory. There are also recurring internal conflicts, such as between the transitional government and the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), and in July 2025 there was extreme violence in the southeast against the Druze, with up to 2,000 dead and 100,000 displaced. There were also massive attacks on the Alawite civilian population in March 2025, and cases of vigilante justice are ongoing. Many people still possess weapons. Given this reality, I cannot speak of Syria being post-war. It’s important to differentiate – not just as an academic exercise, but also for policy recommendations. Is IS still operating in Syria? How dangerous is it today? Bank: Yes, IS still exists, but it hasn’t controlled any territory since 2019. The US-led international coalition ended IS’s territorial control. Nevertheless, the group is present in the east of Syria and still carries out attacks, including in Damascus – most recently in June 2025 on a church, killing 35 people. Another aspect not to be overlooked is that tens of thousands of IS fighters and their families are in prisons in the northeast, including European citizens. Some fear that a new generation of IS fighters is being raised there. One important question surrounds what will happen to these prisons – it’s also relevant for European countries when it comes to deciding whether to repatriate their citizens to put them on trial. In terms of northern Syria right now, why does Turkey continue to occupy areas there, and how are the Kurds positioning themselves? Bank: Basically, Syria’s transitional government and Turkey under President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan are working closely together, especially economically. Many goods come from Turkey, and Erdoğan hopes that with money from the Gulf states, Turkish construction companies can profit from Syria’s reconstruction. At the same time, Turkey is de facto and illegally occupying areas in northern Syria militarily – not least to exert pressure on al-Sharaa and to strengthen its position in negotiations with the Kurds. The Kurdish-dominated SDF, in turn, is defending northeastern Syria – it’s the country’s most resource-rich region, with oil fields, water reservoirs, and agricultural production. The supply situation there is tense because Turkey is blocking access to water and electricity. All this makes the region a potential new hotspot for violence – some are already speaking of a pre-war situation. Do you think Syria will revert to a dictatorship? Bank: That’s not clear at all. The transitional government seeks to establish an authoritarian-presidential system, but it lacks the means, personnel, and experience. This creates opportunities for civil society initiatives to fight for or maintain spaces of freedom. Syria is in a very dynamic phase. If you had to sum it up: What does Syria need most urgently right now? Bank: Above all, money – and a lot of it. But not unconditionally: it must come with clear requirements. Syria also needs sustained external interest. There are many opportunities to have influence in Syria, and those who engage in the country can make a difference. Syria is not without hope, and its greatest asset is the Syrians themselves – civil society. That’s where efforts must focus so the country can have real prospects for the future.

Dr. André Bank is Senior Research Fellow at the GIGA Institute for Middle East Studies. His research focuses on statehood and political rule in the Middle East, with a particular emphasis on Jordan and Syria.