36:[["0061dfab-2ff4-4ee6-94fb-7b0185c45a25",{"sys":{"id":"0061dfab-2ff4-4ee6-94fb-7b0185c45a25","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Latin America’s Fight against Corruption: The End of Impunity","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/lateinamerikas-kampf-gegen-korruption-das-ende-der-straflosigkeit/","dataTeaser":{"date":"3/2017","link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-52148-4","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","3e78d9e1-031b-43c2-8773-ffa8e38ae218"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"06.2017","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21685934/web_LA_03_2017_dt.pdf","title":"Text (PDF-Deutsch)"},{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21685936/web_LA_03_2017_engl.pdf","title":"Text (PDF-English)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Juni 2017","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","3e78d9e1-031b-43c2-8773-ffa8e38ae218"]}],"subtitle":"2017 | ISSN: 1862-3573","urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-52148-4"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2017","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3573"],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach","Detlef Nolte"],"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","3e78d9e1-031b-43c2-8773-ffa8e38ae218"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"seriesNumber":["3"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","relatedProjectUuids":["7fdc05de-8b0d-4b7c-8ae4-8e8fbc3e34d3"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"Seit der Verabschiedung ihres Antikorruptionsplans im Jahr 2010 bemühen sich die G20-Staaten um die Integrität der Märkte und ein sauberes Umfeld für die Wirtschaft. Unter der deutschen Präsidentschaft wird diese Agenda von einer Arbeitsgruppe unter deutsch-brasilianischer Führung vorangetrieben.…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"5cqo7LkhBpFXgPHbuOG6LG","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2017_03 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2017_03 (Header)","altText":"Demonstration gegen Korruptionsskandal Odebrecht.","copyright":"Reuters / Ricardo Rojas","media":{"sys":{"id":"45popBOxekrebmbplzhGh9","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2017_03 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/45popBOxekrebmbplzhGh9/dd4a0ea282366cb40953d5b79b0a98d3/Bild_Focus_Lateinamerika_2017_03__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1143}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"45popBOxekrebmbplzhGh9","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2017_03 (Header)","file":"$36:0:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Latin America","date":"2017-06-01T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Lateinamerikas Kampf gegen Korruption – das Ende der Straflosigkeit"}}],["0185154c-27bf-46d3-b0dd-b0fdaf785f1b",{"sys":{"id":"0185154c-27bf-46d3-b0dd-b0fdaf785f1b","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Party Politics in India since the 2014 General Elections: BJP Dominance and the Making of the Fourth Party System","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/party-politics-india-2014-elections-bjp-dominance-fourth-party/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","date":"06.2022","personUuids":["1b592847-1c62-4704-aeeb-e8fd8576c148","bc4d17aa-166e-43c9-af4a-c5a4d13fd6c0","1c0b827d-ba8f-4303-8e41-7dbc217fa375"],"tagline":["Area Studies, Politics and International Relations"],"link":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003261063-8"},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003261063-8"],"date":"06.2022","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","isbns":["9781003261063"],"links":[],"pages":"112-137","status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Juni 2022","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["1b592847-1c62-4704-aeeb-e8fd8576c148","bc4d17aa-166e-43c9-af4a-c5a4d13fd6c0","1c0b827d-ba8f-4303-8e41-7dbc217fa375"]}],"subtitle":"Kapitel in Sammelband | Taylor and Francis | 2022","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2022","hostTitle":"The 2019 Parliamentary Elections in India","publisher":"Taylor and Francis","unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e"],"seriesIssn":[],"personNames":["Arjan H. Schakel","Chanchal Kumar Sharma","Wilfried Swenden"],"personUuids":["1b592847-1c62-4704-aeeb-e8fd8576c148","bc4d17aa-166e-43c9-af4a-c5a4d13fd6c0","1c0b827d-ba8f-4303-8e41-7dbc217fa375"],"seriesTitle":["Area Studies, Politics and International Relations"],"seriesNumber":[],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"hostEditorNames":["Subrata K. Mitra","Rekha Saxena","Pampa Mukherjee"],"publicationLocation":"London","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2022-06-17T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/default-placeholder-publications-contributions/eb748f74ac0c79e9639327be44795c31/iStock-519476132.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":6016,"height":4016}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["01QaIrCSHmXgKqmvw5AGsE",{"sys":{"id":"01QaIrCSHmXgKqmvw5AGsE","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text GIGA Focus “Organization of African Unity”: An Optimist’s Appraisal 60 Years On","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Organization of African Unity, recognised for its promotion of solidarity and sovereignty across Africa, just turned 60. Today, the African Union continues the OAU’s spirit and mission. Sixty years of pan-African cooperation have been defined by tremendous challenges and underappreciated achievements – but, above all, they have demonstrated a continued appreciation for multilateralism."}]},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Policy Implications"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The African–European partnership is crucial for dealing with many issues of mutual concern, but should not be taken for granted. For the partnership to be sustainable and effective in the long run, it is important for policymakers in Europe to recognise their own hand in the challenges Africa faces, and to respect African agency, support African-led solutions, and to accept cooperation as equals."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Introduction"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$37"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A Dawning Mission: The OAU and Its Contributions to Statehood across Africa"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The OAU was founded in 1963, occurring against the backdrop of decolonisation in Africa. With 33 member states at the time of its inauguration, the OAU started out considerably smaller than it would eventually become – having some 53 member states by the time the AU replaced it. The OAU constituted an effort to unite existing and emergent African states in solidarity. A compromise between different groups of states paved the way for the OAU as we came to know it. While the language of “pan-Africanism” was adopted to satisfy the expectations of those states striving for deeper integration and an eventually politically united Africa supranational in nature, the voices that advocated for a framework in which each state retains full national sovereignty ultimately proved stronger and won out. Consequently, the OAU Charter emphasised respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of member states, and the principle of non-interference in internal affairs."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The promotion of African states in the Westphalian sense, the support for independence movements, and the fight against Apartheid came to define the OAU’s primary utility and success. The OAU’s border doctrine (cf. "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"), which enshrined respect for state borders at the time of independence, is particularly noteworthy and underappreciated. As the ongoing Russian aggression against Ukraine demonstrates, the respect for borders and the commitment to not unilaterally altering them by force – even decades after independence – cannot be taken for granted. African states, suffering from often arbitrarily drawn borders that failed to respect the realities of established communities on the ground, were particularly vulnerable to inter-state conflict. Yet despite the many problems caused by European colonisation, ones that continue to reverberateto this day, open war between states has remained surprisingly rare across Africa (though certain internal conflicts have had their international dimensions for sure). The instantly famous statement by the Kenyan ambassador to the United Nations, Martin Kimani, in response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine specifically invoked this important African legacy:"}]},{"nodeType":"blockquote","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The OAU’s role in creating – against all odds – a system of political cooperation that at its core is built on anti-colonialism and independence, respect for national sovereignty and territorial integrity, and on peaceful relations between states deserves recognition as the organisation’s pre-eminent contribution."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A Period of Change: Responding to New Challenges in and for Africa in the 1990s"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In the 1990s, the international environment would change dramatically. The repercussions from the end of the Cold War, which had dominated international geopolitics for decades, were felt across the globe, affecting African cooperation too. The continent’s strategic importance waned with the demise of the bipolar world order, and the broader international community’s interest in African affairs turned modest. Violent conflict shook Africa in this watershed decade, with crises such as state failure in Somalia and the genocide in Rwanda alarming observers. It became clear that “African solutions to African problems,” a mantra first coined in 1994 by political economist George Ayittey in response to the crisis in Somalia ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":") and later formally embraced by the AU (cf. African Union 2013), were indispensable for effectively and sustainably solving the issues plaguing the continent."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A number of security concerns would rise to the fore at the same time as unease about extreme poverty mounted, globalisation was becoming an increasingly undeniable force, and a notable – albeit uneven – wave of democratisation started to sweep through Africa. In the wake of these developments, it became apparent that the OAU was no longer fit for purpose. Its mandate and institutional setup reflected a different era, its reputation among observers as a “trade union of tyrants” (van Walraven 2010: 47) preceded it, and reform became imperative. Efforts at the latter initially led to gradual change but eventually culminated in wholesale reform with the agreement to establish the AU in 1999."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A New Beginning: Institutional Transformation and the Birth of the AU"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In 2002, the AU officially succeeded the OAU. This new institution’s establishment undoubtedly marked a milestone in African cooperation. Its founding was used to proclaim new beginnings: early on, the AU soon became a symbol of hope and ambition. The AU was meant to ensure African agency and thus provide African solutions to African problems. Among other changes, a new “era of non-indifference” was hailed, intended to supplant the erstwhile overly dogmatic adherence to non-interference norms within Africa (Mwanasali 2008)."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"More than anything else, this was exemplified by Article 4(h) of the Constitutive Act of the AU, which conveys "}]},{"nodeType":"blockquote","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The AU’s founding document retains the spirit of the OAU Charter but commits anew – or at least more explicitly – to a broad range of purposes, including political and economic integration, international influence, peace and stability, democracy and good governance, human rights, and healthcare. The pursuit of these ends was substantiated and strengthened through such legal agreements as: the “Protocol Relating to the Establishment of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union” (also the foundation for the sophisticated “African Peace and Security Architecture” we know today); the “African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance”; the “New Partnership for Africa’s Development”; and, the “Sirte Declaration on the Reform of the United Nations.”"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"To deliver on its new normative framework, stronger institutions were created. The increases in pooled sovereignty and delegated authority (cf. "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":") are a testament to the desire to advance cooperation at the continent-wide level and to enhance its effectiveness. As a result of the transformation occurring, the institutional framework was now strong, flexible, and sophisticated enough to – at least in theory – put the AU in the position to deliver on the promise of African solutions to African problems and thus also of African agency."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A Reality Check: Understanding Today’s Dilemmas and Dynamics of African Cooperation"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In 2023, as the 60th anniversary of the OAU’s founding is celebrated, evaluations of how successful formal African cooperation has been are ambivalent. Clearly, sceptical and even cynical views remain prominent. Part of the reason for this is a matter of perspective. Respective stakeholders and observers will have different priorities and expectations according to which they evaluate organisational performance. Often, evaluators will apply their own normative criteria or use their own strategic priorities as reference points, and insufficiently consider the expectations of the AU’s own core stakeholders: its member states. This can result in unrealistic expectations and, consequently, frustration. Producing benefits for the broader public and solving transnational problems effectively is only one part of the equation, already something that cannot be taken for granted in the world of regional organisations."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Another part of the equation, however, is serving member-state governments and executing the collective mandate in ways that are acceptable to them. When both parts of this fundamental equation converge, African cooperation arguably holds its greatest promise (see "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). The AU can deliver on its mandate when member states seek or accept its support, but its limitations become readily apparent when they do not. This is by no means unique to Africa, but it may be particularly frustrating in this context due to the combination of noble ambitions, widespread challenges, and members wary of outside interference. Worrisome signs of “democratic backsliding” ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"), denoting the erosion of democratic institutions and processes, only add to these concerns over what African cooperation can and will deliver. Regionalism for authoritarian and/or weak regimes often serves a means to advance their narrow personal interests rather than those of the broader public or of the community of states ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"; Taylor and Söderbaum 2016). Moreover, the complex overlap of intergovernmental organisations operating in Africa – from Regional Economic Communities to the global-level UN – as well as persistent resource limitations – historically creating reliance on funding from external partners, especially from Europe – continue to raise the question of what exact role the AU normatively "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"should"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" and indeed "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"can"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" play."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A Look into the Future: The AU’s Promise, and Why Europeans Should Care"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"This all begs the question: quo vadis, AU? Despite the many legitimate concerns, the AU continues to be a key actor on the continent. Recent efforts at institutional reform, which seek “to ensure a more effective attainment of the objective of the Union and prudent use of all resources” (African Union 2016: 1), as well as endeavours to ensure sustainable funding from member states, which includes a 0.2 per cent levy on eligible imports that automatically feeds into the organisation’s budget (African Union 2016: 1), demonstrate that the AU is here to stay."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The role that the AU can and will play going forward depends, not least, on the engagement of external partners. Today, Africa’s strategic importance is evident, and countries such as China and Russia vie with traditional European partners (and the United States) for advantageous positions. But why should Europeans care about the AU? The answer is simple: we have shared values and we have shared interests. “Agenda 2063” is the AU’s current flagship programme, with it outlining the organisation’s ambitions for 100 years of pan-African cooperation. Agenda 2063 embodies the vision of “an integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa, driven by its own citizens, representing a dynamic force in the international arena” (African Union 2015: 1); it commits also to the promotion of good governance, democracy, human rights, justice, the rule of law, and sustainability."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"It is in Europe’s best interests to foster partnership with the AU and to contribute to the achievement of its vision, even when not all expectations are being met. Authoritarianism is on the rise, the liberal international order faces serious contestation, and many of today’s greatest challenges transcend national or even continental borders; meanwhile, Europe and Africa are intrinsically linked through various channels – including trade, migration, and security. In this environment, effective partnership with the AU is indispensable. This is a strategic as much as a moral imperative, and should be treated as an investment in the intertwined futures of both continents. Yet for this partnership to be genuinely effective and sustainable, it must play out as equals and value African interests (which the AU represents) as well as respect African agency (which the AU embodies)."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Even then, European officials cannot take a partnership based on shared interests and values for granted. As is the case when it comes to engagement in other world regions or with other states, they must clearly demonstrate the importance and alignment of shared interests and values, as well as provide the necessary incentives to be able to compete with alternative models backed primarily by influential autocracies. While AU officials tend to have internalised the organisation’s constitutive values, principles, and purposes, member states – as the ultimate decision-makers – may be more inclined to explore those alternative models. To this end, it continues to be important to support African regional projects and institution-building. After all, a strong AU that is equipped to deliver on its promises is not only in a better position to advance a mutually beneficial agenda but also to keep member states in the fold and committed to the path outlined in the organisation’s founding documents."}]}]}}}],["022ef15a-99fc-4b04-b76a-c3d1d2cb73d7",{"sys":{"id":"022ef15a-99fc-4b04-b76a-c3d1d2cb73d7","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Venezuelas Opposition festigt Maduros Macht","dataTeaser":{"date":"11.09.2020","link":"https://p.dw.com/p/3iDzV","type":"Zitat","tagline":["Deutsche Welle","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"11.09.2020","type":"Zitat","links":[{"url":"https://p.dw.com/p/3iDzV"}],"mediums":["Deutsche Welle"],"keywords":{"free":["Venezuela","opposition"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2020-09-11T10:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/default-placeholder-press-media-all/c58a2a9740f0a0bab86f6ab9384edd75/GIGA_placeholder-press-media-all1_Copyright11.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1018}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["02955272-574f-47de-8eae-cfc69544b243",{"sys":{"id":"02955272-574f-47de-8eae-cfc69544b243","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Chancen für einen inklusiven, politischen Übergang in Syrien","dataTeaser":{"date":"21.01.2025","link":"https://www.ardmediathek.de/video/das/das-mit-nahost-experte-daniel-gerlach/ndr/Y3JpZDovL25kci5kZS9wcm9wbGFuXzE5NjM2NzUxM19nYW56ZVNlbmR1bmc","type":"Interview","tagline":["DAS!","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Mit der Übergangsregierung unter der islamistischen HTS ist in Syrien ein politischer Transitionsprozess nach dem Ende der Assad-Diktatur eingeleitet. Wie inklusiv wird dieser Prozess sein? Dr. André Bank wägt die Chancen und Herausforderungen ab.

","personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"21.01.2025","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.ardmediathek.de/video/das/das-mit-nahost-experte-daniel-gerlach/ndr/Y3JpZDovL25kci5kZS9wcm9wbGFuXzE5NjM2NzUxM19nYW56ZVNlbmR1bmc"}],"mediums":["DAS!"],"keywords":{"free":["Syrien","Transition","HTS","Sharaa","Zivilgesellschaft","Diaspora","Reformen"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"],"mediaFormats":["Fernsehen"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2025-01-21T11:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["030967ba-b78d-46aa-a0f4-5b2782544dfb",{"sys":{"id":"030967ba-b78d-46aa-a0f4-5b2782544dfb","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"The Russian War against Ukraine: Middle East Food Security at Risk","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/the-russian-war-against-ukraine-middle-east-food-security-at-risk/","dataTeaser":{"date":"2/2022","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfme-22022","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"In Nordafrika und dem Nahen Osten ist die Abhängigkeit von Weizen aus der Ukraine und Russland mit 50 Prozent weltweit mit am höchsten. Da der Krieg in der Ukraine den globalen Lebensmittelhandel beeinträchtigt, existieren negative Folgen für die Ernährungssicherheit in weiten Teilen der arabischen Welt.","personUuids":["440fbc3f-986d-40b0-bcb2-5766c222afeb"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfme-22022"],"date":"05.2022","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Mai 2022","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["440fbc3f-986d-40b0-bcb2-5766c222afeb"]}],"subtitle":"2022 | ISSN: 1862-3611","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-81596-5"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2022","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d","1b9d3c92-63ad-49fe-bb02-119e2a17eef4"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3611"],"personNames":["Eckart Woertz"],"personUuids":["440fbc3f-986d-40b0-bcb2-5766c222afeb"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"seriesNumber":["2"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":true,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"5eoL2kAMdes8jxPFzscELH","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA_Yemen_Apr2022_Sanaa_Worker_Sack_Wheat_Reuters_RTS7BK3B_Khaled Abdullah","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5eoL2kAMdes8jxPFzscELH/3c3da1b4dd48abb0d578ab8d9970149b/GIGA_Yemen_Apr2022_Sanaa_Worker_Sack_Wheat_Reuters_RTS7BK3B_Khaled_Abdullah-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Middle East","date":"2022-05-13T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["037b8dcc-a849-4e6f-b65e-c4c87ac5b61c",{"sys":{"id":"037b8dcc-a849-4e6f-b65e-c4c87ac5b61c","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Ballots over Streets: Bolivia’s Fragile Democratic Gamble","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/ballots-over-streets-bolivia-s-fragile-democratic-gamble/","dataTeaser":{"date":"4/2025","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfla-25042","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Die Präsidentschaftswahlen in Bolivien sind ein Einschnitt: Nach zwei Jahrzehnten der Dominanz einer Partei stehen sich am 19. Oktober zwei liberale Oppositionskandidaten gegenüber. Der Gewinner muss wirtschaftliche Anpassungen mit sozialer Absicherung in Einklang bringen, um neue Konflikte zu vermeiden.","personUuids":["00267c74-2cf7-4dd4-b56d-daccea454d99","2ae5f798-faae-4248-ac76-e9e0ae84ca08"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfla-25042"],"date":"10.2025","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Oktober 2025","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/bolivia","title":"Bolivien"}]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["00267c74-2cf7-4dd4-b56d-daccea454d99","2ae5f798-faae-4248-ac76-e9e0ae84ca08"]}],"subtitle":"2025 | ISSN: 1862-3573","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2025","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3573"],"personNames":["Natalia Aparicio","Daniela Osorio Michel"],"personUuids":["00267c74-2cf7-4dd4-b56d-daccea454d99","2ae5f798-faae-4248-ac76-e9e0ae84ca08"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"seriesNumber":["4"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":true,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","relatedProjectUuids":["1f7d13d6-b4c9-4681-a079-a724a9726f0e"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"2Alo7nfr3zDGPTCKiZIy6U","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2025_04 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2Alo7nfr3zDGPTCKiZIy6U/caecf28fc743a315948eb46a2bdc1905/Visual_Focus_LA_4_25.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Latin America","date":"2025-10-15T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["03dc0750-e02e-4a50-b8b7-087dc8f9eb12",{"sys":{"id":"03dc0750-e02e-4a50-b8b7-087dc8f9eb12","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Forced Migration in the Global South: Reorienting the Debate","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/zwangsmigration-im-globalen-sueden-die-debatte-neu-ausrichten/","dataTeaser":{"date":"3/2018","link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-57809-3","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Global"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849","204afd0d-04eb-4990-88df-7c4430f1e239"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2018 | ISSN: 1862-3581","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"06.2018","dateShort":"2018","links":[{"title":"Text (PDF-English)","url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21580183/gf_global_03_en.pdf"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":[],"personNames":["André Bank","Christiane Fröhlich"],"dateLong":"Juni 2018","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Global"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-57809-3"],"unitUuids":["ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesNumber":["3"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3581"],"useDynamicPdf":false,"personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849","204afd0d-04eb-4990-88df-7c4430f1e239"],"relatedProjectUuids":["87ff5f61-6c1f-4d26-8b22-6ce54b06ba7b"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849","204afd0d-04eb-4990-88df-7c4430f1e239"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"34N8HalpTLj74qxrmCtUev","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Global_2018_03 (Teaser)","title":"Bild GIGA Focus Global_2018_03 (Teaser)","altText":"Ein Migrant liest ein Buch vor seinem Zelt in dem von der Gemeinde Souda betriebenen Lager für Flüchtlinge und Migranten auf der Insel Chios, Griechenland","copyright":"Reuters / Alkis Konstantinidis","media":{"sys":{"id":"6froV2TDn9MQmAuqc24Q62","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Global_2018_03","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/6froV2TDn9MQmAuqc24Q62/039387384b79e0cb00e9b861cbee5ebc/GIGA_Greece_Mar2017_migrant-tent-refugee-camp_Reuters_AlkisKonstantinidis.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2625,"height":1476}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserText":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Es ist zu erwarten, dass Zwangsmigration eine der zentralen Herausforderungen der Weltpolitik bleiben wird. Die Hauptbewegungen passieren in und zwischen Afrika, Lateinamerika, Asien und dem Nahen Osten. Für einen pluralistischen und vollständigeren Blick auf globale Zwangsmigration braucht es daher einen Fokus auf Süd-Süd-Migration.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"6froV2TDn9MQmAuqc24Q62","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Global_2018_03","file":"$36:7:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Global","date":"2018-06-01T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Zwangsmigration im globalen Süden: Die Debatte neu ausrichten"}}],["04154f11-d937-480d-9448-2024d6cd8580",{"sys":{"id":"04154f11-d937-480d-9448-2024d6cd8580","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Colombia elects its first leftist president","dataTeaser":{"date":"06.08.2022","link":"https://assets.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4qA6XBUHDxEYrJTeVicl1i/402b3a8effac9f765d4786d7c437b8dd/JAMO_06.08._INT_Kurtenbach_MIT_AN_UND_AB.MP3","type":"Interview","tagline":["SWR 2","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Colombia elected its first leftist president on July 19th. Gustavo Petro and his vicepresident were inaugurated on Sunday 7th.

","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"06.08.2022","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://assets.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4qA6XBUHDxEYrJTeVicl1i/402b3a8effac9f765d4786d7c437b8dd/JAMO_06.08._INT_Kurtenbach_MIT_AN_UND_AB.MP3"}],"mediums":["SWR 2"],"keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Radio"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2022-08-06T12:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["04179ca0-5891-417b-b1b7-1fed47bfe95b",{"sys":{"id":"04179ca0-5891-417b-b1b7-1fed47bfe95b","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"COVID-19 and the Dynamics of (Post-)War Violence: Lessons from Colombia and Syria ","path":"/de/forschung-und-transfer/projekte/covid-19-dynamics-post-war-violence-lessons-colombia-syria/","dataTeaser":{"date":"01.03.2021 - 31.08.2022","type":"Forschung","pureType":{"key":"upmproject/upmprojecttypes/upmproject/research","value":"Forschung"},"blueprint":"PROJECT","teaserText":"What are the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on the dynamics of violence during and after civil wars? The project analyses the pandemic-related reconfiguration of social and political orders in a comparative study of Syria and Colombia at subnational levels. In this way, it will provide new knowledge on violence dynamics in two of the most complex conflicts today and be able to suggest crucial lessons for similar (post-)war contexts in other parts of the world.
Volkswagen Foundation, 2021-2022","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849","5cfc68bc-4992-4a45-849f-bbdae6067e4b","14cf13f0-cadc-4b7b-a104-91f8013aa218"]},"dataDetail":{"type":"Forschung","period":"01.03.2021 - 31.08.2022","keywords":{"free":["COVID 19","Conflict","Syria","Colombia"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"upmproject/upmprojecttypes/upmproject/research","value":"Forschung"},"blueprint":"PROJECT","headUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"],"teamUuids":["5cfc68bc-4992-4a45-849f-bbdae6067e4b","14cf13f0-cadc-4b7b-a104-91f8013aa218"],"associateUuids":[],"teamExternUuids":[],"coordinatorUuids":[],"cooperationPersonUuids":[]},"typeOrSubtype":"Projects","date":"2021-03-01T11:00:00.000Z"}}],["043bc741-f665-4473-8966-302e313b1998",{"sys":{"id":"043bc741-f665-4473-8966-302e313b1998","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Security Sector Reform and the Stability of Post-War Peace","path":"/de/forschung-und-transfer/projekte/security-sector-reform-and-the-stability-of-post-war-peace/","dataTeaser":{"date":"01.05.2016 - 31.01.2020","type":"Forschung","pureType":{"key":"upmproject/upmprojecttypes/upmproject/research","value":"Forschung"},"blueprint":"PROJECT","teaserText":"Security Sector Reform (SSR) is commonly defined as changes in the structure and conduct of those state institutions responsible for the prosecution and punishment of non-legal manifestations of violence: the military, police, and judiciary. Scholars and practitioners alike thereby see the process of SSR as one of the most vital elements for creating a stable post-war peace. The project investigates the conditions for this process.
DFG, 2016-2020 ","personUuids":["63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","14cf13f0-cadc-4b7b-a104-91f8013aa218","cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54","b76f8b7e-3dd5-42ba-a020-e2ef1d5327c1","bf2d8da9-f4ce-4ff8-a1e1-8b34d6061e86"]},"dataDetail":{"type":"Forschung","period":"01.05.2016 - 31.01.2020","pureType":{"key":"upmproject/upmprojecttypes/upmproject/research","value":"Forschung"},"blueprint":"PROJECT","headUuids":["63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"teamUuids":["14cf13f0-cadc-4b7b-a104-91f8013aa218","cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54","b76f8b7e-3dd5-42ba-a020-e2ef1d5327c1","bf2d8da9-f4ce-4ff8-a1e1-8b34d6061e86"],"associateUuids":[],"teamExternUuids":["b76f8b7e-3dd5-42ba-a020-e2ef1d5327c1","bf2d8da9-f4ce-4ff8-a1e1-8b34d6061e86"],"coordinatorUuids":[],"cooperationPersonUuids":["b76f8b7e-3dd5-42ba-a020-e2ef1d5327c1","bf2d8da9-f4ce-4ff8-a1e1-8b34d6061e86"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Projects","date":"2016-05-01T10:00:00.000Z"}}],["043eff9b-4db8-46ee-ac87-dab0f9009b8e",{"sys":{"id":"043eff9b-4db8-46ee-ac87-dab0f9009b8e","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Der Sturz Assads in Syrien ist nicht das Ende von Captagon","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/der-sturz-assads-in-syrien-ist-nicht-das-Ende-von-Captagon/","dataTeaser":{"date":"4/2025","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfme-25041","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Bedeutet der Sturz Assads in Syrien das Ende der als Captagon bekannten Droge? Nein. Zwar hat die islamistische Übergangsregierung Drogenlabore und Pillenfunde zerstört, aber die Nachfrage nach billigen Drogen bleibt in Syrien und seinen Nachbarländern groß. Captagon-Produktion und -Schmuggel transnationalisieren sich.","personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849","06014cc2-91bf-4474-9d83-3b4060635955"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfme-25041"],"date":"05.2025","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Mai 2025","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/mena/Syria","title":"Syrien"}]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849","06014cc2-91bf-4474-9d83-3b4060635955"]}],"subtitle":"2025 | ISSN: 1862-3611","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2025","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3611"],"personNames":["André Bank","Johannes Haupt"],"personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849","06014cc2-91bf-4474-9d83-3b4060635955"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"seriesNumber":["4"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":true,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"5QjXjb9QG4PzUH4UyBQ9L","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Nahost 2025_04 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5QjXjb9QG4PzUH4UyBQ9L/c4776ca35c4442d084aae2cd4969ac87/GIGA_A_soldier_holds_pills_inside_a_house-turned-Captagon_factory_in_Al-Dimas__near_the_Syrian-Lebanese_border_pa_Fadel_Itan.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Middle East","date":"2025-05-07T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Der Sturz Assads in Syrien ist nicht das Ende von Captagon"}}],["048af674-cc77-42af-b07f-159040285a71",{"sys":{"id":"048af674-cc77-42af-b07f-159040285a71","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"How to Anchor Germany’s Drifting Indo-Pacific Policy","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/how-to-anchor-germanys-drifting-indo-pacific-policy/","dataTeaser":{"date":"1/2022","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-22012","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["6152df84-ebec-4d2d-a5d1-7e6d292682cf"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2022 | ISSN: 1862-359X","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"02.2022","dateShort":"2022","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-22012"],"personNames":["Christian Wirth"],"dateLong":"Februar 2022","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-80920-5"],"unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesNumber":["1"],"seriesIssn":["1862-359X"],"useDynamicPdf":true,"personUuids":["6152df84-ebec-4d2d-a5d1-7e6d292682cf"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["6152df84-ebec-4d2d-a5d1-7e6d292682cf"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserText":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Marinepräsenz hat bei der Implementierung von Indo-Pazifik Strategien eine zentrale Rolle eingenommen. Wie nun aber die Reise der Fregatte „Bayern“ offenbart, weisen die deutsche und andere europäische Strategien innere Widersprüche auf, welche durch das Schlagwort der „regelbasierten Ordnung“ überdeckt werden.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"1hKS9x6TnKj5AGriJBKaqa","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA_Japan_Nov21_Tokyo_frigate_Bayern_military_imago0141270355h_KyodoNews_Website","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1hKS9x6TnKj5AGriJBKaqa/67f0d63d78c5c31627ea08b7fa2d6934/GIGA_Japan_Nov21_Tokyo_frigate_Bayern_military_imago0141270355h_KyodoNews_Website.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Asia","date":"2022-02-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["04a6405c-d69a-4ae0-9b21-b79426a3e71b",{"sys":{"id":"04a6405c-d69a-4ae0-9b21-b79426a3e71b","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"El Dilema de la Comunidad Internacional en el Contexto de la Represión en Nicaragua.: ¿Cambio o Costos Sociales por Presión?","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/el-dilema-comunidad-internacional-en-el-contexto-represion-en-nicaragua-cambio-costos-sociales-por-presion/","dataTeaser":{"date":"10.2021","link":"https://agendaestadodederecho.com/el-dilema-de-la-comunidad-internacional-en-el-contexto-de-la-represion-en-nicaragua/","type":"Blogbeitrag","tagline":["Blogbeitrag"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/blog_article","value":"Blogbeitrag"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"10.2021","type":"Blogbeitrag","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Oktober 2021","keywords":{"free":["Nicaragua","Sanctions","Repression","International community"],"structured":[{"uri":"subjectarea/asjc/3300/3320","title":"Politikwissenschaften und internationale Beziehungen"}]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/blog_article","value":"Blogbeitrag"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]}],"subtitle":"Blogbeitrag | Agenda Estado de Derecho | 2021","urnLinks":["https://agendaestadodederecho.com/el-dilema-de-la-comunidad-internacional-en-el-contexto-de-la-represion-en-nicaragua/"],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2021","publisher":"Agenda Estado de Derecho","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"personNames":["Désirée Reder"],"personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"isForthcoming":false,"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"7EL3PR1atPREGQCIAPrxYN","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Contributions","title":"Bild Contributions","media":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"},"altText":"Foto von Rand offener Buchseiten","copyright":"istock / FactoryTh"}}],"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2021-10-29T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["04ec0e8e-b0e7-4ac6-9b7c-16533d4cb217",{"sys":{"id":"04ec0e8e-b0e7-4ac6-9b7c-16533d4cb217","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Kandidat erschossen: Wie Ecuadors Wahlkampf in Gewalt versinkt","dataTeaser":{"date":"10.08.2023","link":"https://www.tagesschau.de/multimedia/video/video-1233492.html","type":"Interview","tagline":["tagesschau24","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Nach Kundgebung in Ecuador: Präsidentschaftskandidat Villavicencio wurde bei einem Attentat getötet. Was das für die anstehenden Wahlen im Land bedeutet, ordnet GIGA-Expertin Prof. Dr. Sabine Kurtenbach für tagesschau24 ein.

","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"10.08.2023","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.tagesschau.de/multimedia/video/video-1233492.html"}],"mediums":["tagesschau24"],"keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Fernsehen"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"5ebHe1uOSsmXbBcd325Mxk","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Ecuador Aug23 Ecuadorean presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio campaigns in Quito RTSMEFY6 Reuters Karen Toro","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5ebHe1uOSsmXbBcd325Mxk/b1411bf60875cd6ec2827a61cf4dd3bc/GIGA_Ecuador_Aug23_Ecuadorean_presidential_candidate_Fernando_Villavicencio_campaigns_in_Quito_RTSMEFY6_Reuters_Karen_Toro-r.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2023-08-10T10:00:00.000Z"}}],["0504bc26-857b-4dc2-86b7-1c17611cbe42",{"sys":{"id":"0504bc26-857b-4dc2-86b7-1c17611cbe42","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Syrien: Wird das Erdbeben zur Chance für Assad?","dataTeaser":{"date":"13.02.2023","link":"https://www.dw.com/de/syrien-wird-das-erdbeben-zur-chance-f%C3%BCr-assad/a-64688307","type":"Zitat","tagline":["Deutsche Welle","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Der Artikel befasst sich mit den Versuchen des syrischen Regimes unter Präsident Bashar al-Assad, aus dem massiven Erdbeben im Land politisches Kapital zu schlagen. Ziel ist es, die Sanktionen aufzuheben und das Regime regional in der MENA-Region und international wieder salonfähig zu machen.

","personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"13.02.2023","type":"Zitat","links":[{"url":"https://www.dw.com/de/syrien-wird-das-erdbeben-zur-chance-f%C3%BCr-assad/a-64688307"}],"mediums":["Deutsche Welle"],"keywords":{"free":["Syria","Syrian war","earthquake","Humanitarian aid","Sanctions","refugees"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2023-02-13T11:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["05bd3a51-4a1c-48c0-b492-9e074e5f6a03",{"sys":{"id":"05bd3a51-4a1c-48c0-b492-9e074e5f6a03","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"The “New Turkey” Might Have Come to An End: Here’s Why","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/the-new-turkey-might-have-come-to-an-end-heres-why/","dataTeaser":{"date":"2/2023","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfme-23022","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Dieser Focus analysiert die gesellschaftspolitischen Konfliktkonstellationen in der Türkei im Vorfeld der anstehenden Präsidentschaftswahlen am 14. Mai 2023 und schätzt die Chancen der Opposition ein, den amtierenden Präsidenten Recep Tayyip Erdoğan zu stürzen.","personUuids":["05f8d9c8-a255-46a3-9b57-38c4347c0dae"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2023 | ISSN: 1862-3611","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"05.2023","dateShort":"2023","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfme-23022"],"personNames":["Aaron Smith Reynolds"],"dateLong":"Mai 2023","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-86578-0"],"unitUuids":["b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e"],"seriesNumber":["2"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3611"],"useDynamicPdf":true,"personUuids":["05f8d9c8-a255-46a3-9b57-38c4347c0dae"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["05f8d9c8-a255-46a3-9b57-38c4347c0dae"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"7EA4PfJV9qELCHAaxwNpVK","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Nahost 2023_02 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/7EA4PfJV9qELCHAaxwNpVK/a79434d1a9205b94644eca5ee0a36c09/Bild_GIGA_Focus_Nahost_2023_02__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Middle East","date":"2023-05-03T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["05f65719-f00a-443e-aeb9-36a21f18b983",{"sys":{"id":"05f65719-f00a-443e-aeb9-36a21f18b983","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Material and Discursive Militarisation in Democracies","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/materielle-und-diskursive-militarisierung-in-demokratien/","dataTeaser":{"date":"6/2020","link":"https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-71001-9","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Global"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["60e0712d-2eb4-4fe6-857d-f953759614a6","860105e0-d6fd-4917-8be8-a490ec082e60"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"12.2020","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/22520467/gf_focus_global_en.pdf","title":"Text (PDF-English)"},{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/22520469/gf_focus_global_de.pdf","title":"Text (PDF-Deutsch)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Dezember 2020","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["60e0712d-2eb4-4fe6-857d-f953759614a6","860105e0-d6fd-4917-8be8-a490ec082e60"]}],"subtitle":"2020 | ISSN: 1862-3581","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-71002-4","https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-71001-9"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2020","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3581"],"personNames":["David Kühn","Yagil Levy"],"personUuids":["60e0712d-2eb4-4fe6-857d-f953759614a6","860105e0-d6fd-4917-8be8-a490ec082e60"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Global"],"seriesNumber":["6"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"Weltweit hat das Militär in vielen Demokratien in letzter Zeit eine Aufwertungseiner Rolle und Sichtbarkeit erfahren. Nicht erst seit der Covid-19-Pandemie setzen demokratisch verfasste Staaten ihre Streitkräfte ineinem immer breiteren Spektrum von Aufgaben ein. Dies hat zum Teil Besorgnisüber eine…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"7yOTpFiN7lj44JzBszAbSj","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Global_2020_6","title":"Bild Focus Global_2020_6","altText":"Soldat bewacht die Einhaltung der Corona Ausgangssperre in El Salvador.","copyright":"Reuters / Jose Cabezas","media":{"sys":{"id":"4014UaV4niPAi22XYBlk2f","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA ElSalvador April2020 soldier guard at street Reuters JoseCabezas","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4014UaV4niPAi22XYBlk2f/227359509eb36e01cd291ecef78b669e/GIGA_ElSalvador_April2020_soldier_guard_at_street_Reuters_JoseCabezas-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1143}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"4014UaV4niPAi22XYBlk2f","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA ElSalvador April2020 soldier guard at street Reuters JoseCabezas","file":"$36:17:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Global","date":"2020-12-16T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Materielle und diskursive Militarisierung in Demokratien"}}],["063d1261-3cc3-46b6-813c-56e16fa86c0a",{"sys":{"id":"063d1261-3cc3-46b6-813c-56e16fa86c0a","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Veto Players in Post-Conflict DDR Programs: Evidence From Nepal and the DRC","path":"/de/publikationen/referierte-aufsaetze/veto-players-in-post-conflict-ddr-programs-evidence-from-nepal-and-the-drc/","dataTeaser":{"date":"2019","link":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17502977.2018.1501981","type":"Artikel","tagline":["Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Artikel","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"subtitle":"Artikel | 2019","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"2019","dateShort":"2019","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.1080/17502977.2018.1501981"],"personNames":["Nadine Ansorg","Julia Strasheim"],"dateLong":"2019","isbns":[],"issueNumber":"1","journal":"Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding","pages":"112-130","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-61804-8"],"volume":"13","unitUuids":["af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b","df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b"],"personUuids":["63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"79Iw2W1y5I439nIQKWTblO","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild referierte Artikel","title":"Bild referierte Artikel","altText":"Ein Stapel Zeitschriften","copyright":"iStock.com/ pinkomelet","media":{"sys":{"id":"3MVDYqgKxq8a8ZuszO7pV9","type":"Asset"},"title":"iStock-831942476","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3MVDYqgKxq8a8ZuszO7pV9/08c95c5d5d810070f74729146470e8d3/iStock-831942476-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1334}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3MVDYqgKxq8a8ZuszO7pV9","type":"Asset"},"title":"iStock-831942476","file":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Articles","date":"2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["06c7e34e-e7c9-4099-a9f0-673e36afb2a2",{"sys":{"id":"06c7e34e-e7c9-4099-a9f0-673e36afb2a2","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Country Report No. 1 Nicaragua: Against all Odds - Youth in Postwar Societies. The Case of Nicaragua","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/country-report-no-1-nicaragua/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/other","value":"Beitrag"},"type":"Beitrag","date":"2016","personUuids":["269d56e0-023f-4400-a387-9fa418d94c75"],"tagline":["Beitrag"],"link":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/28829220/REPORT_NICARAGUA_COMPLETE_27052016.pdf"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"2016","type":"Beitrag","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/28829220/REPORT_NICARAGUA_COMPLETE_27052016.pdf","title":"Country_Report_No_1_NICARAGUA"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"2016","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/other","value":"Beitrag"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["269d56e0-023f-4400-a387-9fa418d94c75"]}],"subtitle":"Beitrag | 2016","urnLinks":["https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/28829220/REPORT_NICARAGUA_COMPLETE_27052016.pdf"],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2016","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","1b9d3c92-63ad-49fe-bb02-119e2a17eef4"],"personNames":["Martin Ostermeier"],"personUuids":["269d56e0-023f-4400-a387-9fa418d94c75"],"isForthcoming":false,"numberOfPages":30,"relatedProjectUuids":["2cad9826-8016-48db-9214-dd32a695445c"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2016-01-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["079a5072-79eb-4aa6-9eb1-72a24d3fc368",{"sys":{"id":"079a5072-79eb-4aa6-9eb1-72a24d3fc368","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Regional Powers in the Middle East: New Constellations after the Arab Revolts","path":"/de/publikationen/buecher/regional-powers-middle-east-constellations-arab-revolts/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/bookanthology/anthology","value":"Sammelband"},"type":"Sammelband","date":"2014","personUuids":["59929eaf-acde-4e78-aaef-e19d22a5ab1e"],"tagline":["The Modern Muslim World","Palgrave Macmillan"],"link":"https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137484758"},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137484758"],"date":"2014","type":"Sammelband","isbns":["978-1-137-48474-1","978-1-137-48475-8"],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"2014","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/bookanthology/anthology","value":"Sammelband"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"editor","value":"Herausgeber:in (Editor)"},"uuids":["59929eaf-acde-4e78-aaef-e19d22a5ab1e"]}],"subtitle":"Sammelband | Palgrave Macmillan | 2014","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2014","publisher":"Palgrave Macmillan","unitUuids":["351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23","ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d"],"seriesIssn":[],"personNames":["Henner Fürtig"],"personUuids":["59929eaf-acde-4e78-aaef-e19d22a5ab1e"],"seriesTitle":["The Modern Muslim World"],"seriesNumber":[],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"numberOfPages":232,"publicationLocation":"New York","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"56w9E3OITvGXTmIXBEJXNd","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Bücher (Teaser Image)","title":"Bild Bücher (Teaser Image)","altText":"Bild eines Bücherstapels","copyright":"Canetti","media":{"sys":{"id":"1dQIYxguF4o15G65gUgsET","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder","description":"(C) Canetti","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1dQIYxguF4o15G65gUgsET/68f7be766318a34808b1cebd0b1ee594/GIGA_placeholder-publications-books9_Copyright1.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1280,"height":853}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"1dQIYxguF4o15G65gUgsET","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder","description":"(C) Canetti","file":"$36:20:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Books","date":"2014-01-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["0813ecc4-6ae1-42e6-93bb-3fe0de54b6ee",{"sys":{"id":"0813ecc4-6ae1-42e6-93bb-3fe0de54b6ee","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Kriminalität und Gewalt untergraben Lateinamerikas Demokratien","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/kriminalitaet-und-gewalt-untergraben-lateinamerikas-demokratien/","dataTeaser":{"date":"5/2013","link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-355150","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","fc9dbd6a-712b-4a95-befa-cfb67416239f"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"2013","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/24481614/gf_lateinamerika_1305_0.pdf","title":"Text (pdf Deutsch)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"2013","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","fc9dbd6a-712b-4a95-befa-cfb67416239f"]}],"subtitle":"2013 | ISSN: 1862-3573","urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-355150"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2013","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3573"],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach","Christoph Heuser"],"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","fc9dbd6a-712b-4a95-befa-cfb67416239f"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"seriesNumber":["5"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","relatedProjectUuids":["13474af1-4adb-4158-9c0c-1c1b5ceb11c8"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"Lateinamerika gilt als eine der erfolgreichsten Regionen der dritten Demokratisierungswelle. Die demokratische Konsolidierung ist allerdings gefährdet: zum einen durch zunehmende organisierte Kriminalität und Gewalt, zum anderen durch den Einsatz des Militärs zu deren Bekämpfung. Hieran ändern auch…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"54x5cMQWph1qrHqWks4xkK","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Grafik Logo Focus Lateinamerika alt","title":"Bild Grafik Logo Focus Lateinamerika alt","altText":"Grafik Logo Focus Lateinamerika alt","copyright":"GIGA","media":{"sys":{"id":"4JdQbyWYynp4Z995GD6CUv","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Logo GIGA_Focus_Lateinamerika","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4JdQbyWYynp4Z995GD6CUv/ade972e6c2d6b0f7d7fb874413c66ca8/1_GIGA_Focus_Lateinamerika.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"4JdQbyWYynp4Z995GD6CUv","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Logo GIGA_Focus_Lateinamerika","file":"$36:21:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Latin America","date":"2013-01-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["0873dec9-3bff-47f3-b140-2941cd5e756b",{"sys":{"id":"0873dec9-3bff-47f3-b140-2941cd5e756b","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Roundtable: Erinnerungskultur und deutsche Lateinamerikapolitik im Kalten Krieg","dataTeaser":{"date":"05.2021","link":"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-CieW64P8OI (German) https://youtu.be/BOlFtN4pzlw (spanish version)","type":"Sonstiges","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/attendance/participating","value":"Beteiligung"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"panelist","value":"Panelbeitragende:r"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"Roundtable: Erinnerungskultur und deutsche Lateinamerikapolitik im Kalten Krieg","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"Roundtable: Cultures of Memory and German Latina America Policy during the Cold War"},"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"referencedEventUuid":"ecc112d6-3f16-4945-be85-92806c99e5ef"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","type":"Sonstiges","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/attendance/participating","value":"Beteiligung"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":["Memory","Colonia Dignidad","German Foreign Policy","Chile"]},"expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"referencedEventUuid":"ecc112d6-3f16-4945-be85-92806c99e5ef","date":"05.2021","links":[{"url":"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-CieW64P8OI (German) https://youtu.be/BOlFtN4pzlw (spanish version)"}],"eventName":"Roundtable: Erinnerungskultur und deutsche Lateinamerikapolitik im Kalten Krieg","roleMaps":[{"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"role":{"key":"panelist","value":"Panelbeitragende:r"}}],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2021-05-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/default-placeholder-lectures-all/6e93fae8e8970f3b16150c9301206310/Placeholder_Lectures_All-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1000}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["097d59fa-33f0-4acf-928b-551ebadf1590",{"sys":{"id":"097d59fa-33f0-4acf-928b-551ebadf1590","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"China’s Contradictory Role(s) in World Politics: Decrypting China's North Korea Strategy","path":"/de/publikationen/referierte-aufsaetze/china-s-contradictory-role-s-politics-decrypting-china-s-north-korea-strategy/","dataTeaser":{"date":"2014","link":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2014.926120","type":"Artikel","tagline":["Third World Quarterly"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["f084ea56-3fc8-4906-bd43-c55c5f13f7f8"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Artikel","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"subtitle":"Artikel | 2014","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"2014","dateShort":"2014","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2014.926120"],"personNames":["Nele Noesselt"],"dateLong":"2014","isbns":[],"issueNumber":"7","journal":"Third World Quarterly","pages":"1307-1325","urnLinks":[],"volume":"35","unitUuids":["351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23","97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b"],"personUuids":["f084ea56-3fc8-4906-bd43-c55c5f13f7f8"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["f084ea56-3fc8-4906-bd43-c55c5f13f7f8"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Articles","date":"2014-01-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-articles","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Articles","description":"(c) iStock / pinkomelet","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/default-placeholder-publications-articles/5ef02ce0e8f924965123ecb19feae8ed/Placeholder_Publications_Articles-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1334}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["099bb73a-6e30-4973-af9a-411fe2f9118b",{"sys":{"id":"099bb73a-6e30-4973-af9a-411fe2f9118b","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"La arriesgada jugada de El Salvador con China","dataTeaser":{"date":"17.11.2022","link":"https://p.dw.com/p/4JiLC","type":"Zitat","tagline":["Deutsche Welle","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

The new relationship between El Salvador and China. What are the potential risks for the Central American country and which consequences can be expected for the entire region?

En Alemania surgió un gran movimiento solidario con la Revolución Sandinista en Nicaragua en los años 80. Hoy, algunos representantes hacen autocrítica, ante un régimen autocrático que se perpetúa en el poder.

","personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"27.11.2024","type":"Zitat","links":[{"url":"https://p.dw.com/p/4nUq3 "}],"mediums":["Deutsche Welle"],"keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/nicaragua","title":"Nicaragua"}]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"1a1OlCIWcjLqwkpGi2XtgF","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Sept18 Nicaragua-s President Daniel Ortega and his wife, Vice President Rosario Murillo, lead a rally in Managua Alfredo Zuniga 493799471","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1a1OlCIWcjLqwkpGi2XtgF/a8e2995a8d244034afbf3ca674c1b362/GIGA_Sept18_Nicaragua-s_President_Daniel_Ortega_and_his_wife__Vice_President_Rosario_Murillo__lead_a_rally_in_Managua_Alfred.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2024-11-27T11:00:00.000Z"}}],["0a3bf9c1-cb37-461b-a466-a518e7855e7d",{"sys":{"id":"0a3bf9c1-cb37-461b-a466-a518e7855e7d","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Tracking Cocaine Paste: Patterns in Large-Scale Seizures: Visualizing Cocaine Paste Drug Seizures as Recorded by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/tracking-cocaine-paste-patterns-large-scale-seizures-visualizing-cocaine-paste-drug-seizures-recorded-united-nations-office-drugs-crime/","dataTeaser":{"date":"03.2025","type":"Infografik","tagline":["Infografik"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/nontextual/information_graphic","value":"Infografik"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"Focusing on cocaine paste (pasta básica) seizures, this visualization examines the scale, distribution, and concentration of large interdictions. By analyzing seizure sizes and geographic hotspots, it highlights key trafficking routes and the role of enforcement in disrupting supply flows.","personUuids":["c76d92d6-80a0-4c2b-b2a3-45c70c15feb8"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Infografik","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/nontextual/information_graphic","value":"Infografik"},"subtitle":"Infografik | 2025","keywords":{"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/latin_america","title":"Lateinamerika"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/europe/europe","title":"Europa"}],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"03.2025","dateShort":"2025","status":"Veröffentlicht","personNames":["Eduardo Valencia"],"dateLong":"März 2025","isbns":[],"unitUuids":["a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"],"personUuids":["c76d92d6-80a0-4c2b-b2a3-45c70c15feb8"],"relatedProjectUuids":["5f9b9ee4-b92d-4c88-b001-6c62902c912a"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["c76d92d6-80a0-4c2b-b2a3-45c70c15feb8"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"2uqVNfVMRhDplEFEWSYTqo","type":"Asset"},"title":"bubble cocaine seizures","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2uqVNfVMRhDplEFEWSYTqo/1dbbf521910f251d2a885fdc3893fe3f/bubble_cocaine_seizures.JPG","details":{"image":{"width":535,"height":466}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2025-03-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["0a66ab05-697f-4582-86dc-ff6d5bd31a4b",{"sys":{"id":"0a66ab05-697f-4582-86dc-ff6d5bd31a4b","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Whose ‘Freedom of Navigation’? Australia, China, the United States, and the Making of Order in the ‘Indo-Pacific’","path":"/de/publikationen/referierte-aufsaetze/freedom-navigation-australia-china-united-states-indo-pacific/","dataTeaser":{"date":"2019","link":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2018.1515788","type":"Artikel","tagline":["Pacific Review"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["6152df84-ebec-4d2d-a5d1-7e6d292682cf"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Artikel","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"subtitle":"Artikel | 2019","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"2019","dateShort":"2019","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2018.1515788"],"personNames":["Christian Wirth"],"dateLong":"2019","isbns":[],"issueNumber":"3","journal":"Pacific Review","pages":"475-504","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-62873-2"],"volume":"32","unitUuids":["351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23","97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b"],"personUuids":["6152df84-ebec-4d2d-a5d1-7e6d292682cf"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["6152df84-ebec-4d2d-a5d1-7e6d292682cf"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"79Iw2W1y5I439nIQKWTblO","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild referierte Artikel","title":"Bild referierte Artikel","altText":"Ein Stapel Zeitschriften","copyright":"iStock.com/ pinkomelet","media":{"sys":{"id":"3MVDYqgKxq8a8ZuszO7pV9","type":"Asset"},"title":"iStock-831942476","file":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3MVDYqgKxq8a8ZuszO7pV9","type":"Asset"},"title":"iStock-831942476","file":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Articles","date":"2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["0a85eaec-b2af-4f56-affd-5197bed6db7b",{"sys":{"id":"0a85eaec-b2af-4f56-affd-5197bed6db7b","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Current Political Challenges and Prospects in Central America","dataTeaser":{"date":"10.04.2025","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/consultancy/bilateral_exchange","value":"Bilateraler Austausch"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"consultant","value":"Berater:in"},"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","teaserText":"In a bilateral exchange with the incoming Konrad Adenauer Foundation regional representative based in Costa Rica, we addressed Central America's geopolitical role, drug trafficking dynamics, continental power struggles, the current situation at the Panama Canal, and upcoming elections in the region.","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"Bilateral Exchange as preparation for the new regional representative of the KAS in Costa Rica."},"personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"externalOrganisationUuid":"85fddde1-f567-40cd-9037-f2982dde591e"},"dataDetail":{"date":"10.04.2025","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/consultancy/bilateral_exchange","value":"Bilateraler Austausch"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"consultant","value":"Berater:in"},"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","expertUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"personNames":["Désirée Marlen Reder","Sabine Kurtenbach"],"externalOrganisationUuid":"85fddde1-f567-40cd-9037-f2982dde591e"},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Knowledge Transfer","date":"2025-04-10T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["0ab5cd81-54b6-4a88-a053-0301aae13f38",{"sys":{"id":"0ab5cd81-54b6-4a88-a053-0301aae13f38","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"War Economies: Common Traits and Implications for Lasting Peace","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/war-economies-common-traits-and-implications-for-lasting-peace/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","teaserText":"War economies are neither a new phenomenon nor a specific feature of the Global South. After the formal end of confrontations, war economies do not necessarily cease to exist. The chapter describes different types of war economies and discusses their implications for building lasting peace in transitional societies.","date":"11.2025","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","75fb44fb-52f6-41b3-8c0c-c213c0952a23"],"tagline":["Kapitel in Sammelband"],"link":"https://www.bloomsburycollections.com/encyclopedia-chapter?docid=b-9798881842390&tocid=b-9798881842390-chapter16&pdfid=9798881842390.ch-016.pdf "},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"subtitle":"Kapitel in Sammelband | Roman & Littlefield Publishers | 2025","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":["War Economies","Global South","Postwar","Peacebuilding"]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"11.2025","dateShort":"2025","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":[],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach","Angelika Rettberg"],"dateLong":"November 2025","hostEditorNames":["Siddharth Tripathi","Solveig Richter"],"hostTitle":"Handbook of Peace and Conflict Studies","isbns":["978-1-5381-4734-4","979-8-8818-4239-0"],"pages":"341–356","publicationLocation":"New York","publisher":"Roman & Littlefield Publishers","urnLinks":["https://www.bloomsburycollections.com/encyclopedia-chapter?docid=b-9798881842390&tocid=b-9798881842390-chapter16&pdfid=9798881842390.ch-016.pdf "],"unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","75fb44fb-52f6-41b3-8c0c-c213c0952a23"],"relatedProjectUuids":["13474af1-4adb-4158-9c0c-1c1b5ceb11c8"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","75fb44fb-52f6-41b3-8c0c-c213c0952a23"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2025-11-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["0ab91ce9-41c0-4979-a761-afec49cf3957",{"sys":{"id":"0ab91ce9-41c0-4979-a761-afec49cf3957","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"The Rationale of Repression. State-Violence in the Context of Mass Protests in Nicaragua","dataTeaser":{"date":"28.09.2020","link":"https://www.uni-mannheim.de/conflict-dynamics/past-workshops/workshop-2020/","type":"Workshop","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/paper_presentation","value":"Paperpräsentation"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"},"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"Workshop on Conflict Dynamics","personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"referencedEventUuid":"c52dcdf4-4f5f-417f-a122-7ae61ccfae12"},"dataDetail":{"date":"28.09.2020","type":"Workshop","links":[{"url":"https://www.uni-mannheim.de/conflict-dynamics/past-workshops/workshop-2020/"}],"pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/paper_presentation","value":"Paperpräsentation"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"},"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"Workshop on Conflict Dynamics","expertUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"personNames":["Désirée Reder"],"referencedEventUuid":"c52dcdf4-4f5f-417f-a122-7ae61ccfae12"},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2020-09-28T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["0abeb355-15ab-4f3d-a047-d90172554eb9",{"sys":{"id":"0abeb355-15ab-4f3d-a047-d90172554eb9","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Deutsche Influencer in Syrien","dataTeaser":{"date":"08.11.2022","link":"https://www1.wdr.de/mediathek/audio/wdr/0630bywdraktuell/index.html ","type":"Interview","tagline":["WDR - 0630 - der News Podcast","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Mit einer Einschätzung von Dr. André Bank: Wie deutsche Influencer in das Bürgerkriegsland Syrien gereist sind und warum sie damit indirekt das syrische Regime unterstützt haben (Minute 13:27).

","personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"08.11.2022","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www1.wdr.de/mediathek/audio/wdr/0630bywdraktuell/index.html "}],"mediums":["WDR - 0630 - der News Podcast"],"keywords":{"free":["Syria","war","dictatorship","Germany","influencers","Social Media"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"49oH6G48PZASTq3q4vdSI1","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Syrien April19 Aleppo religion war reuters RTX6RX4N OmarSanadiki","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/49oH6G48PZASTq3q4vdSI1/eed9df22620928d207c7a3d46637cdcd/GIGA_Syrien_April19_Aleppo_religion_war_reuters_RTX6RX4N_OmarSanadiki-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2022-11-08T11:00:00.000Z"}}],["0bd96435-7b14-4bb1-b9c9-b5cc875a7054",{"sys":{"id":"0bd96435-7b14-4bb1-b9c9-b5cc875a7054","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Seizures of Cocaine Powder: Patterns in Large-Scale Seizures","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/seizures-of-cocaine-powder-patterns-in-large-scale-seizures/","dataTeaser":{"date":"03.2025","type":"Infografik","tagline":["Infografik"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/nontextual/information_graphic","value":"Infografik"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"Cocaine hydrochloride is the final and most distributed form of cocaine. This visualization uses UNODC seizure data to show the scale, spread, and clustering of large interdictions, offering insight into global trafficking and enforcement patterns.","personUuids":["c76d92d6-80a0-4c2b-b2a3-45c70c15feb8"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"03.2025","type":"Infografik","isbns":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"März 2025","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/latin_america","title":"Lateinamerika"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/colombia","title":"Kolumbien"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/peru","title":"Peru"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/andean_region","title":"Andenregion"}]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/nontextual/information_graphic","value":"Infografik"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["c76d92d6-80a0-4c2b-b2a3-45c70c15feb8"]}],"subtitle":"Infografik | 2025","blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2025","unitUuids":["a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"],"personNames":["Eduardo Valencia"],"personUuids":["c76d92d6-80a0-4c2b-b2a3-45c70c15feb8"],"isForthcoming":false,"relatedProjectUuids":["5f9b9ee4-b92d-4c88-b001-6c62902c912a"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"2mAXjfXqRwBHuKQE47L7gG","type":"Asset"},"title":"seizures of cocaine powder - patterns in large scale seizures","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2mAXjfXqRwBHuKQE47L7gG/9b567bda21f7604d99a08c32ce4c68b8/large_seizures.png","details":{"image":{"width":856,"height":701}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2025-03-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["0c4b9f8f-0f23-47d2-a161-a5db029284e1",{"sys":{"id":"0c4b9f8f-0f23-47d2-a161-a5db029284e1","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Civil Society Under Attack: The Consequences for Horizontal Accountability Institutions","path":"/de/publikationen/referierte-aufsaetze/civil-society-attack-consequences-horizontal-accountability-institutions/","dataTeaser":{"date":"03.2025","link":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-023-09423-x","type":"Artikel","tagline":["Studies In Comparative International Development"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"This manuscript investigates how restrictions on CSOs affect the quality of horizontal accountability institutions like parliaments and courts. Our results imply that a crackdown on CSOs serves as a warning sign of deteriorating horizontal oversight.","personUuids":["0b3c21aa-e4b2-40db-a3f1-15eed36f9b00","5d0aea22-16e3-473a-b4a4-831f6b648a57","e7c2d41b-a439-4082-bfe6-a66022042591"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-023-09423-x"],"date":"03.2025","type":"Artikel","isbns":[],"links":[],"pages":"81–110","status":"Veröffentlicht","volume":"60","journal":"Studies In Comparative International Development","dateLong":"März 2025","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["0b3c21aa-e4b2-40db-a3f1-15eed36f9b00","5d0aea22-16e3-473a-b4a4-831f6b648a57","e7c2d41b-a439-4082-bfe6-a66022042591"]}],"subtitle":"Artikel | 2025","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2025","unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e"],"issueNumber":"1","personNames":["Hannah Smidt","Jessica Johansson","Thomas Richter"],"personUuids":["0b3c21aa-e4b2-40db-a3f1-15eed36f9b00","5d0aea22-16e3-473a-b4a4-831f6b648a57","e7c2d41b-a439-4082-bfe6-a66022042591"],"isForthcoming":false,"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"10FHeWUpfzWAIgeIbPJEvE","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Feb10 demonstration in the streets of Nairobi over corruption REUTERS Noor Khamis GM1E62H1RUA01","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/10FHeWUpfzWAIgeIbPJEvE/26161cead937023976d0eb4d3c535476/GIGA_Feb10_demonstration_in_the_streets_of_Nairobi_over_corruption_REUTERS_Noor_Khamis_GM1E62H1RUA01.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Articles","date":"2025-03-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["0ccafadb-9549-42e9-b9c1-a7a47ce692f9",{"sys":{"id":"0ccafadb-9549-42e9-b9c1-a7a47ce692f9","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"\"Narco-Subs\": Wenn U-Boote Drogen schmuggeln","dataTeaser":{"date":"18.06.2025","link":"https://www.zdfheute.de/panorama/kokain-drogen-suedamerika-europa-u-boot-narco-sub-100.html","type":"Interview","tagline":["ZDF","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Janaina Maldonado was interviewed by ZDF about the transnational drug trafficking routes connecting Europe and Latin America.

","personUuids":["ffcf4da3-7d7c-47cb-a913-e46693a239c8"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"18.06.2025","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.zdfheute.de/panorama/kokain-drogen-suedamerika-europa-u-boot-narco-sub-100.html"}],"mediums":["ZDF"],"keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/latin_america","title":"Lateinamerika"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/europe/europe","title":"Europa"}]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["ffcf4da3-7d7c-47cb-a913-e46693a239c8"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2025-06-18T12:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["0cea50c5-b6af-437d-b798-1366edc97da8",{"sys":{"id":"0cea50c5-b6af-437d-b798-1366edc97da8","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Venezuela: Deutschland als Statist in der hinteren Reihe","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"CLIPPING","pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"type":"Interview","tagline":["Deutsche Welle","Interview"],"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"date":"23.02.2019","link":"https://p.dw.com/p/3Dtpw"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"CLIPPING","type":"Interview","pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"links":[{"url":"https://p.dw.com/p/3Dtpw"}],"date":"23.02.2019","mediums":["Deutsche Welle"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2019-02-23T12:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["0d323338-1ac2-4659-8b67-b135ca4e8c89",{"sys":{"id":"0d323338-1ac2-4659-8b67-b135ca4e8c89","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"The entanglement of peace in Colombia","dataTeaser":{"date":"31.01.2021","link":"https://www.unpasquin.com/2021/01/la-comunidad-internacional-tiene-dudas-sobre-que-quieren-los-colombianos-en-materia-de-paz/","type":"Interview","tagline":["Un Pasquin","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","personUuids":["1dcbde09-7db3-46a7-980c-a512d350c8be","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"31.01.2021","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.unpasquin.com/2021/01/la-comunidad-internacional-tiene-dudas-sobre-que-quieren-los-colombianos-en-materia-de-paz/"}],"mediums":["Un Pasquin"],"keywords":{"free":["Colombia","Peace","Conflict"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["1dcbde09-7db3-46a7-980c-a512d350c8be","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"7INWM8pe8cm5LVVp5FNyEe","type":"Asset"},"title":"Presse Zuschnitt Intro A","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/7INWM8pe8cm5LVVp5FNyEe/8b657c9b774622fd242fcd0a1f0f20e1/Presse_Zuschnitt_Intro_A-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":869}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2021-01-31T11:00:00.000Z"}}],["0d429d30-027d-4e3c-abc9-f18432ce2b40",{"sys":{"id":"0d429d30-027d-4e3c-abc9-f18432ce2b40","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Studienpreis für Heidelberger Dissertation: Vom Bürgerkrieg zum Frieden","dataTeaser":{"date":"11.12.2017","link":"https://www.rnz.de/politik/hintergrund_artikel,-studienpreis-fuer-heidelberger-dissertation-vom-buergerkrieg-zum-frieden-_arid,322777.html","type":"Interview","tagline":["Rhein-Neckar-Zeitung","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","personUuids":["7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"11.12.2017","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.rnz.de/politik/hintergrund_artikel,-studienpreis-fuer-heidelberger-dissertation-vom-buergerkrieg-zum-frieden-_arid,322777.html"}],"mediums":["Rhein-Neckar-Zeitung"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"],"mediaFormats":[]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2017-12-11T11:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["0d4a8d0b-0916-4160-bad3-77ce77fcad8e",{"sys":{"id":"0d4a8d0b-0916-4160-bad3-77ce77fcad8e","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Trade Multilateralism in Crisis: Limitations of Current Debates on Reforming the WTO, and Why a Game-Changer Is Necessary","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/trade-multilateralism-crisis-limitations-current-debates-reforming-wto-game-changer/","dataTeaser":{"date":"05.2019","link":"https://doi.org/10.14217/7c29d45e-en","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","tagline":["Kapitel in Sammelband"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["efeac3d7-2c4c-49ea-9080-94703d214d2f"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"subtitle":"Kapitel in Sammelband | Commonwealth Secretariat | 2019","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"05.2019","dateShort":"2019","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.14217/7c29d45e-en"],"personNames":["Amrita Narlikar"],"dateLong":"Mai 2019","hostEditorNames":["Teddy Y. Soobramanien","Brendan Vickers","Hilary Enos-Edu"],"hostTitle":"WTO Reform - Reshaping Global Trade Governance for 21st Century Challenges","isbns":["978-1-84929-186-6","978-1-84859-977-2"],"pages":"21-31","publicationLocation":"London","publisher":"Commonwealth Secretariat","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-80567-3"],"unitUuids":["1b9d3c92-63ad-49fe-bb02-119e2a17eef4","97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b"],"personUuids":["efeac3d7-2c4c-49ea-9080-94703d214d2f"],"relatedProjectUuids":["3963f103-eb2f-4481-a38d-d365cae0d119","207dd7c0-cd22-4aa2-976e-e2748f79e103","27b6443c-e166-41e0-9b75-98221e18914f"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["efeac3d7-2c4c-49ea-9080-94703d214d2f"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"7EL3PR1atPREGQCIAPrxYN","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:13:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Contributions","title":"Bild Contributions","media":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"},"altText":"Foto von Rand offener Buchseiten","copyright":"istock / FactoryTh"}}],"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2019-05-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["0d5c17d1-a817-42d7-a415-c9a99e0130b9",{"sys":{"id":"0d5c17d1-a817-42d7-a415-c9a99e0130b9","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Nicaragua kopiert Putins Gesetze","dataTeaser":{"date":"14.03.2024","link":"https://plus.rtl.de/podcast/wirtschaft-welt-und-weit-t4tud9689p67v/nicaragua-kopiert-putins-gesetze-fgqsmkb6bjdso","type":"Weitere","tagline":["Wirtschaft Welt und Weit-Podcast","Weitere"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/other","value":"Weitere"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Wie genau also lernen autokratische Herrscher voneinander? Und wie gefährlich ist das? Darüber diskutiert Host Andrea Sellmann mit GIGA-Forscherin Désirée Reder und Elisabeth Maigler Kluesserath, die für die Friedrich-Naumann-Stiftung mit Regimekritikern im Exil in Kontakt steht.

","personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"14.03.2024","type":"Weitere","links":[{"url":"https://plus.rtl.de/podcast/wirtschaft-welt-und-weit-t4tud9689p67v/nicaragua-kopiert-putins-gesetze-fgqsmkb6bjdso"}],"mediums":["Wirtschaft Welt und Weit-Podcast"],"keywords":{"free":["Nicaragua","Autocratic Learning","Repression","Authoritarian Regimes","Authoritarianism","Media","Civil Society"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/other","value":"Weitere"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"mediaFormats":["Sonstige"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"4irbpBA6WpbD7ztFOm2dwp","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA March30 Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov meets with Nicaraguan Foreign Minister Denis Moncada in Moscow Reuters POOL New","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4irbpBA6WpbD7ztFOm2dwp/42b6cdd543546dac5b68d9c62b12cae5/GIGA_March30_Russian_Foreign_Minister_Sergei_Lavrov_meets_with_Nicaraguan_Foreign_Minister_Denis_Moncada_in_Moscow_Reuters_P.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Other","date":"2024-03-14T12:00:00.000Z"}}],["0dd729a3-2e70-4b63-82f5-02d193e42c35",{"sys":{"id":"0dd729a3-2e70-4b63-82f5-02d193e42c35","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Venezuela: la división de la oposición ayuda a perpetuar el régimen","dataTeaser":{"date":"31.08.2020","link":" https://p.dw.com/p/3hsak","type":"Zitat","tagline":["Deutsche Welle","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"01.09.2020 | 31.08.2020","type":"Zitat","links":[{"url":" https://p.dw.com/p/3hsak"},{"url":"https://p.dw.com/p/3hpXG"}],"mediums":["Deutsche Welle","Deutsche Welle"],"keywords":{"free":["Venezuela","opposition"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Web","Web"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2020-09-01T10:00:00.000Z::2020-08-31T10:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["0e76215f-57cb-436f-9a9e-c8f6fee0fb48",{"sys":{"id":"0e76215f-57cb-436f-9a9e-c8f6fee0fb48","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Cómo Controlar el Desequilibrio del Poder?","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/blog_article","value":"Blogbeitrag"},"type":"Blogbeitrag","teaserText":"According to the concept of democratic backsliding, a common strategy of authoritarian leaders is the inversion of democratic institutions. Instead of protecting fundamental rights and democratic values, institutions are used to maintain their political domination.

In Nicaragua, such a concentration of power in favor of President Daniel Ortega and his wife favored the creation of a police state. In this context, state agents who have been accused of serious human rights violations and crimes against humanity remain impunity.

Faced with this scenario of captured institutions, we ask: are there still mechanisms for the protection of human rights and democratic norms?","date":"10.2021","personUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"tagline":["Blogbeitrag"],"link":"https://agendaestadodederecho.com/como-controlar-el-desequilibrio-del-poder/"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Blogbeitrag","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/blog_article","value":"Blogbeitrag"},"subtitle":"Blogbeitrag | Agenda Estado de Derecho | 2021","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":["Nicaragua"]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"d799e849-0eac-4d6d-8ab5-d171721e7124","isForthcoming":false,"date":"10.2021","dateShort":"2021","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":[],"personNames":["Alina Ripplinger"],"dateLong":"Oktober 2021","isbns":[],"publisher":"Agenda Estado de Derecho","urnLinks":["https://agendaestadodederecho.com/como-controlar-el-desequilibrio-del-poder/"],"unitUuids":[],"personUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions [NON-GIGA]","date":"2021-10-05T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["0eb77e25-f437-4d71-b84e-62926dcb1f17",{"sys":{"id":"0eb77e25-f437-4d71-b84e-62926dcb1f17","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"The Salvadoran Discourse of Violence: Between Path-dependence and Strategic Securitization","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/paper_presentation","value":"Paperpräsentation"},"type":"Konferenz","eventName":"Security and Criminality in the Americas: Governing the Unruly","date":"03.06.2019","link":"https://www.lac.ox.ac.uk/event/conference-security-and-criminality-in-the-americas-governing-the-unruly","personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"}}],"referencedEventUuid":"fc68524e-f2ac-42bc-97b8-cb91405be6e7"},"dataDetail":{"date":"03.06.2019","type":"Konferenz","links":[{"url":"https://www.lac.ox.ac.uk/event/conference-security-and-criminality-in-the-americas-governing-the-unruly"},{"url":"https://www.lac.ox.ac.uk/files/shortprogrammefullpdf"}],"pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/paper_presentation","value":"Paperpräsentation"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"},"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"Security and Criminality in the Americas: Governing the Unruly","expertUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"personNames":["Désirée Reder"],"referencedEventUuid":"fc68524e-f2ac-42bc-97b8-cb91405be6e7"},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2019-06-03T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["0effb5b6-11d7-4407-86a3-29b5689c2399",{"sys":{"id":"0effb5b6-11d7-4407-86a3-29b5689c2399","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Development, Peacebuilding, and Women’s Agency in Northeast India","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/development-peacebuilding-and-women-s-agency-in-northeast-india/","dataTeaser":{"date":"5/2024","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-24052","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Frieden und Entwicklung in Nordostindien sind der Schlüssel für Indiens Vision stärkerer politischer, gesellschaftlicher und wirtschaftlicher Beziehungen in Asien. Für einen dauerhaften Frieden sollten lokale Akteure in formale Friedensprozesse einbezogen werden, allen voran Frauen, die an der Basis eine aktive Rolle spielen.","personUuids":["d3968a98-c3b0-488b-9cdf-6c0edc9396ff"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-24052"],"date":"06.2024","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Juni 2024","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/asia/India","title":"Indien"}]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["d3968a98-c3b0-488b-9cdf-6c0edc9396ff"]}],"subtitle":"2024 | ISSN: 1862-359X","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2024","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-359X"],"personNames":["Amrita Saikia"],"personUuids":["d3968a98-c3b0-488b-9cdf-6c0edc9396ff"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"seriesNumber":["5"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":true,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"14ZZXjggDKjGIb5Kq4QCZE","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2024_05 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/14ZZXjggDKjGIb5Kq4QCZE/f8c7b86a25b02c7aa1118c9e08bb818e/Bild_GIGA_Focus_Asien_2024_05__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Asia","date":"2024-06-10T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["1018d6e2-b25c-45b7-acee-d52c8652a0aa",{"sys":{"id":"1018d6e2-b25c-45b7-acee-d52c8652a0aa","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Migranten in Mexiko: Sie gehen","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"CLIPPING","pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"type":"Zitat","tagline":["Zeit Online","Zitat"],"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"date":"26.10.2018","link":"https://www.zeit.de/politik/ausland/2018-10/migranten-mexiko-zentralamerika-fluechtlinge-usa-donald-trump/komplettansicht"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"CLIPPING","type":"Zitat","pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"links":[{"url":"https://www.zeit.de/politik/ausland/2018-10/migranten-mexiko-zentralamerika-fluechtlinge-usa-donald-trump/komplettansicht"}],"date":"26.10.2018","mediums":["Zeit Online"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"7INWM8pe8cm5LVVp5FNyEe","type":"Asset"},"title":"Presse Zuschnitt Intro A","file":"$36:37:1:fields:teaserImage:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2018-10-26T12:00:00.000Z"}}],["108cac2d-07a9-4a97-8272-5b037d1ae2f4",{"sys":{"id":"108cac2d-07a9-4a97-8272-5b037d1ae2f4","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Katholischer Weltjugendtag in Panama: Der Jugend in Lateinamerika eine Stimme geben","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"CLIPPING","pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"type":"Interview","tagline":["Deutschlandfunk Kultur","Interview"],"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"date":"20.01.2019","link":"https://www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de/katholischer-weltjugendtag-in-panama-der-jugend-in.1278.de.html?dram:article_id=438755"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"CLIPPING","type":"Interview","pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"links":[{"url":"https://www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de/katholischer-weltjugendtag-in-panama-der-jugend-in.1278.de.html?dram:article_id=438755"}],"date":"20.01.2019","mediums":["Deutschlandfunk Kultur"],"mediaFormats":["Radio"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2019-01-20T12:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["11528e2f-29c2-419c-b7a8-1e441e9ba0a3",{"sys":{"id":"11528e2f-29c2-419c-b7a8-1e441e9ba0a3","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"How did Syria's rebels manage to topple Assad?","dataTeaser":{"date":"10.12.2024","link":"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IGm1onKD1zc","type":"Interview","tagline":["Reuters","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

While the speed of the toppling of Assad in only ten days was surprising, the structural weakness of the regime and the increasing strength of the rebel forces were not, says Dr. André Bank from the GIGA Institute for Middle East Studies.

","personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"10.12.2024","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IGm1onKD1zc"}],"mediums":["Reuters"],"keywords":{"free":["Syria","Assad","rebels","transition","HTS","Regime Change"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2024-12-10T11:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["11572dec-f9d5-4d9e-bf7e-2fc08c522093",{"sys":{"id":"11572dec-f9d5-4d9e-bf7e-2fc08c522093","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Disengagement from China: United States and European Union Policies Compared","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/disengagement-from-china-united-states-european-union-policies-compared/","dataTeaser":{"date":"1/2023","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-23012","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Ein Vergleich der Chinapolitik der USA und der EU macht die zunehmenden Unterschiede deutlich. So ist die US-Politik auf Wettbewerb und nationale Sicherheit sowie die Erneuerung der globalen Führungsrolle fixiert, während die EU für eine Kooperation mit China grundsätzlich offen bleibt.","personUuids":["397122e7-a9be-4476-aeb3-3e7180ac77d5"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2023 | ISSN: 1862-359X","keywords":{"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/asia/China","title":"China"}],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"01.2023","dateShort":"2023","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-23012"],"personNames":["Margot Schüller"],"dateLong":"Januar 2023","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-85232-2"],"unitUuids":["351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23","97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b"],"seriesNumber":["1"],"seriesIssn":["1862-359X"],"useDynamicPdf":true,"personUuids":["397122e7-a9be-4476-aeb3-3e7180ac77d5"],"relatedProjectUuids":["9860d792-11ad-4a99-b424-27163eb67f54","d51f04aa-9ca5-403f-a564-035d85649f97"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["397122e7-a9be-4476-aeb3-3e7180ac77d5"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3NL69iAVzIzsZbX7e9KvHO","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2023_01 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3NL69iAVzIzsZbX7e9KvHO/5192a3feed0d3377fa17ef5dcccef9b7/Bild_GIGA_Focus_Asien_2023_01__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Asia","date":"2023-01-26T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["115ae7cf-cbf7-4402-86a3-da5aa92ade28",{"sys":{"id":"115ae7cf-cbf7-4402-86a3-da5aa92ade28","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Juicios masivos en El Salvador y otros casos en la historia","dataTeaser":{"date":"02.08.2023","link":"https://p.dw.com/p/4UhhV","type":"Zitat","tagline":["Deutsche Welle","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Los juicios masivos que anunció Nayib Bukele en El Salvador tienen antecedentes históricos, pero algunos de ellos representan claras violaciones contra los derechos humanos, según expertos.

","personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"02.08.2023","type":"Zitat","links":[{"url":"https://p.dw.com/p/4UhhV"}],"mediums":["Deutsche Welle"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2023-08-02T10:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["11abc6db-7016-40e1-a917-e72fb9233248",{"sys":{"id":"11abc6db-7016-40e1-a917-e72fb9233248","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Why El Salvador's murder rate has surged","dataTeaser":{"date":"30.03.2022","link":"https://p.dw.com/p/49EX3 ","type":"Zitat","tagline":["Deutsche Welle (DW)","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

President Nayib Bukele has imposed a state of emergency for 30 days as El Salvador grapples with a sudden increase in slayings. Could an alleged soured pact between the government and notorious gangs be the reason?

","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"727iPjwMucw0Nq0JQakOXz","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA El Salvador Feb2014 gang members behind bars of cells imago 0154042791 Jan Sochor","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/727iPjwMucw0Nq0JQakOXz/469ab5296b83becb72511f4ff7b1d36f/GIGA_El_Salvador_Feb2014_gang_members_behind_bars_of_cells_imago_0154042791_Jan_Sochor.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2022-03-30T10:00:00.000Z"}}],["11d1f71b-51db-40fa-88be-e737f09b84d2",{"sys":{"id":"11d1f71b-51db-40fa-88be-e737f09b84d2","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Opinion: Nepal hopes upcoming elections will bring stability","dataTeaser":{"date":"25.11.2017","link":"http://p.dw.com/p/2o9YV","type":"Zitat","tagline":["Deutsche Welle","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","personUuids":["7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"25.11.2017","type":"Zitat","links":[{"url":"http://p.dw.com/p/2o9YV"}],"mediums":["Deutsche Welle"],"keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"],"mediaFormats":[]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2017-11-25T11:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["13370794-d9da-489a-8d7e-660f098c2161",{"sys":{"id":"13370794-d9da-489a-8d7e-660f098c2161","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Participant democracy, social movements and non-violent resistance","dataTeaser":{"date":"25.05.2021","link":"http://www.icip.cat/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Programa_Cicle.pdf","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/invited_talk","value":"Geladener Gastvortrag"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"part of a cicle of conferences onconfronting violence from a peacebuilding perspective in Latin América"},"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"externalOrganisationUuid":"31ac45b5-daa2-49ca-afc4-d8acb95f2471"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/invited_talk","value":"Geladener Gastvortrag"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":["Latin America","violence","peacebuilding"]},"expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"externalOrganisationUuid":"31ac45b5-daa2-49ca-afc4-d8acb95f2471","date":"25.05.2021","links":[{"url":"http://www.icip.cat/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Programa_Cicle.pdf"},{"url":"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6sYfFT6ACmE&t=1s"}],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"}}],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2021-05-25T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["1372f255-682d-4414-bc97-15e2b03f6427",{"sys":{"id":"1372f255-682d-4414-bc97-15e2b03f6427","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Eindrücke aus der syrischen Hauptstadt: Kommt jetzt das bessere Leben?","dataTeaser":{"date":"24.12.2024","link":"https://taz.de/Eindruecke-aus-der-syrischen-Hauptstadt/!6052402/","type":"Zitat","tagline":["taz. Die Tageszeitung","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Schlangestehen vor den Banken, \"Allahu Akbar\"-Rufe vor den Bars. Zwei Wochen nach der Befreiung ist die Stimmung in Damaskus ambivalent.

","personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"24.12.2024","type":"Zitat","links":[{"url":"https://taz.de/Eindruecke-aus-der-syrischen-Hauptstadt/!6052402/"}],"mediums":["taz. Die Tageszeitung"],"keywords":{"free":["Syrien","Reform","Transition","Zivilgesellschaft","Bevölkerung"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"],"mediaFormats":["Druck"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2024-12-24T11:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["13ba408f-1f75-4f27-ae58-3bb725472462",{"sys":{"id":"13ba408f-1f75-4f27-ae58-3bb725472462","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Making and Breaking Proxy Relationships in Syria","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/making-and-breaking-proxy-relationships-in-syria/","dataTeaser":{"date":"07.2020","link":"https://www.pwinitiative.org/makingandbreakingproxyties","type":"Blogbeitrag","tagline":["Proxy Wars Initiative"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/blog_article","value":"Blogbeitrag"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Blogbeitrag","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/blog_article","value":"Blogbeitrag"},"subtitle":"Blogbeitrag | Proxy Wars Initiative | 2020","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":["Syria, Proxy, Russia, Iran, Turkey, Qatar"]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"07.2020","dateShort":"2020","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":[],"personNames":["André Bank"],"dateLong":"Juli 2020","isbns":[],"numberOfPages":3,"publisher":"Proxy Wars Initiative","seriesTitle":["Proxy Wars Initiative"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":["https://www.pwinitiative.org/makingandbreakingproxyties"],"unitUuids":["ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesNumber":[],"seriesIssn":[],"personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"],"relatedProjectUuids":["87ff5f61-6c1f-4d26-8b22-6ce54b06ba7b","02740f7e-3857-427b-b1ca-bac41774a117"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"7EL3PR1atPREGQCIAPrxYN","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:13:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Contributions","title":"Bild Contributions","media":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"},"altText":"Foto von Rand offener Buchseiten","copyright":"istock / FactoryTh"}}],"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2020-07-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["13d44e93-e3c8-4928-b935-956431fa9295",{"sys":{"id":"13d44e93-e3c8-4928-b935-956431fa9295","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Brazilian nuclear policy under Bolsonaro: no nuclear weapons, but a nuclear submarine","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/brazilian-nuclear-policy-bolsonaro-nuclear-weapons-nuclear-submarine/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/other","value":"Beitrag"},"type":"Beitrag","date":"04.2019","personUuids":["c2485d83-8c32-4ead-9dd0-da02dcd61426"],"tagline":["Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists"],"link":"https://thebulletin.org/2019/04/brazilian-nuclear-policy-under-bolsonaro/"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"04.2019","type":"Beitrag","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"April 2019","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/other","value":"Beitrag"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["c2485d83-8c32-4ead-9dd0-da02dcd61426"]}],"subtitle":"Beitrag | Routledge | 2019","urnLinks":["https://thebulletin.org/2019/04/brazilian-nuclear-policy-under-bolsonaro/"],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2019","publisher":"Routledge","unitUuids":["351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23","adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b"],"seriesIssn":[],"personNames":["Leonardo Bandarra"],"personUuids":["c2485d83-8c32-4ead-9dd0-da02dcd61426"],"seriesTitle":["Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists"],"seriesNumber":[],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2019-04-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["13ef680d-5612-44cd-ba7b-2f1513a9b120",{"sys":{"id":"13ef680d-5612-44cd-ba7b-2f1513a9b120","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"G20: The Global South’s New Status-Seeking Platform?","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/g20-the-global-south-s-new-status-seeking-platform/","dataTeaser":{"date":"7/2022","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfgl-22072","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Global"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Die G20 wird zusehends zu einem Forum der Krisenbewältigung. Schwellenländer, wie Indien oder die Türkei, nutzen die Institution auch zur Statusverbesserung. Die Politiker und Politikerinnen müssen diese außenpolitischen Dynamiken verstehen.","personUuids":["4a5c8bff-f340-45be-a93c-6e0cd7868752","65744797-9fba-4c2a-8df9-af24893b2787","e216821d-4f25-4af1-92d4-ead4bda457e3","e540c5ee-f562-4454-a96d-8f6716c4327d"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2022 | ISSN: 1862-3581","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"12.2022","dateShort":"2022","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfgl-22072"],"personNames":["Sharinee Jagtiani","Clemens Hoffmann","Miriam Prys-Hansen","Ali Bilgic"],"dateLong":"Dezember 2022","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Global"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-83636-2"],"unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesNumber":["7"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3581"],"useDynamicPdf":true,"personUuids":["4a5c8bff-f340-45be-a93c-6e0cd7868752","65744797-9fba-4c2a-8df9-af24893b2787","e216821d-4f25-4af1-92d4-ead4bda457e3","e540c5ee-f562-4454-a96d-8f6716c4327d"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["4a5c8bff-f340-45be-a93c-6e0cd7868752","65744797-9fba-4c2a-8df9-af24893b2787","e216821d-4f25-4af1-92d4-ead4bda457e3","e540c5ee-f562-4454-a96d-8f6716c4327d"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"7ECI7Goz3rkBeSzDABYb8y","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Forum The Global Politics of Status","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/7ECI7Goz3rkBeSzDABYb8y/8bf814979329ff38723ec7b833e0463d/Bild_GIGA_Forum_The_Global_Politics_of_Status-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Global","date":"2022-12-15T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["14915992-3bd9-4ce3-a5a9-700b662f293f",{"sys":{"id":"14915992-3bd9-4ce3-a5a9-700b662f293f","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Facing the Stress Test: Courts and Executives during the COVID-19 Pandemic","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/facing-the-stress-test-courts-and-executives-during-the-covid-19-pandemic/","dataTeaser":{"date":"6/2022","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfla-22062","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"In der Ausnahmesituation der COVID-19-Pandemie haben die Obersten Gerichte in fast allen Ländern möglichem Machtmissbrauch der Exekutive Grenzen gesetzt. Illiberale Präsidenten können die Unabhängigkeit der Justiz jedoch untergraben, wenn sie von der Legislative unterstützt werden.","personUuids":["5c038f0f-efcf-40a3-9fb3-ddb12e3deda4","c1b94603-a2d4-4f71-abdc-e1eeb2fa47cf"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2022 | ISSN: 1862-3573","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"12.2022","dateShort":"2022","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfla-22062"],"personNames":["Mariana Llanos","Cordula Tibi Weber"],"dateLong":"Dezember 2022","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-83508-2"],"unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e"],"seriesNumber":["6"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3573"],"useDynamicPdf":true,"personUuids":["5c038f0f-efcf-40a3-9fb3-ddb12e3deda4","c1b94603-a2d4-4f71-abdc-e1eeb2fa47cf"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["5c038f0f-efcf-40a3-9fb3-ddb12e3deda4","c1b94603-a2d4-4f71-abdc-e1eeb2fa47cf"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"4ShFqHSjxbPjcejfu6Y09Q","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2022_06 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4ShFqHSjxbPjcejfu6Y09Q/f783ff8e0445993a312b1810996266ec/Bild_GIGA_Focus_Lateinamerika_2022_06__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Latin America","date":"2022-12-09T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["14b5b062-bf53-4eec-9acf-483da8d1c255",{"sys":{"id":"14b5b062-bf53-4eec-9acf-483da8d1c255","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Deutsche Welle: Venezuela und der Iran - Partner unter Druck","dataTeaser":{"date":"23.02.2025","link":"https://www.dw.com/de/venezuela-und-der-iran-partner-unter-druck/a-71665334","type":"Zitat","tagline":["Deutsche Welle online","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Venezuela und der Iran sind seit langem wirtschaftlich und ideologisch eng miteinander verbunden. Sie teilen einen anti-westlichen Kurs. Offen ist, wie sich das entschiedene Vorgehen der Trump-Regierung in Richtung Venezuela und Iran auf das Verhältnis der beiden Staaten zueinander auswirkt.

","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"23.02.2025","type":"Zitat","links":[{"url":"https://www.dw.com/de/venezuela-und-der-iran-partner-unter-druck/a-71665334"}],"mediums":["Deutsche Welle online"],"keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/venezuela","title":"Venezuela"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/mena/Iran","title":"Iran"}]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"30apnCGRJ4erDOdzNFLkbU","type":"Asset"},"title":"Menschen schwenken Fähnchen von Iran und Venezuela zur Begrüßung des iranischen Präsidenten Raisi während seines Treffens mit dem venezolanischen Staatschef Maduro.","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/30apnCGRJ4erDOdzNFLkbU/5da7cd3e5cf92d43d08289bf43ff9580/Menschen_schwenken_Fähnchen_von_Iran_und_Venezuela_zur_Begrüßung_des_iranischen_Präsidenten_Raisi_während_seines_Treffens_mi.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2025-02-23T12:00:00.000Z"}}],["14d46366-0dd9-4bcd-a5b3-70778f71d6ca",{"sys":{"id":"14d46366-0dd9-4bcd-a5b3-70778f71d6ca","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Dr. James Powell","path":"/de/das-giga/team/powell-james/","dataTeaser":{"sort":"Powell","type":"Staff","mails":["james.powell@giga-hamburg.de"],"phones":["+49 (40) 42825-721"],"tagline":["English Copyeditor"],"pureType":{},"blueprint":"PERSON"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"67nsF1cBQdsQ5GRZDpPOfH","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild James Powell","title":"Bild James Powell","altText":"Bild von James Powell","copyright":"James Powell","media":{"sys":{"id":"5DyDn49YDFT82I0UmJGTWR","type":"Asset"},"title":"james-powell","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5DyDn49YDFT82I0UmJGTWR/08237a1c982f057175573a1198df52cd/james-powell.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1175,"height":1500}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"5DyDn49YDFT82I0UmJGTWR","type":"Asset"},"title":"james-powell","file":"$36:59:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Persons - AS - Communications Department"}}],["15db3a70-48d0-47ab-9b5b-92f751ed207d",{"sys":{"id":"15db3a70-48d0-47ab-9b5b-92f751ed207d","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Covid-19 and the Dynamics of Violence in Colombia and Syria","dataTeaser":{"date":"05.12.2022","link":"https://story.giga-set.info/covdyn/index.html","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/paper_presentation","value":"Paperpräsentation"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","teaserText":"How does the Covid-19 pandemic influence the dynamics of violence in Colombia and Syria.","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"Conference of the VW Foundations "},"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"externalOrganisationUuid":"7b4426df-9ee2-482d-989c-dc57c832165d"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/paper_presentation","value":"Paperpräsentation"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"externalOrganisationUuid":"7b4426df-9ee2-482d-989c-dc57c832165d","date":"05.12.2022","links":[{"url":"https://story.giga-set.info/covdyn/index.html"}],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"}}],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2022-12-05T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["1644c05c-da1c-4bca-8cfc-c73f4573b310",{"sys":{"id":"1644c05c-da1c-4bca-8cfc-c73f4573b310","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Cuba, Nicaragua, Venezuela… ¿por qué no hay rebelión armada?","dataTeaser":{"date":"20.01.2025","link":"https://www.dw.com/es/cuba-nicaragua-venezuela-por-qu%C3%A9-no-hay-rebeli%C3%B3n-armada/a-71354143","type":"Zitat","tagline":["Deutsche Welle","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"20.01.2025","type":"Zitat","links":[{"url":"https://www.dw.com/es/cuba-nicaragua-venezuela-por-qu%C3%A9-no-hay-rebeli%C3%B3n-armada/a-71354143"}],"mediums":["Deutsche Welle"],"keywords":{"free":["protest","repression","armed conflict","nonviolence"],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/cuba","title":"Kuba"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/nicaragua","title":"Nicaragua"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/venezuela","title":"Venezuela"}]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2025-01-20T11:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["16D5T9gDse2tLMHnJ7Fmz3",{"sys":{"id":"16D5T9gDse2tLMHnJ7Fmz3","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Infografik \"How to deal with NSAAs\"","title":"Infografik \"How to deal with NSAAs\"","media":{"sys":{"id":"5JNwolSdQ0ruwZz7GtKSUL","type":"Asset"},"title":"How to deal with NSAAs","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5JNwolSdQ0ruwZz7GtKSUL/e0763b3d5782fba6d1a3b1913fc79556/How_to_deal_with_NSAAs.png","details":{"image":{"width":7016,"height":4961}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Infografik \"How to deal with non-state armed actors\"","copyright":"GIGA / Marika Haustein 2023","withZoom":true}}],["16iSRzOf6cdxV1sG7H0gbe",{"sys":{"id":"16iSRzOf6cdxV1sG7H0gbe","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik GIGA Focus Global_2016_02_1","title":"Grafik GIGA Focus Global_2016_02_1","altText":"Grafik Variation von Flüchtlingsbewegungen nach Kriegsende","copyright":"Autoren","caption":"Grafik 1.\nVariation von Flüchtlingsbewegungen nach Kriegsende\nAnmerkung: In der linken Abbildung zeigen die Datenpunkte die Zahl der Flüchtlinge im ersten und fünften Nachkriegsjahr. Die roten Linien kennzeichnen einen Rückgang, die blauen einen Anstieg der Flüchtlinge. Die rechte Abbildung verdeutlicht die Verteilung der Flüchtlinge für alle Länder in jedem Nachkriegsjahr. Die Datenpunkte beziehen sich auf Flüchtlinge pro Jahr im Land.","media":{"sys":{"id":"fAW8FBP34Txg8pvS47uGB","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik GIGA Focus Global_2016_02_1","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/fAW8FBP34Txg8pvS47uGB/94da4f7508e972c2901407ec77faf44d/abb.1_focus-global-2016-2_web_de.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["1724430f-453d-4342-80d3-451f023ad0c9",{"sys":{"id":"1724430f-453d-4342-80d3-451f023ad0c9","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Mord an Politiker in Ecuador – der Umgang mit Drogenkartellen in Lateinamerika","dataTeaser":{"date":"12.08.2023","link":"https://www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de/mord-an-politiker-in-ecuador-der-umgang-mit-drogenkartellen-in-lateinamerika-dlf-kultur-d232dd06-100.html","type":"Interview","tagline":["deutschlandfunk Kultur","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Die Ermordung des ecuadorianischen Präsidentschaftskandidaten Fernando Villavicencio ist Teil der lateinamerikanischen Suche nach sicherheitspolitischen Maßnahmen zur Bekämpfung der organisierten Kriminalität. Ein Interview mit Prof. Dr. Sabine Kurtenbach.

","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"12.08.2023","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de/mord-an-politiker-in-ecuador-der-umgang-mit-drogenkartellen-in-lateinamerika-dlf-kultur-d232dd06-100.html"}],"mediums":["deutschlandfunk Kultur"],"keywords":{"free":["Security","organized crime","Latin America","Ecuador"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Radio"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3pJ8IJsuuLPMumwxLV6czX","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Ecuador Aug23 Ecuadorean presidential candidate Villavicencio killed at campaign event in Quito RTSMEHS1 Reuters Karen Toro","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3pJ8IJsuuLPMumwxLV6czX/5a7c1a35de2d42fc0dc6cdbd41b3ffd6/GIGA_Ecuador_Aug23_Ecuadorean_presidential_candidate_Villavicencio_killed_at_campaign_event_in_Quito_RTSMEHS1_Reuters_Karen_.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2023-08-12T10:00:00.000Z"}}],["175ijyC9cSnUtDccJO6ch5",{"sys":{"id":"175ijyC9cSnUtDccJO6ch5","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"columnContent"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Redaktion GIGA Focus Global (bis 2022)","headline":"Redaktion GIGA Focus Global","showHeadlineLeft":true,"backgroundColour":"White","columnCount":3,"topics":[{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"}}]}}],["17f90e25-80c2-4bb5-8c38-86573486a491",{"sys":{"id":"17f90e25-80c2-4bb5-8c38-86573486a491","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Venezuela: se busca acuerdo entre la oposición y el régimen","dataTeaser":{"date":"25.04.2023","link":"https://www.dw.com/es/venezuela-se-busca-acuerdo-entre-la-oposici%C3%B3n-y-el-r%C3%A9gimen/a-65433571","type":"Zitat","tagline":["Deutsche Welle","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Representantes de países latinoamericanos, europeos y de otras regiones se reunieron en Bogotá para trabajar en una propuesta que destrabe las negociaciones entre la oposición venezolana y el régimen de Nicolás Maduro.

","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"25.04.2023","type":"Zitat","links":[{"url":"https://www.dw.com/es/venezuela-se-busca-acuerdo-entre-la-oposici%C3%B3n-y-el-r%C3%A9gimen/a-65433571"}],"mediums":["Deutsche Welle"],"keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2023-04-25T12:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["17why3OvOf9IFcM9xgLLWl",{"sys":{"id":"17why3OvOf9IFcM9xgLLWl","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Global 2020_05_1.Seite","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Am 75. Jahrestags des Atombombenabwurfs auf Hiroshima und Nagasaki hat ein unbeachtetes Ereignis die internationale Nuklearpolitik erschüttert. Mit seiner 50. Ratifizierung tritt der Atomwaffenverbotsvertrag (TPNW) verbindlich in Kraft. Sowohl die Vor- und Nachteile dieses Vertrages als auch mögliche Konsequenzen, die sich daraus ergeben könnten, und drei mögliche Zukunftsszenarien sind eine Analyse wert.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"nodeType":"unordered-list"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Fazit","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"heading-3"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Das Inkrafttreten des Verbotsvertrages ist an sich schon ein relevantes Ereignis mit Konsequenzen für die laufenden Abrüstungsgespräche. Die Atomwaffenarsenale werden zwar nicht sofort abgebaut; jedoch kann langfristig ein erhöhter öffentlicher und gesellschaftlicher Druck zu einer wirksamen Stigmatisierung von Atomwaffen führen, wodurch eine atomwaffenfreie Welt möglich werden könnte. Deutschland ist dem Vertrag nicht beigetreten, kann jedoch aufgrund einer aktiven Zivilgesellschaft und der Mitgliedschaft im Atlantischen Bündnis zu einer Brücke zwischen Mitgliedern und Boykotteuren des Vertrags werden.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}]}}}],["1E1sdJmAUqjxoVznZ1bF6Z",{"sys":{"id":"1E1sdJmAUqjxoVznZ1bF6Z","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Global 2019_03_1.Seite","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Die vollständige nukleare Abrüstung und die wirksame Nichtverbreitung von Atomwaffen sind zwei der größten Herausforderungen der Menschheit. Um Lösungen für diese Probleme zu finden, konzentrieren sich die meisten Beobachter auf die Erfahrungen der Länder, die Atomwaffen besitzen. In diesem Focus wird eine andere Perspektive präsentiert, indem aus einem der erfolgreichsten Compliance-Fälle der Welt, nämlich Lateinamerika, Lehren in Bezug auf die weltweite Nichtverbreitung und Abrüstung gezogen werden.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"nodeType":"unordered-list"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Fazit","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"heading-3"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Die Erfahrungen Lateinamerikas mit Bemühungen um Nichtverbreitung und Abrüstung von Atomwaffen können auf Europa, den Nahen Osten, Südasien und Ostasien übertragen werden. Eine wirksame nukleare Abrüstung und Nichtverbreitung hängt von der Schaffung von Rahmenbedingungen für die Zusammenarbeit, das Vertrauen und von Institutionen ab. Diese Elemente müssen zu einer kognitiven Veränderung des menschlichen Verständnisses von der Natur der Atomwaffen führen.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}]}}}],["1GsS72lunPn1PQvwyBr7aV",{"sys":{"id":"1GsS72lunPn1PQvwyBr7aV","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"footnote"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Focus Lateinamerika 2019_07_Footnote1","content":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Die OAS erkannte im April 2019 den Vertreter von Übergangspräsident Juan Guaido an, der Venezuela seither in der OAS vertritt. ","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"}}}],["1HWe1YTzUzrrkI4TEl56y9",{"sys":{"id":"1HWe1YTzUzrrkI4TEl56y9","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik Focus Global 2021_01_5","title":"Grafik Focus Global 2021_01_5","altText":"Grafische Darstellung von einseitiger Gewalt 1990-2018 in verschiedenen Regionen.","copyright":"Authors’ own compilation, based on data by Gleditsch et al. (2002), Sundberg, Eck, and Kreutz (2012), Pettersson and Öberg (2020). ","caption":"Figure 5 \nOne-Sided Violence 1990–2018 (Frequency per Region)\nNote: MENA = Middle East and North Africa.","media":{"sys":{"id":"fxAYbzSHZxAgFHksq0jJc","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Focus Global 2021_01_5","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/fxAYbzSHZxAgFHksq0jJc/6488d069b5d537c4b35640c3d6035614/Figure5-Focus-Global-2021-01-en.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["1INb4oD4qIlF2NuclirdoH",{"sys":{"id":"1INb4oD4qIlF2NuclirdoH","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Global 2019_03_1","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Nuclear Power and Non-Proliferation in Latin America"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) enshrined a “grand bargain” in which nuclear have-nots forwent nuclear arms in exchange for unrestricted cooperation over peaceful atomic technology and on the promise of full nuclear disarmament by nuclear-weapon states. As the NPT’s 50th anniversary approaches in 2020, its agreed promises are yet to be met however. Efforts on nuclear disarmament are at a standstill, and non-proliferation has failed in critical regions such as South Asia (India and Pakistan), the Middle East (Israel and, possibly, Iran), and Europe (where countries rely on the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s nuclear umbrella)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Most analysists turn to the experiences of nuclear-weapon-owning states when looking at how to fulfil the NPT’s promises. This contribution instead draws lessons from one of the most successful cases of compliance worldwide: Latin America. Because of its achievements in non-proliferation, the spotlight would progressively turn away from Latin America. Its experience, nonetheless, can offer invaluable contributions to other regions, as well as to global efforts with regard to nuclear security. In this contribution, I draw three specific lessons from Latin America for nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation and apply them to specific scenarios worldwide."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Latin America was the first densely inhabited region in the world to become legally free of nuclear weapons. It also houses large reservoirs of fissionable materials, with known uranium deposits in Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru, and possible ones in Guyana and Paraguay too. Policymakers did not overlook these natural capabilities. Seeking to achieve energy security, three Latin American countries succeeded in developing the full scope of nuclear technology for peaceful purposes: Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico. All three are active participants in the global nuclear market, while Brazil is the only non-nuclear-weapon state on the verge of launching a nuclear-powered submarine (by 2029)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In the non-proliferation realm, Latin American countries historically pursued different policies. While countries like Costa Rica and Mexico are traditional upbeat promoters of non-proliferation institutions, and particularly the NPT, Brazil, Argentina, and Chile have meanwhile oscillated between detachment from non-proliferation institutions and decisive participation in them. Detachment came from the understanding that non-proliferation institutions, the NPT especially, were an imposition by superpowers and could block the full development of peripheral states. The nuclear bargain was merely a lie to justify an unequal treaty. Participation in the NPT and other institutions came only in the 1990s; even then, it was conditioned on progress in nuclear disarmament."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Broad Confidence-Building Measures"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The first lesson is that cross-thematic cooperation underpins a broader understanding of confidence-building measures. The latter cover the bilateral or multilateral actions that enhance mutual trust, as a means to reduce the fear of attack and thereby halt an arms race. Cross-thematic cooperation means that actions intended to enable talks on nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation should not be restricted to the arms-control realm. They should, instead, involve cooperation efforts in other thematic areas such as economy, trade, and defence too. This inverts the traditional understanding of confidence-building, which advocates that having many things on the table at the same time leads to dissent – and blocks, therefore, possible cooperation."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Having a broad set of economic-, societal-, and security-related issues on the table expands, in fact, the scope of confidence-building measures. This expansion is a most-welcome strategy when it comes to non-proliferation and disarmament because it dilutes the strategic relevance of the possession of nuclear weapons. In Latin America, broad confidence-building measures enabled negotiators to realise that all countries would be better off if money funnelled to an arms race was rather spent on social and economic development instead (Caro 1995:9). In other words, they realised that countries would thrive faster and more sustainably through cooperation rather than through confrontation. Confidence-building measures transcended the nuclear realm and shifted focus to broader targets so as to ensure “peace, democracy and development” (Souza e Silva with Caro 1995: 9). Peace, therefore, was not meant to be achieved alone."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In the Southern Cone, genuine cooperation in the nuclear realm was possible in the late 1980s, after Brazil and Argentina managed to resolve a regional crisis regarding the construction of Itaipu Hydropower Plant and the use of shared river sources. Also crucial was the Brazilian logistic backing to Argentina during the Malvinas War (1982), which was a sign of support against an external opponent. Later confidence-building measures aimed at consolidating good relations between the two countries on a lasting basis. They led to political and economic integration within the framework of the Southern Common Market (Mercosur), and the intensi-fication of defence and diplomatic cooperation. In the nuclear realm, these measures were validated by the creation of the Brazilian–Argentine Agency of Accounting and Control of Nuclear Materials (ABACC)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Europe and the Middle East"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A broader concept of confidence-building measures that covers cross-thematic cooperation could also be an enabling condition for non-proliferation and disarmament elsewhere in the world. The first example is Western Europe. Isaac Caro (1995) highlights that, unlike in Latin America, European confidence-building measures in nuclear and arms-control negotiations were systematically dissociated from actions in other areas, such as trade, environment, and defence cooperation. The aim behind this dissociation was to avoid distraction and to give the needed emphasis to the military and security sectors, as historically connected with the transatlantic alliance."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In Western Europe, there are two main approaches to non-proliferation and disarmament. On the one hand, NATO members accept the role of deterrence in their security policies and favour an indeterminate long-term Global Zero solution. They traditionally isolate arms control from other kinds of cooperation efforts, adhering to a restricted understanding of confidence-building measures. On the other hand, nuclear-free countries like Austria favour a more urgent solution to nuclear disarmament efforts. Austria was one of the main supporters of the Humanitarian Initiative leading to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), and the country argues that nuclear disarmament should not be separated from parallel efforts because atomic weapons have an insurmountable environmental and humanitarian impact."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A broader understanding of confidence-building measures should incentivise closer cooperation between these two European approaches to non-proliferation and disarmament, leading to joint action. With already well-developed integration in multiple spheres, European countries are in a position to pursue talks leading to a common position on nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation issues. Instead of furthering divisions between the two approaches, European states should focus instead on using existing institutions as a means to achieve a compromise that favours short- and medium-term disarmament. This could be done, for example, by including nuclear disarmament in negotiations on environmental protection and defence cooperation in forums such as those found in the European Union. A further step would be extending cross-thematic cooperation with Russia, perceived as the most likely foe by European states."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A broader understanding of confidence-building measures would also serve nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament efforts in the Middle East. A lack of integration among Middle Eastern countries and interstate rivalries are critical to the partial failure of non-proliferation efforts in the region. Strengthening cooperation in political and economic relations is, therefore, a crucial first step to enabling negotiations on nuclear affairs. In the Middle East, this means creating conditions for the normalisation of the relations between Arab states, Israel, and Iran."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The E3+3 negotiations leading to the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action foresaw the lifting of sanctions on Iran as a necessary step towards that country’s compliance. Likewise, the recent idea of creating a trading platform with Iran to ensure its continued compliance after the United States pulled out of the treaty also follows the guidelines for the first lesson – as it binds non-proliferation together with the promotion of trade and cash flows. This alone is, however, not enough, as effective non-proliferation also entails the inclusion of neighbouring states. These states – particularly Arab countries – should use the opportunity at hand to intensify the discussions on a “Weapons-of-Mass-Destruction-Free Zone” and pursue in the meantime further integration in other realms – particularly those regarding conditions for development."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Institutional Creativity"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The second lesson to be drawn from Latin America is that effective nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation entails institutional creativity. Institutions denote here not only physical organisations but also treaties, agreements, and conceptual developments. All these spheres are relevant. Institutional creativity demands smart use of three arenas: bilateral, regional, and multilateral ones. In the juridical domain, the creative use of all three arenas enables countries to tailor treaties that cover the specific needs of a regional context within a multidimensional approach."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Over time, Latin American countries developed multiple channels to define common lines of action in foreign policy. These developments were bound by the concept of “complimentary, but not conflicting” approaches – meaning that efforts in multiple overlapping institutions could drive, instead of be a barrier to, further commitments in a specific issue area. Examples of institutional developments include: the Treaty of Tlatelolco (regional), which established a nuclear-weapon-free zone (NWFZ) in Latin America; the Treaty of Guadalajara (bilateral), which created the ABACC; and, international partnerships with extra-regional partners, such as the New Agenda Coalition and the “Zone of Peace and Cooperation in the South Atlantic” (ZOPACAS) – which made the South Atlantic Ocean free of nuclear weapons. The latter was created as an alternative proposal to military alliances, following the NATO model."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Middle East, East Asia, and the Indian Ocean"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Institutional creativity has recently been attempted in regions such as the Middle East, as shown by the Iran talks, and in East Asia, with the recent summit negotiations between President Donald Trump and Supreme Leader Kim Jong-un. These attempts are, however, being pushed by external actors with specific interests in the respective regions. The Latin American example shows that even though third-party countries can drive cooperation, neighbouring ones themselves should tailor effective institutions in regard to nuclear non-proliferation. Initiatives like the Egypt-led proposal to establish a NWFZ in the Middle East are welcome, but should first focus on finding consensus among regional countries."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$38"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In the case of the Middle East, an OPANAL-like model would create an inclusive forum for all states of the region. It should, nonetheless, go further, so as to ensure both an own system of inspection and to develop means to promote disarmament – since a solution that does not include Israel would probably not last long. An organisation that effectively supports non-proliferation in that region would have, therefore, to mix elements of OPANAL with duties like those seen in ABACC, which promotes joint inspections conducted by neighbouring countries."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"ABACC could also inspire a preliminary arrangement on the Korean Peninsula. Although scholars like former Brazilian minister for science and technology José Goldemberg are not sanguine about an ABACC-like model that includes nuclear-weapon states (Goldemberg 2015), safeguard mechanisms would help increase confidence among countries. Cooperation in ensuring the safety of nuclear power plants could build trust – with it capable of spilling over to future nuclear-weapon-related measures. Unlike in the case of Latin America, a bilateral safeguard mechanism on the Korean Peninsula should be implemented as an initial step towards ensuring the long-term denuclearisation of military arsenals there and be dealt with alongside talks with China and the US."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Another area of concern in nuclear affairs is the Indian Ocean. For that region, a forum like ZOPACAS could help reduce tensions between countries. The idea of an Indian Ocean “zone of peace” is not new. It was first proposed in 1970 by Sri Lanka; it was signed onto by India and Pakistan, and it was formalised by Resolution 2832 of the UN General Assembly from 1971 onwards. This resolution focused, nonetheless, on limiting ambitions of “great powers” in the Indian Ocean and did not address further institutionalisation in the region (Afzal 2017). It was, therefore, a lost opportunity to create a forum able to catalyse cooperation and define tailored solutions with low financial costs."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Global disarmament"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"On the global level, not one single nuclear weapon has been disarmed by a multilateral treaty until today. Progress on disarmament has been rather either through informal meetings of P5 countries (those allowed to have nuclear weapons by the NPT: namely, China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the US) or, most commonly, through bilateral treaties between the US and Russia. Under this current constellation, global nuclear disarmament is nearly impossible since there is no cohesion between the respective disarmament policies of nuclear-weapon states and given that they show little – if any – interest in changing the international status quo."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"As with non-proliferation, effective nuclear disarmament entails institutional elements to (1) push and to (2) verify measures. Such elements could, at first, be developed under a flexible structure such as an extended version of current P5 talks, but should evolve into a more institutionalised arrangement. Such a forum would need to include, to some extent, de facto nuclear-weapon states such as India, Israel, North Korea, and Pakistan, as well as representatives from countries that refrain from acquiring such weapons. In that later phase, verification is crucial – either through an extension of the International Atomic Energy Agency’s functions or through the creation of a specific organisation with full access to all nuclear programmes of nuclear-weapon states."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Non-nuclear-weapon states are also key drivers of a world free of atomic arsenals. Particularly relevant are the 115 members of NWFZs. Presently, these states do not act in a coordinated way. Preliminary efforts in that direction were taken in 2009, when a Latin American initiative led to the first NWFZ meeting in Mongolia. Second and third meetings took place informally in 2010 and 2015. That informal approach is, however, not enough to ensure in-depth cooperation. For that, as pointed out by Ambassador Luiz Felipe Macedo de Soares, the 115 NWFZ states should create a “permanent body” to coordinate their positions (Soares 2017). A unified voice emanating from these states is crucial for leveraging effective disarmament, just as coordination between neighbouring countries is vital for creating such zones in the first place."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Good Communication"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The third lesson is that non-proliferation and disarmament only work when countries communicate well with one another. Good communication means that countries: (1) should know what exactly they are talking about and (2) should have proper ways of communicating with each other. The first aspect of communication entails establishing clear and well-defined concepts, as to avoid potential misunderstandings. The second aspect, meanwhile, covers developing functioning channels of communication between states and civil society. On the one hand, such channels are a prerequisite to ensure transparency between states – transparency leads to trust. On the other, the lack of effective communication between states increases the tensions generated by mistrust."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In Latin America, conditions for good communication were created by the 1967 Treaty of Tlatelolco – which addressed in its Article 5 the definition of nuclear weapons. The treaty is also clear about what constitute peaceful uses of nuclear energy. This treaty created, therefore, the necessary foundations for future cooperation between states in the region, since they could share standardised conceptual reference points. Establishing channels of communication is a follow-up process that needs more time, and more context-specific negotiations. In that regard, the best example comes from the dyad Brazil–Argentina."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Bilateral relations between Brazil and Argentina were historically characterised by rivalry and mistrust, leading to an intermittent arms race in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Both countries lacked accurate information about each other’s real military capabilities. Both thought the other more readily prepared for war than it really was; both thought they would lose a war against the other. Conditions for overcoming this long-standing rivalry eventually came about in the 1980s through cross-thematic cooperation and through Brazil’s informal support for Argentina during the Malvinas War. Together with the creation of Mercosur and the intensification of military cooperation, Brazil and Argentina also created ABACC – an agency through which inspectors had unrestricted access to all nuclear facilities in both countries. This agency owes part of its success to pre-existing consensus concerning concepts and definitions, as enshrined in the Treaty of Tlatelolco."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Global disarmament"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Low levels of communication go to the core of many negotiations on non-proliferation and disarmament. On the regional level, a study by Müller et al. (2015) shows that many NWFZ treaties clearly define what their objectives are. These definitions are, furthermore, compatible with one another and with the basic ones of the Treaty of Tlatelolco too. On the global level, however, NPT negotiators consciously avoided clear definitions in crafting foundational concepts such as “peaceful uses” and “disarmament.” The aim was to provide manageable levels of ambiguity so as to allow superpowers to keep their nuclear arsenals. In the grand bargain, non-proliferation was more relevant than disarmament."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Making the disarmament pillar stronger is, therefore, a crucial step to achieving a Global Zero. For that, the international community should create multilateral institutions that cover three concepts for which there are no consensual definitions at present. The first concerns what “disarmament” is. Does it cover only a reduction of warheads, or does it also include limitations to the overall destruction capabilities of a nuclear arsenal? The second conceptual definition needed is how far “modernisation” overlaps and clashes with disarmament efforts. Does modernisation mean building up an arsenal, since it increases the destruction capabilities of existing explosives? The third conceptual need covers the designation of indicators to “verify” disarmament, and which institution(s) should be responsible for that. How can we verify what exactly was disarmed?"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"South Asia"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The second aspect of good communication is creating solid channels of it. This is particularly important for regional environments such as South Asia, where the deep-rooted rivalry between India and Pakistan echoes that between Brazil and Argentina during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. A crucial difference, nonetheless, is the number of wars in the region since the 1950s, and unresolved territorial disputes – particularly in Kashmir. Attempts at rapprochement between both countries are also frequently interrupted by terrorist attacks or by specific incidents. The impact of such incidents is, nonetheless, amplified by the lack of solid channels of communication between the two countries and by uncertainty about each other’s military doctrine. This confusion is illustrated by the ambiguity surrounding India’s “no first use” policy (Jaspal 2019)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A preliminary step towards future disarmament could come from cooperation on energy-related issues. One possibility would be establishing talks aimed at creating a “bilateral mechanism” to improve nuclear security, since both countries “do a poor job of safeguarding nuclear materials” (Sarkar 2016). This mechanism could be a less institutionalised version of the Brazilian–Argentine one – aimed first and foremost at establishing a channel of communication that could potentially become a proper safeguard agency. Taking a first step is, nonetheless, important."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Cognitive Changes are Possible"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"If applied effectively, the three lessons discussed above should contribute to preparing the ground for a world without nuclear weapons – a Global Zero. Such a world would be structurally different from our current one and is one possible only in the long run, after states change their understanding of the nature of nuclear weapons. Genuine commitment to disarmament and non-proliferation requires cognitive and ideational changes in both policymaker and societal mindsets. In other words, a Global Zero for atomic weapons predicates a world in which people believe that nuclear weapons harm instead of ensure their overall safety."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Cognitive change globally regarding nuclear weapons would only be possible within an international system that upholds institutional structures facilitating trust and transparency in nuclear politics, as the three lessons have shown. Although it may sound idealistic, this cognitive change has already happened in several parts of the world – starting in Latin America, and culminating in the humanitarian movement to ban nuclear weapons. It is usually generational change that brings about the consolidation of the trust measures and institutions needed to ensure real change in people’s mindsets."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In Latin America, public opinion was traditionally largely against the acquisition of nuclear weapons – particularly so in Mexico and Central America at large. In the Southern Cone, conversely, a change in perceptions came about gradually, as there was divergence of opinion between groups in Brazil and Argentina defending the unrestricted pursuit of nuclear energy – including peaceful nuclear explosives – and those defending doing away with all nuclear technology. The first group acquired some prominence during Juan Peron’s administrations in Argentina (1946–1955, 1973–1974), and during the late phase of the military dictatorship in Brazil – especially during Arthur da Costa e Silva’s (1967–1969) and João Figueiredo’s (1979–1985) terms in office. They were, however, eclipsed by the second group in the late 1980s and early 1990s, when a consensus view against all kinds of nuclear explosive was arrived at."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Today, nuclear weapons are a “problem of privilege and power” rather than of security (Umaña 2019: 1). This perception is framed and complemented by the understanding that the continued existence of atomic weapons poses a humanitarian and environmental threat to humankind as a whole. Failure in nuclear disarmament weakens not only existing non-proliferation, but also the prohibition of other, less destructive, weapons of mass destruction – ones biological and chemical."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In 2017, a group of 122 states adopted the earlier-mentioned TPNW. All Latin American countries partook in the preparatory conference chaired by Costa Rica. The draft of the treaty is a relevant development for the push for global disarmament, even if it has been boycotted by all states with nuclear weapons and most NATO allies. The main objective of this treaty is to establish a legal norm against the possession of atomic weapons, complementing existing institutions that forbid their acquisition by other countries. It is a stigmatisation tool which enshrines in law a cognitive change that is being slowly developed inside non-nuclear-weapon states and civil society."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"This cognitive change must follow two complementary steps. The first, and most difficult, one is making current nuclear-weapon states separate out cognitively the possession of such weapons from their immediate security concerns. This means demystifying deterrence, while highlighting the negative aspects of atomic weapons. This change should come both from civil society and from pressure applied by non-nuclear-weapon states. The second step is establishing a cognitive structure that not only rejects reliance on nuclear weapons but that also constraints states that possess or pursue those arms. This implies switching the position of prestige from the possession to the non-possession of nuclear weapons – similarly to what was verified with other weapons of mass destruction, whose owners are currently marginalised and condemned by the international community."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Pursuing a Nuclear-Weapon-Free World"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The only truly effective way to avoid a nuclear conflict is by completely eliminating such weapons. A Global Zero has, therefore, been a key goal of the international community, particularly since the end of the Cold War – even if efforts in that direction remain lacklustre at present. In recent years, nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation have re-emerged as issues of concern. On the one hand, new hotspots have emerged in critical areas such as South and East Asia, the Middle East, and Europe; on the other, creative efforts to drive forward global nuclear disarmament and achieve true non-proliferation worldwide have arisen. This is good news."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"This contribution drew three lessons from Latin America for non-proliferation and disarmament efforts worldwide. These lessons are not exhaustive, and are context-specific. They offer, nonetheless, broad knowledge that could (and should) be applied to other world regions and to global efforts. They show that non-proliferation and disarmament are complementary efforts, even if the second is currently less emphasised. They highlight that effective nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation depend on creating the right background conditions for cooperation."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Countries should focus on building broad trust in multiple issue areas (first lesson), instead of isolating arms control from other key development themes. They should also design institutions that match the specific demands of their respective regions or that foster the cohesion of non-nuclear-weapon states as a group (second lesson). Behind all those initiatives, there should be clear conceptualisations and the aim to establish channels of dialogue between states – two aspects of good communication (third lesson). In the long run, such efforts should lead to the creation of proper conditions for spurring cognitive changes that not only demystify but also stigmatise the possession and development of nuclear weapons by any state. Only in such a world will a Global Zero be viable."}],"data":{}}]}}}],["1LxXRxcGuqOmuq5lzdW7fE",{"sys":{"id":"1LxXRxcGuqOmuq5lzdW7fE","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text GIGA Focus Legitimacy Crisis and Venezuela’s Long Road to Democratic Transition","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"As Nicolás Maduro spuriously claims to have won the 28 July elections, Venezuela slides into full autocracy. While this underscore the regime’s increasing lack of support, internal fractures, and the growing force of the opposition, domestic and international dynamics make a short-term democratic transition unlikely. However, this weakened position could open unexpected opportunities for change."}]},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Policy Implications"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A coordinated response to the regime’s entrenchment is essential. The international community should prioritise staunch support for democratic forces, particularly President-elect González and opposition leader Machado. Sustained pressure must be applied on Maduro while remaining open to dialogue, using the legitimacy crisis to facilitate democratic transition and ensure long-term stability."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Legitimacy Crisis’s International Dimensions"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The presidential elections held in Venezuela on 28 July 2024 were marked by significant controversy given the Nicolás Maduro regime went to great lengths to prevent competitive candidates from participating in them. María Corina Machado won the opposition primaries but would then subsequently be disqualified from holding public office. After a failed attempt to appoint a representative, consensus was reached within the opposition to support the candidacy of the little-known diplomat Edmundo González Urrutia. Machado assumed political leadership while González formally took up the candidacy, events indicative of an unprecedented level of cohesion within Venezuela’s opposition force compared to previous years."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"At midnight on 29 July, Maduro was officially declared the winner without proof being provided, a development anticipated by many Venezuelans and international observers alike. The announcement triggered widespread anger, leading to popular uprisings even in what historically have been pro-Chávez areas. These protests were marked not only by the destruction of Chávez statues but also by brutal repression from state security forces and paramilitary groups loyal to the regime in response. The government also intensified its control over communication channels. It targeted, furthermore, not only the usual opposition suspects but also any citizen, regardless of political affiliation, who dared to question the results proclaimed by President of the National Electoral Council (CNE) Elvis Amoroso."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Later that day, the opposition managed to publish 83 per cent of the electoral records ("},{"nodeType":"text","value":"actas"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"$39"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"International responses to the events of 28 July and beyond have been shaped by respective governments’ degree of ideological, political, economic, and military proximity to the Maduro regime. States with an affinity to Chavismo, such as China, Cuba, Iran, and Russia, were quick to recognise the CNE’s claimed results, extending their support to Maduro to maintain the strategic alliances they have built up over recent years. These Eurasian powers, which have historically resisted interference in the internal affairs of other states and maintained close economic and military relations with Venezuela, also have geopolitical interests that run counter to those of the West. Consequently, they have refrained from questioning the legitimacy of the electoral process, instead emphasising the importance of Venezuela’s sovereignty and the current government’s right to manage its internal affairs without external intervention."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$3a"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$3b"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Petro, on the other hand, proposed a power-sharing solution reminiscent of Colombia’s own National Front, where the Liberal and Conservative parties alternately held power during the 1960s and 1970s. This proposal, however, was rejected by both Maduro and Machado, leaving it as an outside option in any future negotiations. Additionally, Colombia’s relationship with Venezuela is further complicated by the close ties between the latter’s regime and the National Liberation Army (ELN), a guerrilla group currently engaged in peace talks with the Colombian government, with Venezuela acting as a guarantor. Maduro could potentially seek to use this relationship as leverage, subtly threatening Colombia’s “Total Peace” initiative – already under significant strain even before these recent developments."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Mexico, initially part of these mediation efforts, has since withdrawn, limiting its involvement to observing the outcome of what López Obrador referred to as the “electoral tribunal” – seemingly alluding to the TSJ’s Electoral Chamber. The pro-Maduro ruling on 22 August, which improperly claimed the authority to close the case arising from an administrative appeal initiated by the Venezuelan president himself, may suggest Mexico has decided to step back from actively looking for a solution to this controversy. Whether this is actually the case remains to be seen, however, as on the same day Colombia’s foreign minister travelled to Mexico City, apparently to coordinate the two countries’ joint position."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Sociopolitical Transformation and the Rise of María Corina Machado"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The events surrounding the presidential elections of 28 July are reflective of Venezuela’s profound recent sociopolitical transformation, as brought about by a crisis multidimensional in nature. Driven by the economic collapse of the petrostate and pervasive corruption, particularly within the state oil company PDVSA, this deterioration has seen Venezuelans’ political and socio-economic preferences shift over time. The endemic corruption existing under Maduro’s rule is, unlike in previous periods, not merely perceived as a continuation of past practices but as a deeply destructive force that threatens the very fabric of the state, thus serving to exacerbate current problems rather than stabilise the regime (Cardozo Uzcátegui and Mijares 2020). These changes have created fertile ground for new liberal currents that directly challenge the entrenched Chavista order, marking a critical juncture in Venezuela’s historical political trajectory."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"With the incumbents tightening their grip on power, one of the most visible consequences of the ongoing crisis has been the mass emigration of approximately 7.8 million Venezuelans, primarily to Latin American countries like Colombia and Peru "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" This outpouring has overwhelmed the capacities of host nations and come with acute social and economic impacts, both within Venezuela itself and in the receiving states/regions. In these new environments, the most vulnerable Venezuelan migrants often face significant challenges, including discrimination, xenophobia, and labour-market exploitation. The arrival of large migrant populations has also coincided with the expansion of criminal networks like the infamous Tren de Aragua "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" This has seen insecurity and violence soar, creating a climate of distrust between locals and migrants "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":""}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The domestic effects of Venezuela’s ongoing descent into chaos, however, have often been overlooked, as international analyses tend to focus only on external consequences such as migration and the humanitarian emergency. Severe economic hardship and the breaking up of families have led to those remaining behind’s progressive disaffection with the Maduro regime. The latter’s Chavista base, once a decisive pillar of its electoral strength, has begun to fragment under the weight of economic collapse and indiscriminate repression. This disintegration has eroded popular support for Chavismo and – as the 28 July vote tallies reveal – severely undermined its electoral competitiveness."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Against this backdrop, Machado’s political platform has continued to gain traction. Once criticised for her uncompromising stance and radical positions, she is now viewed as a key political asset. Machado’s focus on the fractured Venezuelan family, combined with her unwavering commitment to the moral and spiritual superiority of her cause, has become a rallying point for those seeking change. These symbolic factors, which are often underestimated in political analysis, have proven crucial in shaping the opposition’s contestation strategy, transforming what was once perceived as a source of weakness into one of formidable strength instead."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Machado’s campaign thus consciously tapped into themes deeply ingrained in Venezuelan culture, such as the sanctity of the family and maternal authority, to connect with voters left disillusioned by the failures of the Chavista state. Her emphasis on Familismo, a core element of Hispanic Marianismo (Castillo et al. 2010), aligns with traditional values that place the family at the centre of social life. This message enjoys even greater resonance in a society that has endured the huge emotional and social toll of mass emigration, with nearly one-quarter of the population having left the country in recent years. Widespread grief over the separation of families amplifies the appeal of her reunification narrative, making it a powerful social force."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In a society sociologically characterised as matri-centric, where the role of women – especially as mothers and heads of families – is central to the social structure and cultural identity (Moreno 1993), Machado’s campaign, centred on themes of maternal care, resilience, and protective leadership, strikes a deep chord. This approach not only taps into profound cultural mores but also stands in stark contrast to the traditionally male-dominated nature of Venezuelan politics. By focusing on values of care, protection, and family unity, Machado has crafted a tenacious and protective leadership identity that resonates strongly with a broad spectrum of the population, particularly in a country whose social and economic fabric has become severely strained over time."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Furthermore, the international community’s perception of Maduro has undergone a significant shift of late. While long seen as an authoritarian leader, many international actors previously downplayed the full extent of his autocratic rule, often due to geopolitical considerations or ideological biases. In the wake of the events of 28 July, however, the myth surrounding Chavismo as a competitive electoral force collapsed. This led to broader international recognition of the regime’s fully autocratic nature, significantly undermining its legitimacy on the global stage. This shift has important implications for the incumbents’ ability to maintain external support."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"With the Chavistas facing an unprecedented legitimacy crisis, marked by a lack of moral leadership, ideological coherence, and economic acumen, Machado’s vision of a liberal, decentralised economy, coupled with her outlined emphasis on family reunification, has garnered increasing support. This backing is especially strong among Venezuelans who have lost faith in the state’s ability to meet their needs and who are seeking new forms of leadership that can offer both economic stability and a renewed sense of community. Machado’s rise thus reflects a broader transformation within Venezuelan society, whereby traditional state dependency is now giving way to a more individualistic and market-oriented approach to survival. The informal dollarisation of the economy has empowered citizens to engage in economic activity independent of state control, fostering a sense of autonomy that aligns with Machado’s liberal principles."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Consolidation of Full Autocracy"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"On 22 August, the United Nations Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela issued a scathing report highlighting that both the TSJ and CNE “lack impartiality and independence and have played a role within the State’s repressive machinery” "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" This publicised finding coincided with the timing of the Supreme Court’s decision to ratify the CNE’s announced winner, allegedly without providing any supporting evidence. This ruling starkly exemplifies the ongoing erosion of Venezuela’s democratic institutions."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"As mentioned earlier, the TSJ’s endorsement of Maduro’s electoral victory is emblematic of a broader pattern of legal manipulation and state repression. This decision followed a lawsuit filed by the incumbent himself on 1 August, demanding that the TSJ’s Electoral Chamber investigate and certify the election results, amid allegations of the electoral system having been hacked – claims that remain unsubstantiated. Such actions further underscore how the judiciary has been co-opted as a tool for legitimising the regime’s authoritarian control, a process that political analyst Javier Corrales has termed “autocratic legalism” (2015, 2023). According to him, this strategy sees a country’s legal and judicial institutions approached not as checks on power but as mechanisms to justify and enforce repressive and authoritarian measures, transforming the TSJ from a guardian of legality into a collaborator in the Chavistas’ autocratic ambitions."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Institutional decay is a strategy consciously presided over by the Maduro regime to secure its hold on power amid a collapsing society. The TSJ, which should serve as a neutral arbiter helping resolve arising conflicts, has instead aligned itself so thoroughly with the government’s own interests that it has lost all credibility both at home and abroad. Its recent actions, including the refusal to release electoral materials and the endorsement of highly questionable vote tallies, underscore a judiciary that is complicit in autocratic consolidation rather than representing a defender of justice. As Corrales (2015, 2023) suggests, the erosion of trust in these institutions has rendered any hope of resolving Venezuela’s crisis by legal or institutional means increasingly untenable."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The consequences of this consolidation of power extend well beyond Venezuela’s own borders, presenting significant challenges to Latin America’s regional leaders – particularly Lula and Petro. Both have historically shared an ideological affinity with the Chavista movement, yet now find themselves in a highly precarious position. They face mounting domestic pressure to distance themselves from an increasingly indefensible regime while also seeking to successfully navigate the expectations of a hemispheric community not holding back in its criticism of Maduro’s dictator-like rule. For Lula and Petro, the situation in Venezuela has become a key test of their commitment to democratic principles and regional stability."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The challenge for these two leaders is one both diplomatic and ideological in nature, as they must confront the reality that Maduro and his allies, having abandoned any pretence of democratic legitimacy, maintains their grip on power solely by resorting to force, repression, and the manipulation of state institutions. This situation requires Lula and Petro to reconcile their historical positions with the growing need to advocate for democratic norms and human rights across the hemisphere. That dilemma is further intensified by the fact that Chile’s President Gabriel Boric, a fellow leftist, has taken a firm and public stance against the Venezuelan regime. Boric’s categorical rejection of Maduro’s government as an ideological bastion increases the symbolic pressure on Lula and Petro, highlighting the divide within Latin American leftists regarding Venezuela’s autocratisation."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"This turn of events is not merely a national issue but a regional challenge that demands a coordinated response. Lula and Petro must carefully balance domestic politics, international diplomacy, and the imperatives of justice and human rights. Their approach to Venezuela will not only shape their own legacies but also signal the future direction of leftist leadership in Latin America more broadly. As they navigate these complexities, the contrasting position of Boric underscores the delicate and multifaceted nature of their predicament, finding themselves under scrutiny from national and international audiences alike."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Transition Strategy and External Pressure"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The transition strategy proposed by Machado and González is characterised by a degree of ambiguity that has created uncertainty among their followers and allies. The common tendency to rely on flawed analogies, especially in times of doubt, partly explains the lack of clarity witnessed in the analysis of the Venezuelan situation from outside. Such analogies often suggest that because two situations share superficial similarities, their outcomes must necessarily be comparable. However, this oversimplification overlooks the fundamental differences between contexts, leading to erroneous conclusions and potentially misguided counterstrategies in consequence. In political analysis, such oversights are particularly perilous as they distort the understanding of complex realities and see those working to effectively address them led astray."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Some observers have drawn parallels with past events, particularly in comparing the current situation to the failed interim presidency of Juan Guaidó (2019–2023) or to the aftermath of Henrique Capriles’s unsuccessful 2013 electoral challenge. Maduro himself has fuelled these comparisons by branding González a “second Guaidó,” thereby attempting to normalise his regime’s continued grip on power. While invoking such analogies may be tempting, the key point is they fail to capture the crucial differences in the current landscape that indicate the past is not merely repeating itself in Venezuela today."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$3c"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"However, while the ruling coalition still presents a united front, bolstered by the shared benefits of being a “mafia state” (McCarthy-Jones and Turner 2022; Cardozo Uzcátegui and Mijares 2020) and a climate of mutual distrust and fear, signs of a deeper rupture are emerging. One significant development is the nascent fracture within the ruling coalition’s membership base, which has been a key source of support and line of defence for the regime over the past 25 years. The disillusionment taking hold among Chavistas suggests a significant weakening of the social foundations underpinning Maduro’s continued rule. While not fully manifest yet, this splintering hints at a potential shift in the balance of power looming."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Furthermore, regime cohesion is heavily reliant on a web of corruption that binds together various factions within the governing coalition. Maduro functions as a "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"primus inter pares"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" among these groups, with their unity cemented by mutual involvement in criminal activity. Under such conditions, any transition threatens to have prohibitive costs for the elites surrounding Maduro, making rapid change unlikely."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"As a result, the opposition’s adopted strategy has evolved into one of attrition – focusing on gradually eroding regime stability rather than seeking an immediate fracture within the ruling elite (Munck and Leff 1999). This approach is designed to limit the government’s margin for error, anticipating that any internal disarray or conflict may not receive the same level of popular support that sustained Chavismo during critical moments in the past (such as in 2002 or 2013). Instead, the opposition aims to keep attention both nationally and internationally on the incumbents’ illegitimate rule, their widespread unpopularity, and their inability to manage Venezuela’s deepening socio-economic challenges. By doing so, it is hoped to create the conditions eventually leading to internal rupture within the regime, providing an opening for democratic change."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In this delicate situation, external support – particularly in the form of acute pressure being leveraged by democratic states – is essential. But it must be carefully managed. A poorly calibrated approach risks backfiring, providing the regime with a pretext to rally its base around narratives of foreign interference or imperialism – rhetoric that, while less credible today, can still be exploited to strengthen its grip on power. If international pressure is not coordinated effectively, it could lead to the emergence of disparate fronts that allow Chavismo’s standard-bearers to find further room for manoeuvre internationally, undermining efforts to hold Maduro and his allies accountable. A further danger is fostering “Venezuela fatigue” among international actors, reducing the likelihood that the expected internal rupture within the regime will occur within a foreseeable time frame and potentially prolonging Maduro’s rule indefinitely."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"While concerted international pressure is a precondition for Venezuela’s democratic transition, it is not sufficient on its own accordingly. The opposition’s success will hinge on sustained, long-term efforts to weaken the regime from within while external pressure must simultaneously be calibrated, coordinated, and consistent. Only by maintaining this delicate balance can the opposition create the conditions necessary for democratic transition and be ready to seize the opportunity when the incumbents’ internal cohesion finally begins to unravel completely."}]}]}}}],["1Ny1hFHc2RjH3x1xOKyXeB",{"sys":{"id":"1Ny1hFHc2RjH3x1xOKyXeB","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik Focus Global 2021_01_2","title":"Grafik Focus Global 2021_01_2","altText":"Grafische Darstellung von Konfliktunverträglichkeiten in der Welt.","copyright":"Authors’ own compilation, based on data by Gleditsch et al. (2002), Sundberg, Eck, and Kreutz (2012), Pettersson and Öberg (2020). ","caption":"Figure 2 \nConflict Incompatibilities (Frequency per Region) \nNote: MENA = Middle East and North Africa.","media":{"sys":{"id":"7vGgTxSclYdPIKAAsjuZnT","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Focus Global 2021_01_2","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/7vGgTxSclYdPIKAAsjuZnT/507185f90742aca6c47cb4a30e3d0eda/Figure2-Focus-Global-2021-01-en.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["1OLePLTq9nJlXnrSwOoDGr",{"sys":{"id":"1OLePLTq9nJlXnrSwOoDGr","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Global 2020_05_2","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Most supporters of the Ban Treaty are, furthermore, countries concentrated in the Global South – with the noteworthy exceptions of Austria, Ireland, and New Zealand. These are countries usually overlooked in non-proliferation and disarmament policy, but which are gaining a new relevancy in defining nuclear politics. The whole of African and Latin American countries support, for instance, the Ban Treaty, as do most of those in Asia-Pacific and the Middle East. Most small island states – some of which, like the Maldives, were harmed by nuclear testing – are not only part of the treaty but were also among the first ratifiers. This explains why ratifiers are not among the world’s countries with the largest gross domestic products.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Table 1 and Figure 3 below show some descriptive data on the basis of the universe of 197 countries, and some economic data from the World Bank.","nodeType":"text"},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-inline"},{"value":" It is evident herefrom that although supporters, ratifiers, and signatories make up of a large majority of countries worldwide (about 75 per cent), they also, as critics argue, are mostly small states or small economies. Relevant to highlight, however, is the fact that these figures do not reveal the support for the Ban Treaty inside boycotter countries themselves. ICAN itself, for instance, was founded in Australia, a boycotter of the Ban Treaty. In Germany, as another example, a 2019 YouGov poll shows that 71 per cent of people think that their country should join the Ban Treaty (ICAN 2019) – even though another poll also shows that (in the meantime) only 31 per cent of Germans support forgoing all kinds of nuclear umbrella (Körber Stiftung 2019).","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}]}}}],["1PJKOuBin9vOMaoI62LNSt",{"sys":{"id":"1PJKOuBin9vOMaoI62LNSt","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Afrika 2023_03 (Header)","title":"GIGA_African Union_iStock_Gwengoat_1133195359_Website1","media":{"sys":{"id":"6cA0ZqihJ0SALtZMFLMEVQ","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Afrika 2023_03 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/6cA0ZqihJ0SALtZMFLMEVQ/2feb8bf90f9f8b88d6963fdb542fa855/Bild_GIGA_Focus_Afrika_2023_03__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"altText":"Flagge der Afrikanischen Union auf einer Wand gemalt."}}],["1RLwLQuAhEwGFjLSmqZFlR",{"sys":{"id":"1RLwLQuAhEwGFjLSmqZFlR","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur Focus Asien 2019_02","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"headline":"Literatur","contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":""}],"data":{}}]}}}],["1SEXI6hZTRjFiBivsceZLA",{"sys":{"id":"1SEXI6hZTRjFiBivsceZLA","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text GIGA Focus Ballots over Streets: Bolivia’s Fragile Democratic Gamble","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"On 19 October 2025, Bolivia will hold a presidential runoff election for the first time in its history. After two decades of one-party dominance, voters turned to two opposition candidates promoting market-oriented reforms. Amid economic strain, Bolivians are channelling their discontent at the ballot box, even as governability remains uncertain."}]},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Policy Implications"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"To rebuild trust in democracy, the new government must act swiftly to stabilise the economy while protecting the most vulnerable among its population. International partners, especially Germany and the EU, should engage as reliable allies, supporting economic diversification, clean energy, and inclusive growth in line with Bolivia’s own priorities."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Grievances at the Ballot Box: Bolivia’s Political Reconfiguration"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In the midst of a deep economic downturn and political uncertainty, on 17 August 2025 Bolivian citizens went to the ballot boxes to elect a president, vice-president, and Plurinational Legislative Assembly. For the first time since the current constitution of the Plurinational State of Bolivia was passed in 2009, which requires a candidate to obtain an absolute majority to become president in the first round, no party or alliance obtained enough votes to win outright. As a result, Bolivia will hold a historical presidential runoff election on 19 October."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The election marks a watershed. In the decades since Evo Morales was first elected president in 2005, his party, the Movimiento al Socialismo (Movement Torwards Socialism, MAS), had been the dominant force in Bolivian politics. In the last election in 2020, which brought current president Luis Arce to power, the party secured 55.1 per cent of the valid votes. Yet, in the August 2025 election, neither the MAS nor Alianza Popular (Popular Alliance, AP) – led by the sitting president of the Chamber of Senators, also from the MAS – reached the runoff: they obtained only 3.7 per cent and 8.5 per cent of the valid vote share, respectively. Instead, it is two candidates from the right of the political spectrum – Rodrigo Paz of the Partido Demócrata Cristiano (Christian Democratic Party, PDC), with 32.06 per cent, and Jorge “Tuto” Quiroga of Alianza"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Libertad y Democracia (Liberty and Democracy Alliance, LIBRE), with 26.7 per cent – who will face each other in the presidential runoff."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"What is striking is the absence of a strong left presence in this election. The tensions between Evo Morales and Luis Arce left the MAS divided. President Arce and the MAS sectors loyal to him put forward young former minister of government Eduardo del Castillo as their candidate, but his campaign was undermined by the low popularity of the president. Meanwhile, another MAS heavyweight, Andrónico Rodríguez, the current president of the Senate, broke with traditional MAS ranks to lead Alianza Popular. Rodríguez has often been cast as Evo’s political heir, but after announcing his decision to run for president, Evo Morales branded him a traitor. He consequentially faced strong backlash from Morales’s supporters, who saw his candidacy as a betrayal of their leader, while at the same time his adversaries bashed him for being the natural continuation of the former president."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Perhaps the most notable omission was Evo Morales himself. Despite his continued influence, he was declared ineligible to run by the Plurinational Constitutional Court. Unable to be a candidate, Morales questioned the legitimacy of the election and called on his supporters to cast null votes. Morales’s campaign proved partially effective: in several municipalities that had long been MAS strongholds, the null vote obtained the largest share of ballots cast. Historically, null voting in Bolivia has hovered around 4 or 5 per cent. However, in this election, it surged to 19.78 per cent – while considerable, still a far cry from Evo Morales’s once overwhelming electoral support."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Before shifting to the strategy of casting null votes, Morales had sought to mobilise his allied social movements in the streets. However, the demonstrations failed to reach the scale he expected. Across Latin America, null-vote campaigns are not unusual; around one quarter of presidential contests since the 1980s have seen efforts to mobilise invalid ballots (Cohen 2024). It is important to stress that spoiling a ballot is not a rejection of democracy itself. Rather, invalid voting usually signals dissatisfaction with the candidates on offer and allows habitual voters a low-cost means of protest (Cohen 2024). Morales’s mobilisation of the null vote was thus less a threat to democracy than a forceful reminder of his social base’s discontent with the options presented."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Democracy under Pressure: The 2025 Electorate"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"It is striking that Bolivians chose to process their discontent at the ballot box, whether by supporting opposition candidates or deliberately annulling their vote. One would hardly expect such high levels of participation in a context where legitimacy indicators are at historic lows and street mobilisation has a long tradition."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The 2023 AmericasBarometer, the most respected public opinion data on democracy and governance across the continent, shows that in Bolivia satisfaction with democracy has collapsed to 28.2 per cent, the lowest in two decades (Center for Global Democracy 2023). Moreover, just over half of the citizens continue to see democracy as preferable to any other system. Trust in the three branches of government is fragile: 67.4 per cent express little or no trust in the national government, only 31 per cent trust the Plurinational Assembly, and just 21.4 per cent trust the justice system. Confidence in the electoral authority has also eroded to below 30 per cent. Trust in broader institutions fares no better, as fewer than one in five Bolivians trust the police or believe the courts guarantee a fair trial (Moreno Morales 2024)."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"This crisis of confidence these data reflect raises the question of how Bolivians understand democracy today. Results from the 2024 World Values Survey paint a more nuanced picture. Nearly four out of five Bolivians emphasise elections and voting as crucial for democracy, but only one third link it to institutional safeguards against authoritarianism, and one quarter to redistribution and welfare. These patterns show that voting retains legitimacy even amid distrust, helping explain high turnout and the use of null ballots. However, the patterns also reveal scepticism about democracy’s capacity to protect rights and produce substantive outcomes, signalling limited expectations of what the system can deliver (Osorio Michel forthcoming). This points to a central challenge for the government that will result from the 19 October elections: it will need to rebuild institutional trust while producing concrete results that address the widespread discontent."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$3d"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"It is telling that the 2025 election was shaped by a volatile electorate, one that made decisions late and without strong conviction. A majority of Bolivians reported deciding their vote only two weeks before election day, and nearly one third chose on the very same day "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" This was especially evident among supporters of the frontrunners: half of those who backed Rodrigo Paz decided in the final week, and 41 per cent of Tuto Quiroga’s voters did likewise."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"At the same time, economic hardship played a decisive role in fuelling protest through the invalid vote. Among those who cast a null ballot, 55 per cent said they were struggling to make ends meet at the end of the month – ten points higher than among voters who supported the candidates advancing to the runoff. This suggests that protest voting was not simply an abstract rejection of the candidates on offer but is linked to material insecurity and dissatisfaction with the system’s ability to respond to everyday needs."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Tasks Ahead: The Economic Crisis"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The most pressing challenge for the next government will be the economic crisis, which lies at the heart of current discontent. Even after the first-round vote, most citizens remained pessimistic: in a September survey, 43 per cent expected the economy to worsen and 31 per cent foresaw no change (Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung 2025). This reflects years of stagnation, high inflation, and doubts about the state’s capacity to provide stability. From day one, the next government will face pressures on prices, fiscal sustainability, and growth."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Bolivia is caught in stagflation, a combination of minimal growth and persistent, high inflation. GDP grew only 0.7 per cent in 2024 while inflation reached nearly 10 per cent, with cumulative inflation already above 15 per cent in mid-2025. This scenario makes economic policymaking particularly difficult because measures to stimulate growth often risk driving inflation, while efforts to curb inflation can further depress economic activity."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Behind this dilemma lies a decade-long fiscal deficit. Since 1986, governments had maintained fuel subsidies by covering the gap between domestic and international prices. During the commodity boom, abundant gas income made this policy viable. Once gas revenues began to decline in 2014, it became unsustainable. Rather than phasing out subsidies, MAS administrations financed them with public debt, Central Bank reserves, and even pension funds from the state agency Gestora, shrinking net international reserves from USD 15.1 billion in 2014 to under USD 2 billion in 2024. Addressing these imbalances will be unavoidable for the incoming administration, but any reform carries high political risks."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"As a consequence, the government has struggled to secure hard currency both to import fuel and to sustain the long-standing fixed exchange-rate policy (around BOB 6.97 per USD). Bolivia now imports 56 per cent of its gasoline and 86 per cent of its diesel, making shortages especially acute over the past year: long queues for diesel slowed transport and logistics, and farmers in Santa Cruz warned the crisis could derail the harvest. With one third of the basic food basket imported, the combination of dollar pressures and fuel disruptions directly hit household economies."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The paradox is that Bolivia experienced its most prosperous years in recent decades on the back of hydrocarbons. Natural gas became Bolivia’s main export, representing nearly half of total sales for two decades, while high mineral prices restored mining as a key pillar of the economy (Agramont-Lechín 2025: 46, 48). Yet, this extractivist model entrenched dependency rather than reducing it. The revenues from the boom years were not channelled into diversifying the productive base, which left the economy exposed to fluctuations in global commodity markets. Moreover, production steadily declined, and no significant new gas fields have been discovered. Output fell from about 56.6 million cubic meters per day in 2016 to just 31.9 million cubic meters per day in 2023 "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Exploration has largely stagnated, with many highly touted wells proving dry."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$3e"},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" For Brazil nuts and açaí, this degradation undermines production just as global demand is rising, leaving Bolivia’s chances for diversification uncertain. Finding a sustainable balance between export dependence, food security, and forest conservation will be a critical test for the next government."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Moreover, around 85 per cent of Bolivian workers are employed in the informal sector, without formal contracts, social security, or pension contributions "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" In a context of stagnation, this majority is particularly vulnerable. Precarious jobs offer little protection against inflation and declining demand, leaving many reliant on insecure, low-productivity livelihoods and exposed to inflation and external shocks. Crafting policies that extend protection to this majority of workers will be among the most difficult tasks facing the new administration."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Weak Institutions, Fragile Rule of Law"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"If economic challenges are daunting, the institutional obstacles the next government confronts are no less severe. On the one hand, according to V-Dem, Bolivia has experienced an improvement in the electoral dimension of democracy since the 2019 political crisis. As proof, the 2025 first-round elections were conducted successfully and widely praised, producing a competitive runoff between two opposition candidates for the presidency and renewing the Plurinational Legislative Assembly. However, other dimensions are eroding. Bolivia’s Liberal Democracy Index – which captures the extent to which electoral competition is reinforced by the rule of law, judicial independence, and effective checks on executive power – declined again in 2024. This points to a system where ballots are cast and counted fairly, but where the institutional guarantees that sustain democracy remain weak (V-Dem 2025)."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Moreover, Freedom House classifies Bolivia as “Partly Free” in its Freedom in the World 2025 report, underscoring persistent institutional weaknesses. Among the most serious problems are the erosion of the separation of powers and the lack of independent access to justice, with courts heavily politicised and vulnerable to pressure from the executive. These deficiencies mean that citizens often face arbitrary decisions and limited remedies when their rights are violated. Reversing this erosion will be essential if the next government is to strengthen accountability and regain public trust."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Corruption compounds these issues. Ahead of the first round of the 2025 elections, 44 per cent of Bolivians identified it as the country’s most pressing problem "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index 2024 places Bolivia near the bottom of the regional rankings with a score of just 29/100, while the World Justice Project situates it 141st of 142 countries worldwide, underscoring the pervasiveness of corruption. These findings confirm that while electoral democracy shows resilience, the institutional foundations meant to guarantee accountability and rule of law remain fragile. Curbing corruption thus stands out as another unavoidable task for any incoming administration."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Bolivia also faces a crisis of representation, driven above all by the fragility of its party system. According to the 2023 AmericasBarometer, only 13.1 per cent of Bolivians expressed trust in political parties. In fact, parties have been instrumentalised and turned into mere electoral vehicles. This year’s elections are an illustration: Tuto Quiroga was the candidate of the Christian Democratic Party in 2014 – now the same party is fielding his opponent in the runoff, Rodrigo Paz. On the other hand, in 2020 Paz was elected senator for an alliance that included the Revolutionary Left Front (FRI); today, that party is a member of Quiroga’s LIBRE."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"It comes as little surprise, then, that the programmatic proposals of the candidates and the ideological bases of the parties that support them have little ideological consistency. Party labels offer voters scant guidance, as elections revolve around the figures at the top of the ticket and reinforce a highly personalistic dynamic. Deputies and senators, often unknown and recruited ad hoc, ride almost entirely on presidential coattails. For Bolivians, representation thus becomes shallow – tied to individual leaders rather than to coherent parties or enduring programmatic visions. This is a weakness the next government will have to navigate if it seeks lasting support."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Can Candidates Handle the Crises?"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The outcome took many observers by surprise, as none of the polls had anticipated a victory for the PDC’s Rodrigo Paz. In fact, Paz started the campaign with just 4.3 per cent support in the polls. The electoral results demonstrate that the traditional MAS vote largely migrated to his candidacy. A mix of identity-based elements and widespread fatigue with the other options opened the possibility of connecting with these sectors through the slogan: “Capitalism for all.”"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Rodrigo Paz is the son of former president Jaime Paz Zamora. He held five public roles from 2005 to 2025, as deputy, senator, councilman, and mayor of Tarija. Paz was joined by Edman Lara as the vice-presidential candidate. Lara is a former police captain who became nationally known for exposing corruption inside the force. He lacks public experience but has a strong following on social media, especially on Tik Tok. After the first-round victory, Lara was at the centre of controversial statements that hinted at personalist and authoritarian characteristics. While this alarmed some sectors of society, it seems to have reinforced their backing among the existing Paz–Lara supporters."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The written plan presented by Paz–Lara to the electoral institution is ambiguous. They propose a total restructuring of the distribution of state resources, called the “50/50”: half of what is collected would go to the central government, the other half to local governments. Paz’s media campaign launched proposals targeting the most vulnerable social sectors. In August, Lara made verbal proposals outside of this written programme that were unrealistic in the face of the fiscal deficit, such as benefits for senior citizens and single mothers. These proposals have since been incorporated into the platform, but not as a short-term policy."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The other candidate in the runoff is Jorge “Tuto” Quiroga. Quiroga had been Bolivia’s president from 2001 to 2002, after having served as vice-president to Hugo Banzer Suárez, Bolivia’s former dictator who returned to office through democratic elections. The 2025 elections are Quiroga’s third bid for the presidency. Quiroga’s running mate is Juan Pablo Velasco, a young entrepreneur with limited political experience."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Velasco was part of a major controversy after posts apparently made by him between 2010 and 2012 were revealed, containing violent racist statements against people of Indigenous descent from the Bolivian highlands and referring to them using a derogatory term. Two long-established fact-checking organisations verified the authenticity of the account and the posts. In response, Velasco insisted they were false and decried the smear campaign. In this way, he is trying to undermine the credibility of the only two fact-checkers protecting the polarised Bolivian digital ecosystem from disinformation."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Quiroga–Velasco plan follows traditional liberal lines, featuring fiscal cuts and seeking credits from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and other international financial organisations. The recipe for economic recovery is based on the reactivation of extractive sectors such as fuel, gas, agroindustry, and mining. Quiroga’s rhetoric identifies a sequence of steps to stabilise the macroeconomy, which are not necessarily realistic in the short term. In his second-round campaign, Quiroga appears much more moderate regarding fiscal adjustment and less inclined towards shock measures, even mentioning tax “pardons” and the maintenance of cash-transfer schemes."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In Bolivia, written government programmes have to be submitted to the electoral institution (Órgano Electoral Plurinacional) as official documents and are the basis around which campaigns should revolve. However, in practice they end up being a mere formality. We have observed that during the electoral contest, other types of proposals were verbally suggested, in a kind of public opinion barometer."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In neither campaign’s programme are the action items for the application of the policies elaborated solidly. Reforms to the Bolivian regulatory framework are discussed mainly in terms of foreign investment. Issues related to education, health, and the environment are relegated from the political discourse and debate. In fact, although the social and environmental impacts of the political proposals are mentioned, they do not represent areas of genuine interest. The extractivist model remains the axis of both programmes’ economic proposals, and both could be considered right-wing options on the political spectrum. In sum, they propose market liberalisation but support some version of a welfare state and social protection through cash-transfer programmes. These ideas would be considered moderately right-wing, although they do not follow a strict ideological line."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The High Stakes of Governability "}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The next administration will inherit an explosive mix: acute economic stress, eroded institutional trust, and a fragmented party system. This increases the probability of renewed contention, both in the streets and inside the state, especially when parties lack organisational roots and programmatic discipline. With the MAS’s long-standing hegemony broken, Bolivia has entered open-ended coalition presidentialism, where durable governability hinges on the winner’s capacity to negotiate cross-party bargains that can survive unpopular economic decisions."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"If subsidy reforms, exchange-rate adjustments, or cuts to transfers are implemented by presidential decree, pressure from the streets could escalate quickly once economic hardship deepens. The legislature, however, can serve as a buffer. The Plurinational Legislative Assembly, as the country’s most representative deliberative body, arguably has broader legitimacy than the executive and offers a forum where socially costly measures can be designed and approved, while ensuring that compensatory policies protect the most vulnerable. Public deliberation in the Assembly diffuses responsibility for unpopular reforms, making it an indispensable arena for governance in times of low trust (Bächtiger et al. 2005)."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Whoever wins the presidency will hold only a minority in the Plurinational Assembly. The PDC has 70 of 136 seats (44 per cent of the Chamber of Senators, 54 per cent of the Chamber of Deputies), while LIBRE holds 53 (33 per cent and 41 per cent, respectively). Other opposition forces include Alianza Unidad with 35 seats and Autonomía Para Bolivia – Súmate (Autonomy for Bolivia – Súmate, APB Súmate) with 6. By contrast, Alianza Popular, led by former MAS leader Andrónico Rodríguez, has 8 deputies, and the MAS itself just 2, both without Senate representation. Although this distribution could, in theory, favour governability through opposition cooperation, the weakness of parties and fragile discipline make shifting coalitions and defections constant risks. Any governing agenda will need at least two, and likely three, congressional partners, in a context where party labels offer voters little guidance and legislators often act independently of weak partisan structures, always leaving gridlock on the horizon."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The runoff itself adds to the challenge. When parties are weak and personalised, second-round contests often generate “negative majorities,” where citizens vote more against one candidate than for one. Such outcomes risk compounding distrust if the victor claims a plebiscitary mandate (Pérez-Liñán 2006). This danger is especially acute in Bolivia, where both runoff contenders are drawn from the right and nearly one fifth of voters opted to annul their ballots in protest. The way forward is not to concentrate power in the presidency but to construct a coalition that visibly co-owns the agenda. By front-loading deliberation in the Assembly, sharing authorship of reforms with coalition partners, institutionalising negotiation across levels of government, and clearly communicating the compensatory measures attached to each painful step, the executive can shift contention from the streets into the legislature."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Economic stabilisation will be impossible without political stabilisation. In the initial months, the overriding task will be to transform fragmented electoral backing into a parliamentary coalition strong enough, and collectively accountable enough, to pass a credible and socially protective stabilisation package. Far from being an obstacle, the Assembly is the only available scaffold of legitimacy for a government that must take decisions as unpopular as they are urgent."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A Call to Action for Germany and the EU"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Bolivia now stands at a turning point. Past governments turned to powers such as China, Russia, Iran, and India, seeking investment and geopolitical backing. These alliances often brought resources but did little to strengthen democratic institutions or foster inclusive development. As the country transitions to a new government, what Bolivia needs are international partners who value democracy and treat the country as a counterpart on eye level rather than a client."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Germany and the European Union are well positioned to play this role. In the coming months, Bolivia will likely seek new loans or refinancing arrangements, including with European partners. The terms of these agreements can be decisive: rather than reinforcing dependency, they should help stabilise public finances, broaden the productive base, and reinforce social protections. Above all, cooperation must rest on dialogue and shared priorities."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"German cooperation has had a decades-long foothold in Bolivia through the GIZ, with projects spanning climate-resilient farming in the Andean valleys, forest protection in the Amazon, and renewable energy integration. Building on this record, collaboration can scale up where it already has credibility on the ground, showing that international partnerships can strengthen community resilience and institutional capacity without imposing external agendas."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"With both candidates pledging to safeguard private enterprise and property rights, the new government will also seek to attract foreign investment. This creates an opportunity for German industries. Bolivia has strong potential in the clean-energy sector, from solar to wind to hydropower, as well as in sustainable tourism, where its natural and cultural assets remain underdeveloped. Strategic investment in these sectors would not only generate returns but also help reduce dependence on extractives and create quality jobs."}]}]}}}],["1WOVKPsEsv5mSe83e1la0z",{"sys":{"id":"1WOVKPsEsv5mSe83e1la0z","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"columnContent"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Redaktion GIGA Focus Afrika","headline":"Redaktion GIGA Focus Afrika","showHeadlineLeft":true,"backgroundColour":"White","columnCount":3,"topics":[{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"6a5605cd-d456-430b-9fe8-19714c79a8ab"}}]}}],["1YVqMamNBvgml1rzyPdXbb",{"sys":{"id":"1YVqMamNBvgml1rzyPdXbb","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Ad Hoc Coalitions in a Changing Global Order","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Increasingly, member states of large intergovernmental organisations (IGO) are setting up ad hoc coalitions (AHC) outside of multilateral organisations at regional and global levels. What is motivating countries to circumvent traditional IGOs? Are AHCs undermining global governance institutions?"}]},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Policy Implications"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"German foreign policy has traditionally placed a strong emphasis on multilateral organisations as cornerstones for a rules-based international order. With the emergence of AHCs, a further instrument is available that should not be dismissed as anti-multilateral. For AHCs to make a valuable contribution to the ever more complex global governance system, they need to perform functionally different tasks from IGOs. Germany should consider actively participating in AHCs to avoid being sidelined by partner countries."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Multilateral Organisation in Crisis and Ad Hoc Coalitions"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Much has been written on the current demise of the liberal global order; in fact, the erosion of traditional multilateral institutions is real (Ikkenberry 2018). Multipurpose intergovernmental organisations (IGO) face particularly significant challenges ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). The use of the veto within the UN Security Council is at its highest rate since the end of the Cold War, with the organisation being unable to effectively address major conflicts such as those in Syria or Ukraine. The UNSC is also doing little to ease tensions among its most potent members. Great power rivalry is a determining feature of our decade. Elements of cooperation coexist with increased competition ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). The European Union has lost one of its strongest member states, the UK, and continues to struggle to convert its economic power into geopolitical influence. With the Russian invasion of Ukraine major warfare returned to Europe, effectively destroying the post–Cold War security order. Negotiations on new trade agreements within the World Trade Organization (WTO) have been stalled for more than a decade. In the Global South, regional organisations often do not progress beyond initial steps of token regionalism. The COVID-19 pandemic plunged many countries into an acute medical crisis, which was followed by economic recession and a short boom but also high energy prices and increasing inflation rates. This agglomeration of major crises and their interconnections has been termed “polycrisis,” constituting a serious stress test for global and regional governance institutions ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). Naturally, in times of historic uncertainties, old truisms are challenged."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Within the existing liberal world order, large IGOs have traditionally occupied a central role as guardians and catalysts for globalisation and advancement for global governance in a rules-based order. The implicit deal between state parties providing global public goods in the form of delegation of power and resources to IGOs was that an ever more connected world is a safer and more prosperous place in which power politics is secondary to the regulative advantages global governance institutions provide. While global governance institutions have indeed contributed significantly to wealth creation and security, their performance is not unerring and is now undergoing a phase of scrutiny and adjustment."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$3f"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"While we are not witnessing a total rollback or breakdown of globalisation and dissolution of its major hubs (IGOs), the current crisis of IGOs provides opportunities to rethink how global governance institutions operate and how to address the apparent impasses they are confronted with. Although IGOs face significant challenges when engaging today’s crises, this has not resulted in a passive acceptance of the status quo by the international community. There is no shortage of political activism. Instead, alternative forms of organisation emerging alongside established institutions are growing in popularity. One such innovative form comprises ad hoc coalitions (AHC). Although they are not an entirely new phenomenon, they seem to be gaining in popularity. AHCs are often used as a rapid response instrument to address an immanent crisis. Examples are not difficult to find (see Table 1). They are most prevalent in the security field but are also popular in the health sector."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Table 1. Select List of Recent Ad Hoc Coalitions"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"4b3DARPTTP4TAGldNBGgwE","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik Focus Global 2022_04_Table1","title":"Select List of Recent Ad Hoc Coalitions ","media":{"sys":{"id":"2Kcv74oV1lhgia4rZukDhL","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Focus Global 2022_04_Table1","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2Kcv74oV1lhgia4rZukDhL/9ee11def2f89790c664d10ff2ccd8a76/web-Focus-Global-2022-04-Table1.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Table showing Select List of Recent Ad Hoc Coalitions "}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Note"},{"nodeType":"text","value":": * Country abbreviations according to the International Olympic Committee."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$40"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Countries increasingly tend to set up AHCs outside existing IGOs but in areas in which these organisations could take action. This raises a number of questions: What is the motivation to opt for an AHC, and is this trend of choosing flexible coalitions over established organisations worrisome? Is it undermining global governance institutions, or is it a sign of institutional innovation and adjustment to new challenges and in this way complementing rather than competing with established organisations?"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Until now, AHCs have not been explored systematically. They are defined by three characteristics: their task-specific mandate, their short-notice creation, and their (at least initially) limited time frame (Reykers et al. 2022). Additionally, they function in dense institutional spaces that are part of a wider global governance system and tend to operate with a light bureaucratic apparatus in the background. While AHCs are not confined to only one policy area, they seem to be particularly popular in the security sector. This is not surprising, as suddenly erupting crises require responding quickly, which is easier to achieve within a smaller group of like-minded countries than within regional or global organisations. For this reason, this article focuses on security-sector AHCs."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"What Makes Ad Hoc Coalitions So Attractive?"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$41"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$42"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$43"}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Table 2. Advantages of AHCs from the State Perspective"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"33DaGv96dR7NbSshQbB6aw","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik Focus Global 2022_04_Table2","title":"Advantages of AHCs from the State Perspective ","media":{"sys":{"id":"WkpcBVyS6nXp99vxRMIW7","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Focus Global 2022_04_Table2","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/WkpcBVyS6nXp99vxRMIW7/eee9bbe286740abb10ed8122cfa9a2e3/web-Focus-Global-2022-04-Table2.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"List showing Advantages of AHCs from the State Perspective"}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Do Ad Hoc Coalitions Fragment or Complement?"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Given the current debate around a deepening crisis of multilateralism, one may well argue that AHCs are contributing to it as they seemingly undermine IGOs. In fact, once an AHC has been set up it is unlikely that an IGO will enter the scene and duplicate efforts. In this sense, a once-occupied functional space is difficult to regain. Even if IGOs are not weakened substantially, they are forced to operate in dense institutional spaces, which limits the relevance of single organisations. AHCs are hardly restructuring the operational territory of IGOs in an all-encompassing way. However, the emergence of AHCs certainly signals a shift in focality for IGOs within the wider global governance system: IGOs are no longer the only focal points of global governance."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In order to assess if AHCs are competing with IGOs, it matters to what extent they are functionally similar or different. If AHCs are functionally different from IGOs, institutional competition is less likely to occur. If they duplicate existing structures, it is a potential case of competition. A quick look at the MNJTF, G5S-JF, and Task Force Takuba reveals that these institutions are providing functions that neither the AU nor EU or UN are able or willing to provide. These three AHCs are combat-oriented missions designed to counter various forms of insurgencies. This kind of mission mostly falls outside the traditional field of operation for the three aforementioned organisations."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"EU military operations mostly consist of training missions deployed alongside larger UN peacekeeping operations. These EU missions are not designed to actively engage in combat and occupy functional niches left by other actors (Brosig 2014). These operations are also rather small, consisting of just a few hundred troops, and would not have been deployed without a larger UN or AU mission in the background. This type of EU operation reflects upon what member states are willing to agree on: low-risk, small-scale technical support and training operations. In other words, high-risk combat missions are not part of the EU’s toolbox."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Although the EU is technically able to deploy combat-oriented missions, it is politically not viable. Task Force Takuba, which was a French-led operation in Mali, was functionally different from what the EU is typically able to carry out. In this sense, Takuba did not directly undermine the EU’s foreign and security policy. However, it revealed the EU’s institutional deficits: EU countries frequently operating outside EU frameworks would shed a poor light on these structures. However, the short-term character of Takuba (2020–2022) is not a substantial challenge to the EU nor did it replace existing missions in the same region. Likewise, the UN traditionally does not deploy pure combat operations on its own. Its peacekeeping doctrine requires that the host nation consent, force be used only in self-defence, and the UN remain politically neutral."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$44"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Still, an element of competition is undeniable. Resources made available by countries for one instrument are not available for another. Especially resource-scarce countries are not in the position to actively participate in multiple military initiatives at the same time, and therefore need to make selective contributions. In this sense, the APSA, which was designed as the “go-to” organisation for issues of peace and security, is losing some of its centrality and member-state capacity. However, AHCs mainly occupy a functional niche that IGOs are not able to fill. In this regard, they are mostly complementary to traditional institutions."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Towards a System Response to Crisis"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Key to the understanding of the effects of AHCs is their position in the wider network of relevant actors. Global governance is mostly taking place in dense institutional spaces. This means AHCs and IGOs are not working in isolation from each other but are interconnected. For example, in the context of armed conflict in Africa the list of international response mechanisms is fairly long, ranging from subregional and regional African institutions to cross-regional engagement with the EU and finally global engagement on the part of the UN. Given this high actor density, the individual institution becomes less critical in the larger frame of the entire system. Within the African context, one can speak about an African security regime complex encompassing all those institutional actors that respond to a crisis (Brosig 2013). In this environment, the question of whether AHCs are a threat to IGOs is of lesser importance as long as they are part of a system response involving several institutions."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In fact, AHCs and IGOs are linked in multiple ways. Not only can we observe membership overlap, IGOs often assume a mandating and authorisation role for AHCs. Although the MNJTF and G5S-JF are not officially integrated into the APSA, they are authorised and mandated by the AU and in some cases also the UN. IGOs lend important political legitimacy that small coalitions cannot provide. Peace enforcement operations on their own often cannot achieve a lasting peace. Political and economic grievances contributing to armed conflict are mostly not addressed by the MNJTF, G5S-JF, or Task Force Takuba. Especially in the Sahel, single military initiatives operate alongside a high number of other political and development-oriented programmes run by the UN, EU, or African RECs. As long as functional differentiation exists, institutional competition is less likely to occur."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Trending Up"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$45"}]}]}}}],["1ZkCFsldaRPBgar3iY6CVI",{"sys":{"id":"1ZkCFsldaRPBgar3iY6CVI","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2022_03 (Header)","title":"GIGA_Bogota_Jun2022_People_celebrate_in_Bogota_with_banners_the victory_Gustavo_Petro_imago_0161242513_NurPhoto","media":{"sys":{"id":"5YesQ114V3P96tFbHQU7cJ","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2022_03 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5YesQ114V3P96tFbHQU7cJ/34e20dcc736d73e376c049d8536bdf4c/GIGA_Bogota_Jun2022_People_celebrate_in_Bogota_with_banners_the_victory_Gustavo_Petro_imago_0161242513_NurPhoto.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"altText":"Second Round of Presidential Elections in Colombia. People celebrate in the streets with campaign banners, shirts and signs, the victory of Gustavo Petro who won the second round of presidential elections."}}],["1a5daa02-2acd-4336-919c-6bfdd881d191",{"sys":{"id":"1a5daa02-2acd-4336-919c-6bfdd881d191","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Iran and the Arab Spring: Between Expectations and Disillusion","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-working-papers/iran-and-the-arab-spring-between-expectations-and-disillusion/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/giga_working_paper","value":"GIGA Working Papers"},"type":"GIGA Working Papers","date":"11.2013","personUuids":["59929eaf-acde-4e78-aaef-e19d22a5ab1e"],"tagline":["GIGA Working Papers"],"link":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21213844/wp241_fuertig.pdf"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"11.2013","type":"GIGA Working Papers","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21213844/wp241_fuertig.pdf","title":"GIGA WP 241"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"November 2013","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/giga_working_paper","value":"GIGA Working Papers"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["59929eaf-acde-4e78-aaef-e19d22a5ab1e"]}],"subtitle":"GIGA Working Papers | German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) | 2013","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2013","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":[],"personNames":["Henner Fürtig"],"personUuids":["59929eaf-acde-4e78-aaef-e19d22a5ab1e"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Working Papers"],"seriesNumber":["241"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"numberOfPages":22,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"The 1979 Iranian Revolution undoubtedly belongs to the \"great\" revolutions of modern times – all of which were characterized by universalistic efforts and the claim to have set new social, political and cultural norms with global validity. In this sense, the Iranian revolutionaries felt the…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"RsAczYTPJfF2xOn1YkQ1q","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Grafik alte WP","title":"Bild Grafik alte WP","altText":"Cover GIGA Working Papers","copyright":"GIGA","media":{"sys":{"id":"2RmnCnJEHpabs1A4OkOLK2","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik_WP_alt_web_kontur","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2RmnCnJEHpabs1A4OkOLK2/0e6919e4410f578e62279f25a60d82d2/Grafik_WP_web_kontur.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"2RmnCnJEHpabs1A4OkOLK2","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik_WP_alt_web_kontur","description":"","file":"$36:81:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Working Papers","date":"2013-11-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["1a7af259-3424-4f65-88f5-6d741382805f",{"sys":{"id":"1a7af259-3424-4f65-88f5-6d741382805f","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Bürgerkriege: Flucht trotz Frieden","dataTeaser":{"date":"21.06.2016","link":"http://www.dandc.eu/de/article/auch-nach-foermlichen-friedensabkommen-fliehen-menschen-weiter-aus-buergerkriegslaendern","type":"Weitere","tagline":["E+Z | Entwicklung und Zusammenarbeit","Weitere"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/other","value":"Weitere"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","personUuids":["17afe8c9-9a21-4ebb-8afd-b149f96bb697","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"21.06.2016","type":"Weitere","links":[{"url":"http://www.dandc.eu/de/article/auch-nach-foermlichen-friedensabkommen-fliehen-menschen-weiter-aus-buergerkriegslaendern"}],"mediums":["E+Z | Entwicklung und Zusammenarbeit"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/other","value":"Weitere"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["17afe8c9-9a21-4ebb-8afd-b149f96bb697","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"],"mediaFormats":[]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Other","date":"2016-06-21T10:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["1a9eb62e-cdbf-4711-bb44-7f7dc9de5a87",{"sys":{"id":"1a9eb62e-cdbf-4711-bb44-7f7dc9de5a87","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Venezuela","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"CLIPPING","pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"type":"Zitat","tagline":["Deutsche Welle","Zitat"],"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"date":"17.06.2020","link":"https://p.dw.com/p/3dwu6 "},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"CLIPPING","type":"Zitat","pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":["Venezuela","political parties","authoritarian regime"]},"expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"links":[{"url":"https://p.dw.com/p/3dwu6 "}],"date":"17.06.2020","mediums":["Deutsche Welle"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2020-06-17T12:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["1ad9a3c6-7690-4cab-911b-cd60a12f4516",{"sys":{"id":"1ad9a3c6-7690-4cab-911b-cd60a12f4516","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"State-Building, War and Violence: Evidence from Latin America","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-working-papers/state-building-war-and-violence-evidence-from-latin-america/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/giga_working_paper","value":"GIGA Working Papers"},"type":"GIGA Working Papers","date":"11.2011","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"tagline":["GIGA Working Papers"],"link":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21244546/wp181_kurtenbach.pdf"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"11.2011","type":"GIGA Working Papers","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21244546/wp181_kurtenbach.pdf","title":"GIGA WP 181"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"November 2011","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/giga_working_paper","value":"GIGA Working Papers"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]}],"subtitle":"GIGA Working Papers | German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) | 2011","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2011","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":[],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach"],"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Working Papers"],"seriesNumber":["181"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"numberOfPages":33,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","relatedProjectUuids":["13474af1-4adb-4158-9c0c-1c1b5ceb11c8"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"In European history, war has played a major role in state‐building and the state monopoly on violence. But war is a very specific form of organized political violence, and it is decreasing on a global scale. Other patterns of armed violence now dominate, ones that seem to undermine state‐building,…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"RsAczYTPJfF2xOn1YkQ1q","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:81:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Grafik alte WP","title":"Bild Grafik alte WP","altText":"Cover GIGA Working Papers","copyright":"GIGA","media":{"sys":{"id":"2RmnCnJEHpabs1A4OkOLK2","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik_WP_alt_web_kontur","description":"","file":"$36:81:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"2RmnCnJEHpabs1A4OkOLK2","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik_WP_alt_web_kontur","description":"","file":"$36:81:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Working Papers","date":"2011-11-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["1bDxV3GO1HxhBkR7Zvq91O",{"sys":{"id":"1bDxV3GO1HxhBkR7Zvq91O","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Pandemic, Protest, and Petro Presidente: Rescuing Colombia’s Peace","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Colombia elected a new progressive government on 19 June. While the COVID-19 pandemic did not play a direct role in the campaign, it has deepened both structural problems as well as pre-pandemic trends such as high levels of social inequality, citizen distrust regarding state institutions, and increasing violence in certain regions of the country. While these social disparities led to a call for change by different groups, reducing violence will be a key policy test for the new government."}]},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Policy Implications"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"External actors need to support the reform agenda. Particularly, the implementation of the structural changes established in the peace agreement as well as reform of the country’s security institutions. While the latter are ignored in the peace accord, doing so is a necessary condition to promote trust in the state and to contain violence by means other than repression. In addition, new economic policies for greater social inclusion and the mitigation of climate change are urgent topics on the agenda too."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A Fragile Post-Accord Peace"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$46"},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":")."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$47"}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Figure 1. Regional Variation in Violence in Colombia, 01.01.2019–05.03. 2020"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"5mSfHJrUoUphzywhUXjbZ3","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2022_03_Figure1","title":"Regional Variation in Violence in Colombia","media":{"sys":{"id":"pY4Klfm8edb4NrpzaMO4V","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2022_03_Figure1","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/pY4Klfm8edb4NrpzaMO4V/403e051d4ae8db372645049d865b3e8c/web-LA-2022_03_Figure1.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Regional Variation in Violence in Colombia, 01.01.2019–05.03. 2020"}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source"},{"nodeType":"text","value":": Authors’ own elaboration, based on the CINEP/PPP Human Rights and Political Violence Database 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Figure 2. Homicide Rate in Colombia 2012–2020, National and in PDET Municipalities"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"3re5fDQ3npCM8NQ8AsktJ1","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2022_03_Figure2","title":"Homicide Rate in Colombia 2012–2020","media":{"sys":{"id":"1ZBB2NkpaXpiXGyfOuOzsa","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2022_03_Figure2","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1ZBB2NkpaXpiXGyfOuOzsa/49135a624dd7d7a397425abc1b1056cf/web-LA-2022_03_Figure2.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Homicide Rate in Colombia 2012–2020, National and in PDET Municipalities "}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source"},{"nodeType":"text","value":": Authors’ own elaboration, based on data from the Foundation Ideas para la Paz FIP 2021."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The killing of social leaders and human rights defenders has spiked over the last few years. According to the non-governmental organisation INDEPAZ, there were 279 and 310 assassinations of social leaders in 2019 and 2020 respectively; meanwhile, 171 assassinations were reported in 2021. In addition, "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" recorded 192 former FARC combatants killed or disappeared between 2019 and 2021."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Amid this transitional phase out of war, and linked to the political opening unleashed by the peace agreement, Colombia experienced a process of vibrant social mobilisation. A protest movement encompassing diverse sectors within Colombia society and a wide range of demands mobilised against the incumbent right-wing government. Starting on 21 November 2019, labour unions, youth, and other marginalised urban and rural sectors organised a nationwide strike (Borda 2020)."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"President Duque questioned the motives and legitimacy of the protestors and ordered the deployment of anti-riot units and military personnel on the streets. The government’s violent response fuelled further outrage and stronger citizen support for the demonstrations. Facing increasing political pressure and mounting unpopularity, Duque proposed the establishment of a “grand national conversation.” Yet, no significant progress ensued. While the protest movement lost impetus and mobilisation subsided towards the end of the year, citizen discontent continued simmering. The government’s announcement of new reforms in line with those that had partly motivated the protests in the first place led to the expectation of a resurgence of social unrest in 2020."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"… and Then Came COVID-19"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Colombian authorities registered the first case of COVID-19 on 6 March 2020. As of June 2022, meanwhile, the country reported about six million confirmed positive cases and almost 140,000 related deaths to date (see Figure 3). To contain the pandemic, the government would implement strict lockdowns, quarantines and curfews, as well as measures of fiscal and social policy. From March to August 2020, national as well as local government decreed some of the harshest lockdown measures and mobility restrictions worldwide."},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-inline"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Restrictions and closures were later gradually lifted, mostly driven by their devastating economic impact and the impossibility to follow mobility restrictions and stay-home orders for large parts of the population dependent on a daily income."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Figure 3. Number of Reported COVID-19 Cases in Colombia (Per Day), 01.03.2020–30.04.2022"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"4oXDODMjl2ZlQksMv7kgPY","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2022_03_Figure3","title":"Number of Reported COVID-19 Cases in Colombia","media":{"sys":{"id":"1Zm7GKq3918aoqmLYZkwHM","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2022_03_Figure3","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1Zm7GKq3918aoqmLYZkwHM/eca5401152cec18541462329b38090a5/web-LA-2022_03_Figure3.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Number of Reported COVID-19 Cases in Colombia (Per Day), 01.03.2020–30.04.2022"}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source"},{"nodeType":"text","value":": Authors’ own elaboration, based on data from the Johns Hopkins Coronavirus Resource Center 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Colombian government undertook measures to increase the healthcare system’s capacity and to cushion COVID-19’s socio-economic impacts, including the expansion of social-assistance programmes and the creation of cash transfers for vulnerable households ("},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Programa Ingreso Solidario"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). Nevertheless, intensive care units and hospitals were stretched beyond capacity during the peaks of COVID-19 waves. Despite the social assistance, people from disadvantaged socio-economic sectors – especially the estimated 45 per cent of the labour force making their living in the informal sector ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":") – had to return to the streets out of sheer necessity."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Schools and care facilities for smaller children remained closed for almost two years, with access to online learning being extremely unequal. This not only led to high numbers of school dropouts but has lowered an entire generation’s life goals and expectations. Overall, the pandemic has erased the gains made from years of poverty reduction in Colombia, with women being by and large more affected than men. According to the national statistics agency "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", monetary poverty increased from 35.7 per cent in 2019 to 42.5 per cent in 2020. This figure amounts to 3,551,522 people having fallen into poverty. Extreme monetary poverty, in turn, went from 9.6 per cent in 2019 to 15.1 per cent in 2020 – the latter equivalent to some 2,781,383 people. Although DANE’s statistics for 2021 show a reduction in poverty, it remains at higher levels than 2019 – with 39.3 per cent monetary poverty and 12.2 per cent extreme monetary poverty respectively."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In regard to the dynamics of violence, theoretically an external shock or an emergency such as the COVID-19 pandemic can have a range of effects. It can worsen structural factors underpinning the (re)production of violence, ensuing socio-economic crises can exacerbate violent conflicts, while non-state armed actors can seize the opportunity to strengthen their control over illegal markets and populations. Such shocks can, as well, have no major effects in instances where mitigating policies are successful, or – and this is a rare development – they can promote cooperation between different actors to fight the emergency first as they postpone long-running struggles over other issues."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$48"}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Figure 4. Armed Conflict Events in Colombia, 01.01.2019–31.12.2021"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"4gtr5Ht86HNjXhDAi35Wkf","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2022_03_Figure4","title":"Armed Conflict Events in Colombia","media":{"sys":{"id":"Jz3CHeddVpC9cdSzyhdvR","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2022_03_Figure4","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/Jz3CHeddVpC9cdSzyhdvR/031bdef7b09db27d86fe023881195b6f/web-LA-2022_03_Figure4.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Armed Conflict Events in Colombia"}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source"},{"nodeType":"text","value":": Authors’ own elaboration, based on Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) data."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Notes"},{"nodeType":"text","value":": Armed Conflict Events = violence against civilians, battles, and explosions/remote violence; dotted red vertical line indicates the official beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic in Colombia."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In rural areas, armed actors instrumentalised the pandemic to increase their control over strategic territories such as the border with Venezuela or those important to drug production. Coca crops again became an important means of survival for rural populations. The convergence of economic crisis and the widespread COVID-19-related closure of schools amid the intensification of armed conflict provided a fruitful context for youth recruitment by different non-state armed groups. Community workers and local social leaders observe that, amid the lack of viable alternatives and acute economic vulnerability, persuasion is equally or indeed even more important than force when it comes to youth recruitment into armed groups. According to local accounts in Norte de Santander, armed groups organised clandestine parties, sports events, and beauty contests to lure youngsters suffering from the restrictions of the lockdown into their ranks."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The socio-economic effects of the pandemic, in combination with the policies adopted and reforms announced by the government in response, triggered, as noted, the re-intensification of protests across the country ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). Between the end of April and early June 2021, an unprecedented 1.5 million people took to the streets in both urban and rural areas demanding social and political change (see Figure 5). The peaceful protests escalated through the interaction of small groups of violent protesters, vandalism, looting, and the harsh repression the police and its anti-riot force (ESMAD) unleashed in response. Roadblocks both within and between Colombia’s cities caused disruption to the provision of basic goods and services, negatively affecting the economy – with Cali being a major hotspot of the protests. Over time, however, mobilisation declined due to fatigue setting in and the increasing problems of everyday affairs."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Figure 5. Protest and Riots in Colombia, 01.01.2020–31.12.2021"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"57vG4aG2p6yT8DEFsoNlyO","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2022_03_Figure5","title":"Protest and Riots in Colombia","media":{"sys":{"id":"45IV5W1mtgI93h4SV9TaPi","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2022_03_Figure5","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/45IV5W1mtgI93h4SV9TaPi/36bff1309a1e1d3def8c93ec3bbf250c/web-LA-2022_03_Figure5.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Protest and Riots in Colombia"}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source"},{"nodeType":"text","value":": Authors’ own elaboration, based on ACLED data."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Note"},{"nodeType":"text","value":": Dotted red vertical line indicates the official beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic in Colombia."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The reaction of state security forces to the protests was extremely violent. The NGOs "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" reported 75 associated deaths – 44 of them attributed to the police – further to thousands of attacks on civilians, featuring among other things sexual violence and eye injuries. Growing concerns about the violent crackdown prompted the visit of a commission from the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":") in early June 2021. In its report, the Commission noted that the state response was characterised by excessive and disproportionate use of force and urged the Colombian government to comply with its legal obligations to protect the democratic right to protest."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Against this background, Colombia entered an electoral cycle. The presidential and congressional elections of 2022 would be shaped by several key factors. On the one hand, the increased citizen discontent and ongoing social unrest. Citizen grievances were channelled through the opposition firmly in the direction of President Duque; their demands called for structural transformation and a reformulation of the social contract. At the same time, the ongoing realignment and reshuffling of armed actors after the peace accord intensified violence further to strengthening illegal markets and criminal governance, too. A survey by "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" shows that the three issues the country’s populace held dearest prior to the elections were unemployment (50 per cent), corruption (51 per cent), and security (50 per cent) respectively."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Call for Change"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The election results would lay bare Colombians’ yearning for profound change. In the congressional elections (18 March 2022), the domestic populace voted for the most progressive Congress in history. While the traditional parties (Liberal Party, Conservative Party) managed to preserve a significant number of seats, the Pacto Histórico – a leftist progressive coalition – came close to being the largest group in Congress (see Figures 6 and 7 below). However, both the Senate and the House of Representatives are highly fragmented; the new government will have to find allies if it is to pass legislation."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Figure 6. Electoral Results 2022 for the Senate (108 seats)"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"59uxCGf3Rs4ymh3GgumsAf","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2022_03_Figure6","title":"Electoral Results 2022 for the Senate ","media":{"sys":{"id":"3YWKqjQ2EmcFlpeLnRAvY7","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2022_03_Figure6","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3YWKqjQ2EmcFlpeLnRAvY7/56113e567977dc6b8b14181a7625b568/web-LA-2022_03_Figure6.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Electoral Results 2022 for the Senate "}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source"},{"nodeType":"text","value":": Authors’ own calculation, based on National Registry of Colombia (NRC) (preliminary results)."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Figure 7. Electoral Results 2022 for the House of Representatives (188 seats)"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"5RRYmsY9bXjikw5MP5T4ML","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2022_03_Figure7","title":"Electoral Results 2022 for the House of Representatives ","media":{"sys":{"id":"13jbBiBZXI7IqUS81iJtyz","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2022_03_Figure7","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/13jbBiBZXI7IqUS81iJtyz/b49758f70ecd0ce972e3c14cdd13440d/web-LA-2022_03_Figure7.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Electoral Results 2022 for the House of Representatives "}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source"},{"nodeType":"text","value":": Authors’ own calculation, based on NRC (preliminary results)."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The unpopularity, meanwhile, of the outgoing Duque and the fact that former president Álvaro Uribe did not stand as a candidate led to a disastrous electoral result for their party, the Centro Democrático. The party lost five seats in the Senate and 16 in the House of Representatives. Perhaps the party’s decline is best illustrated by the inability it encountered to field its own candidate for the presidential elections. In turn, the Centro Democrático supported Fedérico Gutiérrez, former major of Medellin and candidate from the so-called Coalition Equipo por Colombia."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The results of the congressional elections foreshadowed the outcome of the looming presidential ones. Petro and his running mate Francia Márquez – from the Pacto Histórico – and Gutiérrez and Rodrigo Lara – from the right-centrist coalition Equipo por Colombia – led pre-election polls. The formula of Petro and Márquez achieved smooth passage to the second round of voting. But, contrary to expectations, Gutiérrez lost his ticket to Rodolfo Hernández, a rich businessman and former mayor of Bucaramanga, and his largely unknown vice-presidential candidate, Marelen Castillo."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Both Petro and Rodríguez ran under the banner of change and the rejection of traditional politics and elites. Interestingly, in the survey cited above – whose fieldwork was finished five days prior to the second round of the presidential elections – 43 per cent of respondents declared that they believed Petro would implement his proposed plans once in government, while only 23 per cent thought Hernández would do so. Additionally, Petro’s campaign built on a broad platform running the whole gamut from social inclusion, to a more progressive economic development model, to the full implementation of the peace agreement, to climate change. Hernández’s programme was far more limited: other than emphasising the combat against corruption as its main goal, it remained vague in content."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$49"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Despite the many concerns, the run-off vote counting progressed quickly and without problems. One hour after the polls closed and with 98 per cent of the votes counted, it was evident that Petro and Márquez had won. The official result gave them 50.44 per cent of the vote versus Hernández and Castillo’s 47.03 per cent thereof. Participation was the highest since 1998, with 58 per cent of those eligible casting their vote. Bogotá, other large cities, and the peripheral regions of Colombia – where all the unresolved structural problems of violence, inequality, and lack of civil livelihoods accumulate – were key for the results seen; Petro and Márquez also were clearly ahead among women, youth, as well as indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Following the elections, three developments stand out offering signs of hope for meaningful change:"}]},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Give Peace a (Second) Chance? Challenges for the New Government"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$4a"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The six main challenges the government (and the country as a whole) faces can be summarised as follows:"}]},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The new government will need to advance reforms in all these fields despite dire state finances. Therefore, implementing its proposals for progressive tax reform will be the toughest test of its operability. The COVID-19 pandemic has increased public debt to unprecedented levels, around 61 per cent of gross domestic product (Central Bank of Colombia 2022). Hence, managing high expectations in a political situation that remains delicate despite the mentioned bandwagon effect calls for sensitive and careful compromise."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"International Support Is Still Needed"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$4b"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"However, some reforms (such as in the security sector) may also encounter strong national as well as international resistance. The United States and its “Plan Colombia” have been the main driver behind the build-up of the latter’s armed forces, and traditional drug policy remains a key bipartisan topic in the two countries’ relations. The new government will have to carefully navigate internal and international power relations as well as donor’s reform priorities and approaches if it wants to deliver on its promise of genuine change."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-3","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Acknowledgement"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Field work for this GIGA Focus was possible thanks to a grant by the Volkswagen Foundation for the project "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" and the cooperation with the office of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation in Colombia (Fescol)."}]}]}}}],["1bL56nJmbcyzjcjPKqOSR0",{"sys":{"id":"1bL56nJmbcyzjcjPKqOSR0","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Asien 2019_02_1.Seite","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Während seiner Mitgliedschaft 2019/2020 im Sicherheitsrat der Vereinten Nationen will Deutschland Impulse zur Abrüstung und Rüstungskontrolle geben. Eine besondere Herausforderung in dieser Hinsicht stellt Nordkoreas Nuklear- und Raketenrüstung dar. Im Jahr 2017 eskalierten Kim Jong Un und Donald Trump den Konflikt hierüber. Gipfeltreffen zwischen Washington und Pyongyang sowie zwischen den beiden Koreas öffneten dann im Jahr 2018 Fenster für eine zukünftige Kooperation. In der Frage der Denuklearisierung liegen die Positionen der USA und Nordkoreas aber noch weit auseinander."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-3","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Fazit"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Die vollständige Aufgabe der nuklearen Bewaffnung Nordkoreas bleibt anzustreben, ist aber auf absehbare Zeit unrealistisch. Mit ihrem Sitz im VN-Sicherheitsrat sollte die Bundesregierung auf pragmatische Zwischenschritte drängen, da diese die beste Chance auf ein Mehr an Sicherheit in Korea und der Region bieten. Entsprechend der deutschen Prioritäten sollte sich der Blick nun auf effektive Abrüstungs- und Rüstungskontrollmaßnahmen richten."}],"data":{}}]}}}],["1c3a98c9-209d-4924-abf7-86090230ecab",{"sys":{"id":"1c3a98c9-209d-4924-abf7-86090230ecab","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"From Ending War to Building Peace – Lessons from Latin America","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/from-ending-war-to-building-peace-lessons-from-latin-america/","dataTeaser":{"date":"1/2022","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfla-22012","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfla-22012"],"date":"01.2022","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Januar 2022","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]}],"subtitle":"2022 | ISSN: 1862-3573","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-81479-4"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2022","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3573"],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach"],"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"seriesNumber":["1"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":true,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","relatedProjectUuids":["ecd841c7-280a-4957-a5d8-3f6e23814b11"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserText":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Mit der Machtübernahme der Taliban in Afghanistan wird neu über die Möglichkeiten und Grenzen internationaler Friedenseinsätze diskutiert. Erfahrungen aus Zentralamerika und Kolumbien zeigen, dass nicht nur die Rückkehr der Vergangenheit, sondern auch fehlende strukturelle Reformen den Frieden bedrohen. Eine Analyse.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"4DXN4llNlDst4CclfZDdkV","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA_Colombia_Nov2019_Bogota_protest_demonstration_peace_Reuters_RTX7AB7I_Luisa_Gonzalez_Website","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4DXN4llNlDst4CclfZDdkV/04a9f39d4cd460a17d2be305476f7240/GIGA_Colombia_Nov2019_Bogota_protest_demonstration_peace_Reuters_RTX7AB7I_Luisa_Gonzalez_Website.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Latin America","date":"2022-01-18T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["1c878282-fd90-46c5-9802-90aef10f4185",{"sys":{"id":"1c878282-fd90-46c5-9802-90aef10f4185","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Frieden zwischen lokaler Verantwortung und globalen Werten. Explorative Pilotstudie Kolumbien","path":"/de/forschung-und-transfer/projekte/glocal-peace-pilot-study-colombia/","dataTeaser":{"date":"01.02.2019 - 31.12.2020","type":"Forschung","pureType":{"key":"upmproject/upmprojecttypes/upmproject/research","value":"Forschung"},"blueprint":"PROJECT","teaserText":"Peace is widely recognized as a universal goal, but it means many things to different people. The project develops a peace concept across space and time to analyse the context specific meanings of peace with an exploratory case study in Colombia.
GIZ, FES, 2019-2020","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"type":"Forschung","period":"01.02.2019 - 31.12.2020","pureType":{"key":"upmproject/upmprojecttypes/upmproject/research","value":"Forschung"},"blueprint":"PROJECT","headUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"teamUuids":[],"associateUuids":[],"teamExternUuids":[],"coordinatorUuids":[],"cooperationPersonUuids":[]},"typeOrSubtype":"Projects","date":"2019-02-01T11:00:00.000Z"}}],["1e188a83-a91d-4572-9923-6a7cf16629a7",{"sys":{"id":"1e188a83-a91d-4572-9923-6a7cf16629a7","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Deutscher Studienpreis 2017","dataTeaser":{"date":"07.2017","type":"Auszeichnung","pureType":{"key":"prize/prizetypes/prize/prize","value":"Auszeichnung"},"blueprint":"PRIZE","personUuids":["7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"],"awardingInstitutionUuids":["f7273a5a-39a8-4705-9d2f-38d3262db5dc"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"07.2017","type":"Auszeichnung","links":[{"url":"https://www.giga-hamburg.de/de/news/giga-wissenschaftlerin-erhaelt-deutschen-studienpreis-0"},{"url":"https://www.koerber-stiftung.de/pressemeldungen-fotos-journalistenservice/ausgezeichnete-forschung-1104"}],"pureType":{"key":"prize/prizetypes/prize/prize","value":"Auszeichnung"},"blueprint":"PRIZE","expertUuids":["7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"],"personNames":["Julia Strasheim"],"awardingInstitutionUuids":["f7273a5a-39a8-4705-9d2f-38d3262db5dc"]},"teaserText":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Julia Strasheim received the Körber Foundation’s German Dissertation Award 2017 for her dissertation on \"Securing Peace after Violent Conflicts\". ","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"},"typeOrSubtype":"Prizes","date":"2017-07-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["1e4p1BAbe8M44XHrcXaBtB",{"sys":{"id":"1e4p1BAbe8M44XHrcXaBtB","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2024_01 (Header)","title":"GIGA_Sept23_Guatemalan protest outside the Supreme Court of Justice_REUTERS_Luis Echeverria_RTSNVW74","media":{"sys":{"id":"16PHHdMkqeMIvBR7iH5X84","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2024_01 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/16PHHdMkqeMIvBR7iH5X84/d6cf159a5090416e77e2a201ea05e019/GIGA_Sept23_Guatemalan_protest_outside_the_Supreme_Court_of_Justice_REUTERS_Luis_Echeverria_RTSNVW74.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"altText":"A protester holds a sign that reads “The people vote Arevald president” as supporters of Guatemalan President-elect Bernardo Arevalo protest outside the Supreme Court of Justice (CSJ), Guatemala City, Guatemala 18 September 2023. "}}],["1e5d2964-66f8-49b2-ac0b-054a9cbf191e",{"sys":{"id":"1e5d2964-66f8-49b2-ac0b-054a9cbf191e","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Securitisation Strategies to Prevent Conflict Diffusion in Tanzania and Former Zaire","path":"/de/publikationen/referierte-aufsaetze/securitisation-strategies-prevent-conflict-diffusion-tanzania-zaire/","dataTeaser":{"date":"10.2020","link":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2020.1811211","type":"Artikel","tagline":["Journal of Contemporary African Studies"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Artikel","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"subtitle":"Artikel | 2020","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"10.2020","dateShort":"2020","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2020.1811211"],"personNames":["Nadine Ansorg"],"dateLong":"Oktober 2020","isbns":[],"issueNumber":"4","journal":"Journal of Contemporary African Studies","pages":"579-593","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-70889-9"],"volume":"38","unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"personUuids":["63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"7M8WSm403jHfAd11FfcKPi","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild referierte Artikel (Banner)","title":"Bild referierte Artikel (Banner)","altText":"Ein Stapel Zeitschriften","copyright":"iStock.com/ pinkomelet","media":{"sys":{"id":"6G3WSuMvJiBw9DHzR12Vu8","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA iStock-831942476 Banner referierte Artikel","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/6G3WSuMvJiBw9DHzR12Vu8/ef90f51c54e42893d7a130042c13155b/GIGA_iStock-831942476_Banner_referierte_Artikel-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":2000}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"6G3WSuMvJiBw9DHzR12Vu8","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA iStock-831942476 Banner referierte Artikel","file":"$36:91:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Articles","date":"2020-10-10T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["1e8ecad5-cc9e-47a7-b3f1-750ecea20c28",{"sys":{"id":"1e8ecad5-cc9e-47a7-b3f1-750ecea20c28","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"COVID-19 in Latin America: Where We Stand and What Is to Come","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/covid-19-in-lateinamerika-wo-wir-stehen-und-was-auf-uns-zukommt/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"type":"GIGA Focus","date":"5/2021","personUuids":["488f911f-0396-480e-85c0-d3db985b3056","b904e04f-3f34-417e-bbd9-aa609c4a23b0"],"tagline":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"link":"https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-75519-3"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2021 | ISSN: 1862-3573","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"10.2021","dateShort":"2021","links":[{"title":"Text (PDF English)","url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/28580527/web_LA_2021_05.pdf"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":[],"personNames":["Jan Felix Drexler","Bert Hoffmann"],"dateLong":"Oktober 2021","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-75519-3"],"unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e"],"seriesNumber":["5"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3573"],"useDynamicPdf":false,"personUuids":["488f911f-0396-480e-85c0-d3db985b3056","b904e04f-3f34-417e-bbd9-aa609c4a23b0"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["488f911f-0396-480e-85c0-d3db985b3056","b904e04f-3f34-417e-bbd9-aa609c4a23b0"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"2dyxZoTAIkB0lC8ey9Na0d","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2021_05 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2021_05 (Header)","altText":"Ein Mitarbeiter des Gesundheitswesens verabreicht eine Dosis des Impfstoffs gegen die Coronavirus-Krankheit (COVID-19) in einem mobilen Impfzentrum in Panchimalco, El Salvador","copyright":"Reuters / Jose Cabezas","media":{"sys":{"id":"2UOjMgGX4rbjgzfEj1CfqN","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2021_05 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2UOjMgGX4rbjgzfEj1CfqN/dcbfca9e9685e9ae5d9f655fb0ee16e8/GIGA_ElSalvador_Oct2021_COVID_vaccine_Panchimalco_Reuters_RTXI5F8A_JoseCabezas_Website.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserText":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Die Autoren dieses GIGA Focus analysieren die aktuelle COVID-19-Lage in Lateinamerika und welche Herausforderungen auf die Länder zukommt. \nVolltext auf Englisch und Spanisch verfügbar.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"2UOjMgGX4rbjgzfEj1CfqN","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2021_05 (Header)","description":"","file":"$36:92:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Latin America","date":"2021-10-22T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"COVID-19 in Lateinamerika: wo wir stehen und was auf uns zukommt"}}],["1e9a245c-bdb4-4214-95ee-24ead5dcb6d6",{"sys":{"id":"1e9a245c-bdb4-4214-95ee-24ead5dcb6d6","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Populism and the Politicisation of Foreign Policy","path":"/de/publikationen/referierte-aufsaetze/populism-and-the-politicization-of-foreign-policy/","dataTeaser":{"date":"08.2022","link":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13691481221075944","type":"Artikel","tagline":["British Journal of Politics and International Relations"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"Inwieweit politisieren Populisten die Außenpolitik? Sandra Destradi, Johannes Plagemann und Hakkı Taş finden interessante Unterschiede zwischen den öffentlichen Diskursen des türkischen Präsidenten Recep Tayyip Erdoğan und des indischen Premierministers Narendra Modi.","personUuids":["cabf039a-3f92-46ee-9e91-05212c817300","c4b57e90-8199-4e33-a277-77da07848932","216d6bff-eb59-4410-97c1-85e7f6b7938e"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.1177/13691481221075944"],"date":"08.2022","type":"Artikel","isbns":[],"links":[],"pages":"475-492","status":"Veröffentlicht","volume":"24","journal":"British Journal of Politics and International Relations","dateLong":"August 2022","keywords":{"free":["Foreign policy","India","Turkey","politicisation","populism"],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/asia/India","title":"Indien"}]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["cabf039a-3f92-46ee-9e91-05212c817300","c4b57e90-8199-4e33-a277-77da07848932","216d6bff-eb59-4410-97c1-85e7f6b7938e"]}],"subtitle":"Artikel | 2022","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2022","unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"issueNumber":"3","personNames":["Sandra Destradi","Johannes Plagemann","Hakkı Taş"],"personUuids":["cabf039a-3f92-46ee-9e91-05212c817300","c4b57e90-8199-4e33-a277-77da07848932","216d6bff-eb59-4410-97c1-85e7f6b7938e"],"isForthcoming":false,"numberOfPages":18,"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"1iMJtU9w5xwropp3QTH8Uf","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Albania Jan2022 Tirana Turkish President Erdogan Turkey Flag RTS4LRF1 Reuters Florion GOGA","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1iMJtU9w5xwropp3QTH8Uf/744ff6a4d00c89ccb35c09ba16a39dcb/GIGA_Albania_Jan2022_Tirana_Turkish_President_Erdogan_Turkey_Flag_RTS4LRF1_Reuters_Florion_GOGA-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Articles","date":"2022-08-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["1ef149fe-85b3-43b3-9748-29941b3cbd1d",{"sys":{"id":"1ef149fe-85b3-43b3-9748-29941b3cbd1d","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"María Corina Machado erhält den Friedensnobelpreis","dataTeaser":{"date":"10.10.2025","link":"https://assets.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/7ElhUG75jtekPWEExl82lY/8f0f6bc57f031819ccdd0b04365afe5e/hr-iNFO_Interview.mp3","type":"Interview","tagline":["hr INFO","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

María Corina Machado erhält den Friedensnobelpreis 2025 - überraschend für viele, aber durchaus verdient. Die Oppositionspolitikerin setzt sich seit Jahren für Demokratie in Venezuela ein. Prof. Dr. Sabine Kurtenbach spricht über die Rolle der Preisträgerin, die Lage der Opposition und Trumps Reaktion.

","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"10.10.2025","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://assets.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/7ElhUG75jtekPWEExl82lY/8f0f6bc57f031819ccdd0b04365afe5e/hr-iNFO_Interview.mp3"}],"mediums":["hr INFO"],"keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/venezuela","title":"Venezuela"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/andean_region","title":"Andenregion"}]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Radio"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2025-10-10T10:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["1f7d13d6-b4c9-4681-a079-a724a9726f0e",{"sys":{"id":"1f7d13d6-b4c9-4681-a079-a724a9726f0e","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Democratic Institutions in the Global South","path":"/de/forschung-und-transfer/projekte/democratic-institutions-in-the-global-south/","dataTeaser":{"date":"01.05.2021 - 31.03.2027","type":"Forschung","pureType":{"key":"upmproject/upmprojecttypes/upmproject/research","value":"Forschung"},"blueprint":"PROJECT","teaserText":"This project contributes new knowledge on the functioning of democratic institutions in the Global South, their (in)efficacy to constrain powerful executives, and the effects of particular institutions on both democratic quality and regime stability. The focus is on countries with presidential constitutions, i.e., those with directly elected presidents, an institutional choice that extended worldwide in the last decades.
Leibniz Competition, 2021-2027","personUuids":["5c038f0f-efcf-40a3-9fb3-ddb12e3deda4","dbd51c36-f65f-457b-805e-79ecc2b1025c","2ae5f798-faae-4248-ac76-e9e0ae84ca08","45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"]},"dataDetail":{"type":"Forschung","period":"01.05.2021 - 31.03.2027","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/latin_america","title":"Lateinamerika"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/africa/africa","title":"Sub-Sahara Afrika"}]},"pureType":{"key":"upmproject/upmprojecttypes/upmproject/research","value":"Forschung"},"blueprint":"PROJECT","headUuids":["5c038f0f-efcf-40a3-9fb3-ddb12e3deda4"],"teamUuids":["dbd51c36-f65f-457b-805e-79ecc2b1025c","2ae5f798-faae-4248-ac76-e9e0ae84ca08","45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"associateUuids":[],"teamExternUuids":[],"coordinatorUuids":[],"cooperationPersonUuids":[]},"typeOrSubtype":"Projects","date":"2021-05-01T10:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Democratic Institutions in the Global South (DEMINGS)"}}],["1nuHO50BORKYG6RAHECWgZ",{"sys":{"id":"1nuHO50BORKYG6RAHECWgZ","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text GIGA Focus Global_2016_02_3","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Grafik 2 illustriert diese Dynamik. Die linke Abbildung stellt die Beziehung zwischen politischem Terror und der Zahl der Flüchtlinge graphisch dar. Die Aufwärtskurve der Regressionslinie zeigt, dass dort, wo der politische Terror sich verstärkt, auch die Zahl der Flüchtlinge steigt (dargestellt in einer logarithmischen Skala der y-Achse). In der rechten Abbildung wird die Intensität nichtstaatlicher und einseitiger Gewalt in Bezug zum Niveau der Flüchtlingszahlen gesetzt. Obwohl diese Daten nicht so eindeutig sind wie in der linken Abbildung, zeigen sie, dass Nachkriegsländer mit nichtstaatlicher und einseitiger Gewalt höhere Flüchtlingszahlen aufweisen als diejenigen ohne zivile Opfer und/oder nichtstaatliche Kampfhandlungen."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Emigration und die Qualität von Institutionen"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$4c"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Es dauert lange, bis institutionelle Reformen umgesetzt sind und Wirkung entfalten. Die Übergangsjustiz ist dafür ein gutes Beispiel. Die Täter schwerer Menschenrechtsverletzungen können nur dann strafrechtlich verfolgt werden, wenn sie wenigstens einen Teil ihrer politischen und ökonomischen Macht verloren haben. Andere institutionelle Reformen benötigen eine langfristige Perspektive und ein hohes Maß an politischem Willen, um mehr als nur oberflächliche Veränderungen zu bewirken. Wo die Reformen wichtiger Institutionen wie die Justiz und der staatliche Sicherheitssektor scheitern, fördern sie die Emigration aus wenigstens drei Gründen:"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"ordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":""}],"data":{}}]}}}],["1sZ0XM5d7wogOMbxPLgw46",{"sys":{"id":"1sZ0XM5d7wogOMbxPLgw46","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur GIGA Focus Conditions for Democratic Transitions: Venezuela’s 2024 Elections","headline":"Literatur","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"BCV (Banco Central de Venezuela) (n.d.), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 26 March 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"CEPAL (Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe) (2021), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", February, accessed 26 March 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Corrales, Javier (2020), Authoritarian Survival: Why Maduro Hasn’t Fallen, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Journal of Democracy"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 31, 3, 39–53."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Freedom House (n.d.), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 26 March 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Gerschewski, Johannes (2013), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Democratization"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 20, 1, 13–38, accessed 26 March 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Haggard, Stephan, and Robert Kaufman (2021), The Anatomy of Democratic Backsliding, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Journal of Democracy"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 32, 4, 27–41."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Kendall-Taylor, Andrea, and Erica Frantz (2014), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Washington Quarterly"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 37, 1, 35–47, accessed 26 March 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Knutsen, Carl Henrik, Håvard Mokleiv Nygård, and Tore Wig (2017), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"World Politics"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 69, 1, 98–143, accessed 26 March 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Lozano, Daniel (2016), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"El Mundo"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 27 January, accessed 26 March 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Martin, Heather (2017), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Latin American Policy"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 8, 2, 249–262, accessed 26 March 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Observatorio Venezolano de Conflictividad Social (n.d.), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 26 March 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"OVF (Observatorio Venezolano de Finanzas) (2018), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 26 March 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Observatorio Venezolano de Violencia (n.d.), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 26 March 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Polga-Hecimovich, John (2019), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Organized Crime and the State in Venezuela under Chavismo"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: Bagley, Bruce, Jorge Chabat, and Jonathan D. Rosen (eds), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Criminalization of States: The Relationship between States and Organized Crime"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Chapter: 9, Lexington: Lexington Press, 189–207."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Economist"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" (n.d.), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 26 March 2024."}]}]}}}],["1yLY1ycSodGVAiPQPcZXQt",{"sys":{"id":"1yLY1ycSodGVAiPQPcZXQt","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Lateinamerika 2012_11_1.Seite","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Kolumbiens Regierung und die Guerillagruppe FARC verhandeln seit 19. November 2012 in Havanna über die Beendigung des letzten und ältesten Krieges Lateinamerikas."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Analyse"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"\nIn den vergangenen beiden Jahrzehnten wurden zahlreiche Kriege in Lateinamerika am Verhandlungstisch beendet. Guerillagruppen haben sich in Parteien transformiert, sitzen in Parlamenten und teilweise sogar in Regierungen. Die Erfahrungen in Zentralamerika sowie früherer Initiativen in Kolumbien selbst zeigen aber auch, welche gewichtigen Stolpersteine es bei Friedensverhandlungen aus dem Weg zu räumen gilt. Dazu gehören Fragen des Procedere, der Bearbeitung zentraler Konfliktursachen und der Umgang mit der Kriegsgewalt."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":""}],"data":{}}]}}}],["1ytqGL3oiKrhOA6JYzV1Hx",{"sys":{"id":"1ytqGL3oiKrhOA6JYzV1Hx","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur GIGA Focus Guatemala: A Vote for Turning the Tide","headline":"Literatur","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Cristosal (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 29 January 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Diamond, Larry (2022), Democracy’s Arc: From Resurgent to Imperiled, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Journal of Democracy"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 33, 1, 163–179."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Dixon, Rosalind, and David Landau (2021), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Abusive Constitutional Borrowing: Legal Globalisation and the Subversion of Liberal Democracy"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Oxford University Press."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Harrison, Chase (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", AS/COA, 23 June, accessed 7 February 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Hellman, Joel S., Geraint Jones, and Daniel Kaufmann (2000), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", World Bank, Policy Research Working Paper Series, 2444, accessed 7 February 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Latinobarómetro Database (2023), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Latinobarómetro Informe 2023. La Recesión Democrática de América Latina"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Santiago de Chile: Latinomarómetro."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Levitsky, Steven, and Daniel Ziblatt (2018), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"How Democracies Die,"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" New York: Crown Publishing."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Peacock, Susan C., and Adriana Beltrán (2003), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Hidden Powers in Post-Conflict Guatemala: Illegal Armed Groups and the Forces behind Them"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Washington, DC: Washington Office on Latin America."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"PROLEDI (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Universidad de Costa Rica, PROLEDI, accessed 7 February 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"RSF (Reporters Without Borders) (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 29 January 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Schwartz, Rachel A., and Anita Isaacs (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Journal of Democracy"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 34, 4, 21–35, accessed 29 January 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Silva Avalos, Héctor (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", WOLA, 22 February, accessed 29 January 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"US State Department (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 7 February 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"V-Dem Institute (2023a), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Defiance in the Face of Autocratization, Democracy Report 2023"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", University of Gothenburg: Varieties of Democracy Institute."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"V-Dem Institute (2023b), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 1 February 2024."}]}]}}}],["21f493ba-6477-4a74-829f-dfd80fd342de",{"sys":{"id":"21f493ba-6477-4a74-829f-dfd80fd342de","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Ad Hoc Coalitions in a Changing Global Order","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/ad-hoc-coalitions-in-a-changing-global-order/","dataTeaser":{"date":"4/2022","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfgl-22042","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Global"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Ad-Hoc-Koalitionen sind hoch spezialisierte temporäre Krisenreaktionsinstrumente, die außerhalb von etablierten internationalen Organisationen agieren. Welche Motivation haben Staaten, sie zu bilden, und sind diese komplementär orientiert? Diese und weitere Fragen stehen im Mittelpunkt des GIGA Focus Global.","personUuids":["cf5610a7-721e-4058-98b9-d52b00c1e413"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2022 | ISSN: 1862-3581","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"10.2022","dateShort":"2022","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfgl-22042"],"personNames":["Malte Brosig"],"dateLong":"Oktober 2022","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Global"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-81663-2"],"unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesNumber":["4"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3581"],"useDynamicPdf":true,"personUuids":["cf5610a7-721e-4058-98b9-d52b00c1e413"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["cf5610a7-721e-4058-98b9-d52b00c1e413"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"2C71ZtooaQQ0wcTI5gas5j","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Global 2022_04 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2C71ZtooaQQ0wcTI5gas5j/65444b319dc7267974cc6c06d784ea75/Bild_GIGA_Focus_Global_2022_04__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Global","date":"2022-10-04T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["2230f627-a2b9-463b-a006-5d5a36b3ccb2",{"sys":{"id":"2230f627-a2b9-463b-a006-5d5a36b3ccb2","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Jugendliche in Friedensentwicklung aktiv einbeziehen!","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/attendance/participating","value":"Beteiligung"},"type":"GIGA Forum","eventName":"Jugendliche in Friedensentwicklung aktiv einbeziehen!","date":"20.06.2018","link":"https://www.giga-hamburg.de/de/veranstaltungen/11286191-actively-include-youth-peace-processes/","personUuids":["d6f720d0-997c-41e3-b0bd-e5d69b431c72","e7c2d41b-a439-4082-bfe6-a66022042591","c67b1e9d-30d7-4d2f-a4b4-e337c88fe7ba","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["d6f720d0-997c-41e3-b0bd-e5d69b431c72","c67b1e9d-30d7-4d2f-a4b4-e337c88fe7ba","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"role":{"key":"panelist","value":"Panelbeitragende:r"}},{"uuids":["e7c2d41b-a439-4082-bfe6-a66022042591"],"role":{"key":"moderator","value":"Moderator:in"}}],"referencedEventUuid":"288fe5ce-a6af-4402-8ac8-1c9d46584619","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"Jugendliche in Friedensentwicklung aktiv einbeziehen!. Vorträge und Ausstellungseröffnung"}},"dataDetail":{"date":"20.06.2018","type":"GIGA Forum","links":[{"url":"https://www.giga-hamburg.de/de/veranstaltungen/11286191-actively-include-youth-peace-processes/"}],"pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/attendance/participating","value":"Beteiligung"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"panelist","value":"Panelbeitragende:r"},"uuids":["d6f720d0-997c-41e3-b0bd-e5d69b431c72","c67b1e9d-30d7-4d2f-a4b4-e337c88fe7ba","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},{"role":{"key":"moderator","value":"Moderator:in"},"uuids":["e7c2d41b-a439-4082-bfe6-a66022042591"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"Jugendliche in Friedensentwicklung aktiv einbeziehen!","expertUuids":["d6f720d0-997c-41e3-b0bd-e5d69b431c72","e7c2d41b-a439-4082-bfe6-a66022042591","c67b1e9d-30d7-4d2f-a4b4-e337c88fe7ba","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"personNames":["Julie Brethfeld","Thomas Richter","Martin Ostermeier","Sabine Kurtenbach"],"referencedEventUuid":"288fe5ce-a6af-4402-8ac8-1c9d46584619"},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2018-06-20T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["233ffc9b-e1d5-487d-b09c-21c5a9d416d6",{"sys":{"id":"233ffc9b-e1d5-487d-b09c-21c5a9d416d6","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Latin America – Multilateralism without Multilateral Values","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/lateinamerika-multilateralismus-ohne-liberale-werte/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"type":"GIGA Focus","date":"7/2019","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"tagline":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"link":"https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-65887-1"},"dataDetail":{"abstractSnippet":"Lateinamerika und die Karibik gelten als natürliche Verbündete der deutschen Außenpolitik, wenn es darum geht, den liberalen Multilateralismus zu stärken. Eine Analyse regionaler Zusammenarbeit in der Region zeigt allerdings ein ambivalentes Bild. Insbesondere bei den Kernelementen des liberalen…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"4CCHVbHJz7DtSFFltECrz","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2019_07 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2019_07 (Header)","altText":"OAS-Delegiertensitze","copyright":"Reuters / Yuri Gripas","media":{"sys":{"id":"6CUMGGd1WZWmrO8sWfn756","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2019_07 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/6CUMGGd1WZWmrO8sWfn756/a32d645b86d03843d3ed861f1f7b42bf/GIGA_OAS_May2017_Delegates-Seats_Reuters_Yuri-Gripas.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2625,"height":1500}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"6CUMGGd1WZWmrO8sWfn756","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2019_07 (Header)","file":"$36:102:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Latin America","date":"2019-12-01T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Lateinamerika – Multilateralismus ohne liberale Werte"}}],["23907b1a-1d27-42e1-bb9f-b4bea7b0302a",{"sys":{"id":"23907b1a-1d27-42e1-bb9f-b4bea7b0302a","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Legados Violentos, Movimientos Sociales, Futuros Inciertos","path":"/de/das-giga/team/legados-violentos-movimientos-sociales-futuros-inciertos/","dataTeaser":{"date":"14.02.2024 - 16.02.2024","type":"Konferenz","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/attendance/participating","value":"Beteiligung"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"organiser","value":"Organisator:in"},"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},{"role":{"key":"panelist","value":"Panelbeitragende:r"},"uuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"Legados Violentos, Movimientos Sociales, Futuros Inciertos","teaserText":"In Central America, democracy and peacebuilding processes are currently threatened. Researchers and civil society representatives discussed potential pathways out of the crisis in a three-day workshop at the University of Costa Rica in San José, organised by GIGA.","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"Central America finds itself again at a crossroads. Fragile processes of democratisation and peacebuilding are threatened by traditional and corrupt elites weaponising the judiciary, undermining the rule of law, and limiting human rights. Civil society plays a major role in resisting such developments.

In a three-day workshop at the University of Costa Rica in San José, researchers from the GIGA, CIEP, and other academic institutions from Central America, as well as representatives of Civil Society, discussed the current developments, challenges, and potential pathways out of the crisis. "},"personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"referencedEventUuid":"4f975bb0-1dbf-49ef-896e-6cc17d3ac648"},"dataDetail":{"date":"14.02.2024 - 16.02.2024","type":"Konferenz","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/attendance/participating","value":"Beteiligung"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"organiser","value":"Organisator:in"},"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},{"role":{"key":"panelist","value":"Panelbeitragende:r"},"uuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"Legados Violentos, Movimientos Sociales, Futuros Inciertos","expertUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"personNames":["Désirée Reder","Sabine Kurtenbach","Alina Ripplinger"],"referencedEventUuid":"4f975bb0-1dbf-49ef-896e-6cc17d3ac648"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"5A6GNJ12rRw0S1VdedYOjo","type":"Asset"},"title":"Image Workshop Désirée Reder Costa Rica 2","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5A6GNJ12rRw0S1VdedYOjo/c4624ed6191f9e4858449b04df7b5189/Group_pic.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":3942,"height":2217}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2024-02-14T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["2421c383-5c37-4917-86fa-b9138886030e",{"sys":{"id":"2421c383-5c37-4917-86fa-b9138886030e","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Multilateralism, Liberal Values, and the Global South","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/multilateralism-liberal-values-and-the-global-south/","dataTeaser":{"date":"02.2022","link":"https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/21st-Century-Multilateralism.pdf#page=69","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","tagline":["Global Economy and Development"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"In diesem Aufsatz erörtert Prof. Amrita Narlikar den wissenschaftlichen und politischen Austausch über Reformen des Multilateralismus vor dem Hintergrund einer unzureichenden Auseinandersetzung mit dem globalen und vielfältigen Erbe des Liberalismus.","personUuids":["efeac3d7-2c4c-49ea-9080-94703d214d2f"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"subtitle":"Kapitel in Sammelband | The Brookings Institution | 2022","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"02.2022","dateShort":"2022","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":[],"personNames":["Amrita Narlikar"],"dateLong":"Februar 2022","hostEditorNames":["Brahima S. Coulibaly","Kemal Derviş"],"hostTitle":"Essays on a 21st Century Multilateralism that Works for All","isbns":[],"pages":"66-73","publisher":"The Brookings Institution","seriesTitle":["Global Economy and Development"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":["https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/21st-Century-Multilateralism.pdf#page=69"],"unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","1b9d3c92-63ad-49fe-bb02-119e2a17eef4"],"seriesNumber":[],"seriesIssn":[],"personUuids":["efeac3d7-2c4c-49ea-9080-94703d214d2f"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["efeac3d7-2c4c-49ea-9080-94703d214d2f"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserText":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"In diesem Aufsatz diskutiert Prof. Amrita Narlikar den wissenschaftlichen und politischen Austausch über Reformen des Multilateralismus vor dem Hintergrund einer unzureichenden Auseinandersetzung mit dem globalen und vielfältigen Erbe des Liberalismus.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"7pcMhWz6xtF6ibrmQ9u2Yy","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild: Multilateralism, Liberal Values, and the Global South","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/7pcMhWz6xtF6ibrmQ9u2Yy/10cadc711dc7c2bb8ceef9ef112bf302/Picture__Multilateralism__Liberal_Values__and_the_Global_South-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2022-02-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["2437a20f-c085-4531-ad85-56155c954a22",{"sys":{"id":"2437a20f-c085-4531-ad85-56155c954a22","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Iran: Nutznießer oder Leidtragender der arabischen Umbrüche?","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/iran-nutzniesser-oder-leidtragender-der-arabischen-umbrueche/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","date":"2013","personUuids":["59929eaf-acde-4e78-aaef-e19d22a5ab1e"],"tagline":["Politik und Gesellschaft des Nahen Ostens"],"link":"https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-19273-4_9"},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-19273-4_9"],"date":"2013","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","isbns":["978-3-531-19272-7","978-3-531-19273-4"],"links":[],"pages":"175-195","status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"2013","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["59929eaf-acde-4e78-aaef-e19d22a5ab1e"]}],"subtitle":"Kapitel in Sammelband | Springer VS | 2013","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2013","hostTitle":"Arabellions: Zur Vielfalt von Protest und Revolte im Nahen Osten und Nordafrika","publisher":"Springer VS","unitUuids":["af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b","ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d"],"seriesIssn":[],"personNames":["Henner Fürtig"],"personUuids":["59929eaf-acde-4e78-aaef-e19d22a5ab1e"],"seriesTitle":["Politik und Gesellschaft des Nahen Ostens"],"seriesNumber":[],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"hostEditorNames":["Annette Jünemann","Anja Zorob"],"publicationLocation":"Wiesbaden","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2013-01-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["24NbBcYoQSVkZkIBJymjRS",{"sys":{"id":"24NbBcYoQSVkZkIBJymjRS","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Lateinamerika 2021_01_1.Seite","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Joe Bidens Wahl hat viele Erwartungen geweckt. Politische Traditionen und der vorherrschende überparteiliche Konsens über die US-Politik für die westliche Hemisphäre lassen Veränderungen eher im Ton als in der Substanz erwarten. Vier Themen werden die Agenda bestimmen."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Fazit"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Trumps Handeln und die politischen Gräben, zu deren Vertiefung er beigetragen hat, haben die USA zu einem weniger verlässlichen Partner gemacht. Lateinamerika muss daher eigene Antworten und neue strategische Partner finden. Bei der Bewältigung seiner strukturellen Probleme und der COVID-19-Krise ist die Region auf sich gestellt. Lateinamerika und die Europäische Union müssen entweder mehr relevante, autonome gemeinsame strategische Initiativen ergreifen oder sich damit abfinden, bei den handelspolitischen, technologischen und geopolitischen Bemühungen anderer, nur Zuschauer zu sein."}],"data":{}}]}}}],["251b39b2-c6ac-4a58-b964-61f5d3f4d43d",{"sys":{"id":"251b39b2-c6ac-4a58-b964-61f5d3f4d43d","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Couscous, Kaftans, and Culture Wars: Algeria and Morocco at UNESCO","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/couscous-kaftans-and-culture-wars-algeria-and-morocco-at-unesco/","dataTeaser":{"date":"4/2024","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfme-24042","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Innerhalb der UNESCO streiten Algerien und Marokko über die Herkunft verschiedener Kulturgüter. Das kulturelle Erbe, das Instrument für die Zusammenarbeit und Konfliktlösung in der MENA-Region sein sollte, hat die Spannungen zwischen den beiden Nachbarn verschärft. Auch andere Länder könnten darin verwickelt werden.","personUuids":["3d64674c-3f6c-4628-acf2-60de86e95872"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2024 | ISSN: 1862-3611","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"07.2024","dateShort":"2024","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfme-24042"],"personNames":["Idriss Jebari"],"dateLong":"Juli 2024","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":[],"unitUuids":["ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d"],"seriesNumber":["4"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3611"],"useDynamicPdf":true,"personUuids":["3d64674c-3f6c-4628-acf2-60de86e95872"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["3d64674c-3f6c-4628-acf2-60de86e95872"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3mhFUoi3a93zoyqi1x8tTU","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Nahost 2024_4 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3mhFUoi3a93zoyqi1x8tTU/bed493f72a715d6ca7263f96e9693558/GIGA_Oct2011_Medersa-Ben-Youssef-_-damaged-zellige_Flickr_Daveybot-klein.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Middle East","date":"2024-07-15T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["257e4a36-74bd-48e6-90cd-9e40a2f6909b",{"sys":{"id":"257e4a36-74bd-48e6-90cd-9e40a2f6909b","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Venezuela: USA erhöhen Druck auf Maduro-Regierung","dataTeaser":{"date":"01.12.2025","link":"https://www.ardaudiothek.de/episode/urn:ard:episode:30f3961b3edae46c/","type":"Interview","tagline":["Hessischer Rundfunk","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Die USA verschärfen den Druck auf Venezuela: Flugzeugträger vor der Küste, geschlossener Luftraum, Ausreiseangebot an Präsident Maduro. Droht nun eine militärische Intervention? hr-INFO spricht mit GIGA-Expertin Prof. Dr. Sabine Kurtenbach über die Strategie Washingtons und mögliche Folgen.

","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"01.12.2025","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.ardaudiothek.de/episode/urn:ard:episode:30f3961b3edae46c/"}],"mediums":["Hessischer Rundfunk"],"keywords":{"free":["Venezuela","Drugs","Maduro","Regime Change"],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/venezuela","title":"Venezuela"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/north_america/usa","title":"Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/andean_region","title":"Andenregion"}]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Radio"]},"teaserMedia":{"sys":{"id":"4b8c6RmU7o0u30noorIToZ","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Medienbeitrag Sabine Kurtenbach hr-info Venezuela","title":"Medienbeitrag Sabine Kurtenbach hr-info Venezuela","type":"File","media":{"sys":{"id":"1ynBV6rIyRabf4sckTm7U1","type":"Asset"},"title":"Medienbeitrag Sabine Kurtenbach hr-info Venezuela","description":"","file":{"url":"//assets.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1ynBV6rIyRabf4sckTm7U1/da650824d44f9608d6936867009a5189/Medienbeitrag_Sabine_Kurtenbach_hr-info_Venezuela.mp3","details":{},"contentType":"audio/mpeg"}},"poster":{"sys":{"id":"7KXpjxVQ01NBkDPMLZ54V8","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Nov25 Nationalflaggen Venezuelas und der USA imago841755602","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/7KXpjxVQ01NBkDPMLZ54V8/bea062c49728d447677862b257695cb7/GIGA_Nov25_Nationalflaggen_Venezuelas_und_der_USA_imago841755602.png","details":{"image":{"width":1600,"height":900}},"contentType":"image/png"}}}},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2025-12-01T11:00:00.000Z"}}],["267127e9-9544-4af3-8475-5da767fac14c",{"sys":{"id":"267127e9-9544-4af3-8475-5da767fac14c","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"The Dynamics of Federal (In)stability and Negotiated Cooperation Under Single-Party Dominance: Insights from Modi’s India","path":"/de/publikationen/referierte-aufsaetze/dynamics-federal-in-stability-negotiated-cooperation-single-party-dominance-insights-modi-s-india/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"type":"Artikel","teaserText":"Many studies have demonstrated a trend towards greater centralization of the federal system in India since 2014. This article systematically explores the processes involved in tipping the delicate federal balance in favour of greater central control.","date":"2022","personUuids":["bc4d17aa-166e-43c9-af4a-c5a4d13fd6c0","1c0b827d-ba8f-4303-8e41-7dbc217fa375"],"tagline":["Contemporary South Asia"],"link":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2022.2132218"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Artikel","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"subtitle":"Artikel | 2022","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"2022","dateShort":"2022","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2022.2132218"],"personNames":["Chanchal Kumar Sharma","Wilfried Swenden"],"dateLong":"2022","isbns":[],"issueNumber":"4","journal":"Contemporary South Asia","pages":" 601-618","urnLinks":[],"volume":"30","unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e"],"personUuids":["bc4d17aa-166e-43c9-af4a-c5a4d13fd6c0","1c0b827d-ba8f-4303-8e41-7dbc217fa375"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["bc4d17aa-166e-43c9-af4a-c5a4d13fd6c0","1c0b827d-ba8f-4303-8e41-7dbc217fa375"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Articles","date":"2022-01-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-articles","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Articles","description":"(c) iStock / pinkomelet","file":"$36:23:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["26bce294-8632-4aea-8fb9-7daea3120e59",{"sys":{"id":"26bce294-8632-4aea-8fb9-7daea3120e59","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Wahlen in Indien: Lackmustest für die globale Klimapolitik","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/wahlen-in-indien-lackmustest-fuer-die-globale-klimapolitik/","dataTeaser":{"date":"2/2019","link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-62888-2","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Global"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["e216821d-4f25-4af1-92d4-ead4bda457e3"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"06.2019","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21579689/gf_global_1902.pdf","title":"Text (PDF-Deutsch)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Juni 2019","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["e216821d-4f25-4af1-92d4-ead4bda457e3"]}],"subtitle":"2019 | ISSN: 1862-3581","urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-62888-2"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2019","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3581"],"personNames":["Miriam Prys-Hansen"],"personUuids":["e216821d-4f25-4af1-92d4-ead4bda457e3"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Global"],"seriesNumber":["2"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"Indien hat sich unter der Regierung von Premierminister Modi den Ruf erarbeitet, eine globale Führungsrolle beim Klimaschutz eingenommen zu haben. Angesichts populistischer Tendenzen weltweit und der Abkehr von globaler Zusammenarbeit zum Klimaschutz ist der Ausgang der Wahlen in Indien im Frühjahr…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"2bpV5S11wbTwwl4hGwqIwH","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Global 2019_02 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Global 2019_02 (Header)","altText":"Eine Straße in Neu-Delhi im Smognebel.","copyright":"Reuters / Anushree Fadnavis","media":{"sys":{"id":"1pFG0ySOCW4G1FdJvLPFgM","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Global 2019_02 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1pFG0ySOCW4G1FdJvLPFgM/e97e8e231733657e5e4e406553cfda0b/Bild_Focus_Global_2019_02__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1143}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"1pFG0ySOCW4G1FdJvLPFgM","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Global 2019_02 (Header)","file":"$36:110:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Global","date":"2019-06-01T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Wahlen in Indien: Lackmustest für die globale Klimapolitik"}}],["275fa2fa-a56b-48b0-9cef-3b5e78fc47bb",{"sys":{"id":"275fa2fa-a56b-48b0-9cef-3b5e78fc47bb","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Democracy in Risk: Keys for a Sustainable Future","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/invited_talk","value":"Geladener Gastvortrag"},"teaserText":"This event provided ULACIT students with concepts and reflections on how the authoritarian drift in some Central American countries has undermined essential values of justice, political participation and equality, negatively affecting the fulfillment of the SDGs.","date":"20.05.2025","personUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"}}],"externalOrganisationUuid":"181ed9a3-05bd-47f2-95b5-d6d647299d6a","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"This event seeks to generate a deep reflection on how the authoritarian drift in some Central American countries has undermined essential values of justice, political participation and equility, negatively affecting the fulfillment of the SDGs."}},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/invited_talk","value":"Geladener Gastvortrag"},"keywords":{"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/costa_rica","title":"Costa Rica"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/el_savador","title":"El Salvador"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/guatemala","title":"Guatemala"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/nicaragua","title":"Nicaragua"}],"free":["democracy","Rule of Law","justice"]},"expertUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"externalOrganisationUuid":"181ed9a3-05bd-47f2-95b5-d6d647299d6a","date":"20.05.2025","roleMaps":[{"uuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"}}],"personNames":["Alina Maria Ripplinger"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2025-05-20T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["27a04d50-46a3-46ea-bd0f-473e5b0b1915",{"sys":{"id":"27a04d50-46a3-46ea-bd0f-473e5b0b1915","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"The Law of God, the Law of the State and the Law of Crime: an Anthropological Account of the Consolidation of Multiple Normative Regimes in Brazilian Urban Margins","path":"/de/publikationen/referierte-aufsaetze/law-god-law-law-crime-anthropological-account-consolidation-multiple-normative-regimes-brazilian-urban-margins/","dataTeaser":{"date":"02.2024","link":"https://doi.org/10.1080/27706869.2024.2310365","type":"Artikel","tagline":["Legal Pluralism and Critical Social Analysis"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"Based on ethnographic fieldwork in Brazilian urban peripheries, this article proposes a theoretical reflection on normative multiplicities and their relations to the dynamics of violence in contexts of sharp conflict.","personUuids":["ffcf4da3-7d7c-47cb-a913-e46693a239c8","6ee9bd60-70b2-4f2b-9bae-3e0b822b516c"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.1080/27706869.2024.2310365"],"date":"02.2024","type":"Artikel","isbns":[],"links":[],"pages":"33–56","status":"Elektronische Veröffentlichung vor Drucklegung","volume":"56","journal":"Legal Pluralism and Critical Social Analysis","dateLong":"Februar 2024","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["ffcf4da3-7d7c-47cb-a913-e46693a239c8","6ee9bd60-70b2-4f2b-9bae-3e0b822b516c"]}],"subtitle":"Artikel | 2024","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2024","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"issueNumber":"1","personNames":["Janaina Maldonado Guerrada Cunha","Ana Beraldo"],"personUuids":["ffcf4da3-7d7c-47cb-a913-e46693a239c8","6ee9bd60-70b2-4f2b-9bae-3e0b822b516c"],"isForthcoming":false,"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Articles","date":"2024-02-08T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-articles","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Articles","description":"(c) iStock / pinkomelet","file":"$36:23:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["27fc63c5-34c1-45eb-82a6-1bf7acc23aa6",{"sys":{"id":"27fc63c5-34c1-45eb-82a6-1bf7acc23aa6","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Desapariciones forzadas: una tragedia viva en Latinoamérica","dataTeaser":{"date":"30.08.2023","link":"https://p.dw.com/p/4Vlw5","type":"Interview","tagline":["Deutsche Welle","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

La desaparición forzada de personas en América Latina roza cifras alarmantes. En el Día Internacional que conmemora a estas víctimas, DW analiza con expertos cómo ha evolucionado este fenómeno en la región.

","personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"30.08.2023","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://p.dw.com/p/4Vlw5"}],"mediums":["Deutsche Welle"],"keywords":{"free":["disappearances","repression","state violence","homicide","obstruction","Institutions"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2023-08-30T12:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["284e80d7-cc1a-4709-8807-6e98b69eeca0",{"sys":{"id":"284e80d7-cc1a-4709-8807-6e98b69eeca0","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Legal Resistance in Guatemala and Nicaragua","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/paper_presentation","value":"Paperpräsentation"},"type":"Konferenz","teaserText":"How did legal resisters respond to autocratization in Nicaragua and Guatemala? This presentation included conceptual considerations and preliminary findings from field research.","eventName":"11th CEISAL Congress","date":"03.06.2025","personUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"}}],"referencedEventUuid":"19661a76-5bef-4880-aff2-045cd5087018"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","type":"Konferenz","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/paper_presentation","value":"Paperpräsentation"},"keywords":{"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/nicaragua","title":"Nicaragua"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/guatemala","title":"Guatemala"}],"free":["Rule of Law","Resistance","Legal Mobilization","Democracy","Central America"]},"expertUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"referencedEventUuid":"19661a76-5bef-4880-aff2-045cd5087018","date":"03.06.2025","eventName":"11th CEISAL Congress","roleMaps":[{"uuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"}}],"personNames":["Alina Maria Ripplinger"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2025-06-03T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["28cecfba-f295-40a8-af88-6443b44a8804",{"sys":{"id":"28cecfba-f295-40a8-af88-6443b44a8804","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Coca Cultivation in Selected Andean Countries: Trends in Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/coca-cultivation-selected-andean-countries-trends-colombia-peru-bolivia/","dataTeaser":{"date":"03.2025","type":"Infografik","tagline":["Infografik"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/nontextual/information_graphic","value":"Infografik"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"This line graph shows coca cultivation trends in Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia from 2000 to 2023. Using UNODC’s Illicit Crop Monitoring Programme (ICMP) data, it tracks total hectares of coca bush cultivated annually, highlighting long-term shifts across the three countries.","personUuids":["c76d92d6-80a0-4c2b-b2a3-45c70c15feb8"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Infografik","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/nontextual/information_graphic","value":"Infografik"},"subtitle":"Infografik | 2025","keywords":{"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/latin_america","title":"Lateinamerika"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/colombia","title":"Kolumbien"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/bolivia","title":"Bolivien"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/peru","title":"Peru"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/global","title":"Global"}],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"03.2025","dateShort":"2025","status":"Veröffentlicht","personNames":["Eduardo Valencia"],"dateLong":"März 2025","isbns":[],"unitUuids":["a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"],"personUuids":["c76d92d6-80a0-4c2b-b2a3-45c70c15feb8"],"relatedProjectUuids":["5f9b9ee4-b92d-4c88-b001-6c62902c912a"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["c76d92d6-80a0-4c2b-b2a3-45c70c15feb8"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"5aOAdzr1OcnfRPSKOhUhPL","type":"Asset"},"title":"Coca Cultivation - Andean countries photo","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5aOAdzr1OcnfRPSKOhUhPL/5912b483f6c9d96f64c82b11e86062b4/coca_bolivia_colombia_peru.png","details":{"image":{"width":722,"height":425}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2025-03-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["28fHV0BclGzDYRED9X86dM",{"sys":{"id":"28fHV0BclGzDYRED9X86dM","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Working Paper 289 (Header)","title":"Bild Working Paper 289 (Header)","altText":"Nepalesische Flüchtlingskinder sitzen nach dem Bürgerkrieg auf den Habseligkeiten der Familie auf der Straße.","copyright":"Reuters / Navesh Chitrakar","media":{"sys":{"id":"29zCwit2MTrfLmQbmRgqAB","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Working Paper 289 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/29zCwit2MTrfLmQbmRgqAB/5de4c4e2bdc3969786340e90c2c717d3/giga_migrationaftercivilwar_nepal_aug2011_reuters_naveshchitrakar.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1142}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["2934e432-ad94-4b0c-b04d-b82575a1718e",{"sys":{"id":"2934e432-ad94-4b0c-b04d-b82575a1718e","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Transitional Justice, Recognition, and Authoritative Power","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-working-papers/transitional-justice-recognition-and-authoritative-power/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/giga_working_paper","value":"GIGA Working Papers"},"type":"GIGA Working Papers","date":"08.2017","personUuids":["fabbfac0-3e65-4881-99b6-00a0211d36b5"],"tagline":["GIGA Working Papers"],"link":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21197645/wp305_oettler.pdf"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"08.2017","type":"GIGA Working Papers","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21197645/wp305_oettler.pdf","title":"GIGA WP 305"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"August 2017","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/giga_working_paper","value":"GIGA Working Papers"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["fabbfac0-3e65-4881-99b6-00a0211d36b5"]}],"subtitle":"GIGA Working Papers | German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) | 2017","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2017","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":[],"personNames":["Anika Oettler"],"personUuids":["fabbfac0-3e65-4881-99b6-00a0211d36b5"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Working Papers"],"seriesNumber":["305"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"numberOfPages":19,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","relatedProjectUuids":["494809db-a774-4d98-9e80-08ab25e64901"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"The legitimacy of transitional justice currently derives from the contribution it makes to the recognition of victims. Adding the aspect of authoritative power to ongoing debates on transitional justice, however, could significantly alter our views on recognition. Recognition is widely believed to…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"365Nq4ggRoAIs1cZI7rUo3","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Working Paper 305 (Header)","title":"Bild Working Paper 305 (Header)","altText":"Der Präsident von Kolumbien Santos erhält den Friedensnobelpreis und hält eine Rede.","copyright":"Reuters / Norsk Telegrambyra AS","media":{"sys":{"id":"5ujYC43DmeRuwsEwXhEVns","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Working Paper 305 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5ujYC43DmeRuwsEwXhEVns/fd6d3b0b64111acc980fe1a70bd127b6/Bild_Working_Paper_305__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1143}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"5ujYC43DmeRuwsEwXhEVns","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Working Paper 305 (Header)","file":"$36:117:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Working Papers","date":"2017-08-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["29a964a6-1bdd-4fd8-9d16-ff9a4923a702",{"sys":{"id":"29a964a6-1bdd-4fd8-9d16-ff9a4923a702","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Fleeing the Peace: Emigration after Civil War","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/flucht-vor-dem-frieden-emigration-aus-nachkriegsgesellschaften/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"type":"GIGA Focus","date":"2/2016","personUuids":["17afe8c9-9a21-4ebb-8afd-b149f96bb697","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"],"tagline":["GIGA Focus Global"],"link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-46912-0"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"05.2016","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/24348491/gf_global_1602.pdf","title":"Text (pdf Deutsch)"},{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/24348508/gf_global_1602_English.pdf","title":"Text (pdf English)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Mai 2016","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["17afe8c9-9a21-4ebb-8afd-b149f96bb697","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"]}],"subtitle":"2016 | ISSN: 1862-3581","urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-46912-0"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2016","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b","adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3581"],"personNames":["Felix Haaß","Sabine Kurtenbach","Julia Strasheim"],"personUuids":["17afe8c9-9a21-4ebb-8afd-b149f96bb697","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Global"],"seriesNumber":["2"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"Trotz formalem Kriegsende und umfangreicher internationaler Unterstützung fliehen und migrieren weiterhin viele Menschen aus Nachkriegsgesellschaften. Die internationalen Programme zielen in erster Linie darauf, die Kriegsfolgen zu bewältigen und die Eliten zu befrieden. Sie wirken kaum auf die…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"5HmAZGHPXLaADsvDoxK6XW","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Global 2016_2 (Header)","title":"Bild GIGA Focus Global 2016_2 (Header)","altText":"Ein Einwanderer reist in einem Güterzug, als er in der Grenzstadt Nuevo Laredo, Mexiko, ankommt","copyright":"REUTERS/STR New","media":{"sys":{"id":"1k8cPTYNfUB4O2AnOuphH7","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Global 2016_2 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1k8cPTYNfUB4O2AnOuphH7/25a314d81379fe21cbc7ebd944a0391e/GIGA_ElSalvador_May2006_MigrantTrain_Reuters_STR_New.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1600,"height":860}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"1k8cPTYNfUB4O2AnOuphH7","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Global 2016_2 (Header)","file":"$36:118:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Global","date":"2016-05-01T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Flucht vor dem Frieden: Emigration aus Nachkriegsgesellschaften"}}],["29e1f492-c121-4973-b7cc-299fa27bf434",{"sys":{"id":"29e1f492-c121-4973-b7cc-299fa27bf434","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Futures in the Making: An Analysis of Indian Climate Policy Articulations","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/futures-in-the-making-an-analysis-of-indian-climate-policy-articulations/","dataTeaser":{"date":"01.2023","link":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003305132-14","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","tagline":["Kapitel in Sammelband"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"This chapter assesses how different Indian actors imagine climate futures and whether different actors and their ideas are connected.","personUuids":["e216821d-4f25-4af1-92d4-ead4bda457e3"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003305132-14"],"date":"01.2023","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Januar 2023","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/asia/India","title":"Indien"}]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["e216821d-4f25-4af1-92d4-ead4bda457e3"]}],"subtitle":"Kapitel in Sammelband | Routledge | 2023","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2023","hostTitle":"Global India: The Pursuit of Influence and Status","publisher":"Routledge","unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"personNames":["Miriam Prys-Hansen"],"personUuids":["e216821d-4f25-4af1-92d4-ead4bda457e3"],"isForthcoming":false,"numberOfPages":18,"hostEditorNames":["Chris Ogden"],"relatedProjectUuids":["a889d23d-8a25-4902-85e2-7703ecd1c2f1"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"1oVSdie4fT2gfgOj3kBVXF","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Sep22 India Global Climate Strike march in New Delhi RTSBGS5B Reuters Anushree Fadnavis1","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1oVSdie4fT2gfgOj3kBVXF/4c592f3d8a45cf8dfc8b0f94051e4d6c/GIGA_Sep22_India_Global_Climate_Strike_march_in_New_Delhi_RTSBGS5B_Reuters_Anushree_Fadnavis1-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2023-01-06T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["2A92rxt0k0EKZO8jBCtnJE",{"sys":{"id":"2A92rxt0k0EKZO8jBCtnJE","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur Focus Global 2021_01","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"headline":"Literatur","contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":""}],"data":{}}]}}}],["2B3spm1dMF7DJZMwXeU4mB",{"sys":{"id":"2B3spm1dMF7DJZMwXeU4mB","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur GIGA Focus Asien 2021_02","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"headline":"Literatur","contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":""}],"data":{}}]}}}],["2BJX015hKOyEuYnqqP9zZG",{"sys":{"id":"2BJX015hKOyEuYnqqP9zZG","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik Focus Afrika 2019_06_3","title":"Grafik Focus Afrika 2019_06_3","altText":"Karte von Afrika, die die Personalstärke bei regionalen Einsätzen in Afrika zeigt.","copyright":"Grafik erstellt von den Autoren. Datengrundlage: Zentrum für Internationale Friedenseinsätze.","caption":"Abb. 3\nPersonalstärke bei regionalen Einsätzen in Afrika, 2019/2020","media":{"sys":{"id":"2pFPZBcec2umPJBv9GgvxK","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Focus Afrika 2019_06_3","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2pFPZBcec2umPJBv9GgvxK/55838a225b365cf482d33e1be6c31479/Focus-Afrika-2019-06-Figure3-de-website.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["2JIEjcjxTCmUvI65uPLtqz",{"sys":{"id":"2JIEjcjxTCmUvI65uPLtqz","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2022_06 (Header)","title":"GIGA_Sep21_Brazil_Riot police officers sit in front of Brazils Supreme Court ahead of Sep 7 demonstrations in support Bolsonaros government_RTXGSDFQ_Reuters_Adriano Machado","media":{"sys":{"id":"4ShFqHSjxbPjcejfu6Y09Q","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2022_06 (Header)","description":"","file":"$36:57:1:fields:teaserImage:file"},"altText":"Riot police officers sit in front of Brazil's Supreme Court ahead of September 7 demonstrations in support of President Jair Bolsonaro's government, in Brasilia, Brazil, September 6, 2021."}}],["2KGTjPlnHVQgYOAq8uFJHX",{"sys":{"id":"2KGTjPlnHVQgYOAq8uFJHX","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Lateinamerika 2015_06_1.Seite","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Am 23. September 2015 unterzeichneten die kolumbianische Regierung und die Guerillagruppe FARC in Havanna ein Abkommen zur Etablierung einer \"Sondergerichtsbarkeit für den Frieden\". Damit rücken ein umfassendes Friedensabkommen und die Beendigung des Bürgerkriegs in greifbare Nähe."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Analyse"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"\nDas Friedensabkommen und seine Umsetzung müssen den ausgeprägten regionalen Unterschieden in Kolumbien Rechnung tragen. Auch wenn die Gewalt immer wieder die großen Städte erreichte, fand der Krieg vor allem im ländlichen Raum statt. Je nach Präsenz und Verankerung nichtstaatlicher Gewaltakteure sind die Herausforderungen für den Friedensprozess sehr unterschiedlich. Auch die Verfügbarkeit zentraler Ressourcen wie Drogen oder Land spielt eine wichtige Rolle."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":""}],"data":{}}]}}}],["2QMJJNwbD7TnTW3YsWHkP9",{"sys":{"id":"2QMJJNwbD7TnTW3YsWHkP9","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Afrika 2019_06_4","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$4d"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Andererseits können sich regionale Friedenseinsätze auch nachteilig auf die Zivilbevölkerung auswirken. Diese könnte schlecht ausgebildeten und schlecht bezahlten Truppen ausgesetzt sein, die sich zum Teil nicht konsequent an humanitäre Verhaltensregeln im Rahmen einer Friedensmission halten. So musste beispielsweise der Tschad im Jahr 2014 all seine Truppen aus der Mission in der Zentralafrikanischen Republik zurückziehen, nachdem ihnen von den Vereinten Nationen vorgeworfen worden war, ohne jegliche Provokation einen zivilen Marktplatz beschossen zu haben (Haysom und Pedersen 2015)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Im Zusammenhang damit steht auch die notorische Unterfinanzierung regionaler Initiativen zur Friedenssicherung. So mangelte es beispielsweise AMISOM seit ihrer Zusammenstellung an ausreichenden Ressourcen, um eine so große Friedenssicherungstruppe zu unterhalten. Sie war deshalb stets von der EU abhängig, die für die Gehälter der Friedenssicherungskräfte aufkommt. Wenn also eine ausreichende Finanzierung der Truppen, ihrer Ausrüstung und Ausbildung über deren Erfolg entscheidet (siehe oben), dann wird die Fähigkeit dieser Missionen, ihren Auftrag ordnungsgemäß zu erfüllen, durch diese Finanzierungsprobleme beeinträchtigt."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Der Geldmangel und das Fehlen einer verlässlichen, gut organisierten und wirkungsvollen afrikanischen Friedens- und Sicherheitsarchitektur hindert regionale Initiativen daran, ihr Potenzial für eine wirksame Friedenssicherung vor Ort zur Geltung zu bringen. Die Krise des Jahres 2012 in Mali ist ein allgemein bekanntes Beispiel dafür, und es erklärt, warum die Staaten der Sahelzone schließlich ihre eigene Ad-hoc-Sicherheitsinitiative gründen mussten, die G5-Sahel. Dieser relativ neue Akteur in der sicherheitspolitischen Arena Afrikas ist möglicherweise ein Indiz für das Potenzial kleinerer und flexiblerer Antworten auf drängende Probleme in der Region, wie zum Beispiel auf die Bedrohung durch dort operierende dschihadistische Gruppen (AQIM, MUJWA, Murabitun, Boko Haram)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Warum das Verhalten von Einsatzkräften den Erfolg ihrer Mission beeinflusst"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Aber nicht nur Truppenqualität, Geld und politische Unterstützung sind wichtige Erfolgsfaktoren für regionale Friedensinitiativen. Eine sehr wichtige Rolle, die allerdings häufig übersehen wird, spielt ein weiteres Merkmal von Friedensmissionen: Das Verhalten der Friedenssicherungskräfte gegenüber der Bevölkerung, die sie schützen sollen. Eine maßgebliche Form des Fehlverhaltens in diesem Zusammenhang ist die sexuelle Ausbeutung durch Friedenssicherungskräfte. Diese Ausbeutung findet häufig in Form von sexuellen Handlungen im Tausch gegen Geld oder Waren statt, in manchen Fällen handelt es sich sogar um Vergewaltigung. Beispielsweise wurden Friedenssicherungskräfte der Vereinten Nationen, die im Rahmen der MINUSCA-Mission in der Zentralafrikanischen Republik stationiert waren, mehrfach des sexuellen Missbrauchs von Zivilpersonen beschuldigt."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Studien zeigen, dass diese Art der sexuellen Ausbeutung weit verbreitet ist. Einer Studie zufolge gab eine große Mehrheit der befragten Personen in Liberia an, während der Mission nach dem liberianischen Bürgerkrieg ab dem Jahr 2003 sexuelle Dienstleistungen für Mitarbeiter der Vereinten Nationen erbracht zu haben (Beber et al. 2017). Andere Studien zeigen eine positive Korrelation zwischen der Anwesenheit von Friedenssicherungstruppen der Vereinten Nationen inner- und außerhalb des Gastlandes und der Zunahme des Menschenhandels zum Zweck der sexuellen Ausbeutung."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Erschwerend kommt hinzu, dass Friedenssicherungstruppen im Allgemeinen weiterhin der Rechtsprechung des jeweiligen Truppenstellers unterstehen. Das bedeutet, dass den Vereinten Nationen bei der Verfolgung von Straftaten durch Kräfte, die unter der UN-Flagge dienen, häufig die Hände gebunden sind, weil jegliche Bestrafung in der Zuständigkeit des truppenstellenden Staates liegt."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Diese Übergriffe sind aus mehreren Gründen problematisch. Erstens verursachen die Friedenssicherungskräfte durch die sexuelle Ausbeutung gerade jener Menschen, die sie schützen sollen, unermessliches Leid in einer bereits traumatisierten, wehrlosen Bevölkerung. Dieses Leiden zu beenden muss das zentrale Leitprinzip jedes Friedenseinsatzes sein. Es reicht nicht, einfach nur die physische Gewalt gegen die Zivilbevölkerung einzudämmen. Das Personal von Friedensmissionen muss an sein eigenes Handeln die höchsten moralischen Maßstäbe anlegen."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Zweitens unterminieren sexuelle Übergriffe die Legitimität einer Friedensoperation in der Bevölkerung, der geholfen werden soll. Wenn Friedenssicherungskräfte der Bevölkerung, die sie eigentlich schützen sollen, Schaden zufügen (selbst wenn diese Verstöße nur durch wenige Truppenangehörige begangen werden), dann wird die Zivilbevölkerung unter Umständen weniger bereit sein, mit den Friedenssicherungskräften zusammenzuarbeiten und wahrheitsgemäße Informationen an sie weiterzugeben. Dabei ist diese Zusammenarbeit mit der einheimischen Bevölkerung ein entscheidender Erfolgsfaktor für die Friedenssicherung (Ruggeri, Gizelis und Dorussen 2013)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Drittens, und in einem größeren Kontext betrachtet, erodiert jedes weitere Vergehen dieser Art eine regelgestützte, auf den universellen Menschenrechten basierende internationale Ordnung, wie sie von der Europäischen Union und der deutschen Außenpolitik vertreten wird (Bundesregierung 2017). Wer sexuellen Missbrauch durch Friedenssicherungskräfte weiterhin zulässt, stellt die Glaubwürdigkeit einer Außenpolitik infrage, deren Anliegen es ist, die Menschenrechte voranzubringen."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Drei Wege zu einer besseren Friedenssicherung im 21. Jahrhundert"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Wir schlagen drei Strategien vor, um die Probleme im Zusammenhang mit Truppenqualität und -ausbildung, regionaler Friedenssicherung und Vergehen durch Friedenssicherungskräfte zu bekämpfen."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$4e"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Da die EU ein wichtiger Geldgeber für afrikanische Friedenseinsätze ist (siehe oben), sollte die trilaterale Zusammenarbeit zwischen den Vereinten Nationen, der AU und der EU gefördert und institutionalisiert werden (Aris und König 2018). Diese Zusammenarbeit verläuft nicht reibungslos, wie das französische Engagement bei MINUSMA zeigt. So könnten Meinungsverschiedenheiten über Prioritäten in den Bereichen Politik und Finanzierung beispielsweise durch eine klarere und stärker institutionalisierte Arbeitsteilung sowie durch eine bessere Koordination zwischen den beteiligten Organisationen beigelegt werden."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$4f"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Politische Anstrengungen sind auch vonnöten, um sexuelle Übergriffe durch Friedenssicherungskräfte einzudämmen. Wir wissen, dass die gegen Friedenssicherungskräfte erhobenen Vorwürfe weniger werden, wenn diese aus Ländern mit strengen Normen zur Geschlechtergleichstellung stammen (Karim und Beardsley 2016). Daher sollten die Truppensteller aufgefordert werden, solchen allgemeinen Menschenrechtsnormen bei all ihren Blauhelmoperationen Geltung zu verschaffen. Da die meisten Länder, in denen strenge Normen zur Gleichstellung der Geschlechter in Kraft sind, zugleich über moderne Streitkräfte mit angemessener Ausbildung und Hightech-Ausrüstung verfügen, würde deren Stationierung auch die Gesamtqualität der Friedensoperationen anheben. Auch die Integration von Gender-Normen in die Ausbildungslehrpläne kann dazu beitragen, das Unrechtsbewusstsein von Friedenssicherungskräften bezüglich sexueller Übergriffe zu sensibilisieren."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Aber das reicht keinesfalls aus. Die Mitgliedstaaten der Vereinten Nationen müssen eine verstärkte Rechenschaftspflicht und Monitoring-Verfahren einführen, um Übergriffe durch Truppenangehörige im Einsatz zu verhindern. Sie sollten die im Jahr 2016 in Kraft gesetzte Resolution 2272 des Sicherheitsrates der Vereinten Nationen umsetzen. Ziel dieser Resolution ist die entschlossene Bekämpfung sexueller Übergriffe durch Friedenssicherungskräfte und sie erklärt dies zu einem Eckpfeiler künftiger Mandate – ähnlich wie die Resolution 1325, die sich mit dem Status von Frauen in bewaffneten Konflikten beschäftigt. Jedem Bericht über sexuelle Übergriffe muss gründlich nachgegangen werden und mögliche Täter müssen vor ein unabhängiges Gericht gestellt werden. Sexueller Ausbeutung und sexuellem Missbrauch muss auf allen Ebenen mit einer Nulltoleranzpolitik begegnet werden."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Schließlich sollten sich die truppenstellenden Staaten bemühen, den Frauenanteil in Friedensoperationen zu erhöhen. Aktuell sind nur 3 Prozent der militärischen UN-Friedenssicherungskräfte Frauen, ihr Anteil an UN-Polizeimissionen beträgt 10 Prozent. Es spricht einiges dafür, dass die Beteiligung von Frauen an Friedensoperationen dazu führt, dass die Vorwürfe wegen sexueller Übergriffe gegen die betreffenden Truppen abnehmen (Karim und Beardsley 2016). Demnach könnte ein höherer Frauenanteil dazu beitragen, das Problem der Verfehlungen durch Friedenssicherungskräfte einzuhegen. Noch wichtiger ist allerdings, dass die truppenstellenden Staaten in allen Truppen, die sie für Friedenssicherungseinsätze bereitstellen, unabhängig vom Geschlecht der einzelnen Soldaten Normen der Geschlechtergleichstellung fördern, überwachen und umsetzen."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Diese Maßnahmen zur Verbesserung der Truppenqualität, der regionalen Friedenssicherung und der Verantwortlichkeit für sexuelle Übergriffe durch Friedenssicherungskräfte sind weder Allheilmittel noch sind es die einzig möglichen Maßnahmen, um die Wirksamkeit der Friedenssicherung zu steigern. Die Mitgliedstaaten müssen zum Beispiel auch die Vereinten Nationen ganz allgemein stärken, an allererster Stelle dadurch, dass sie ihre Beiträge bezahlen – ein ständiges Problem, das die Institution in Bedrängnis bringt und ihre Funktionsfähigkeit stark beeinträchtigt. Aber durch eine gezielte Verbesserung der Truppenqualität, der regionalen Sicherheitsarchitekturen und der Rechenschaftspflicht kann die internationale Gemeinschaft dazu beitragen, das Potenzial von Friedensoperationen als wirksames multilaterales Instrument zur Eindämmung der Gewalt und zur Förderung des Friedens voll auszuschöpfen."}],"data":{}}]}}}],["2SxEj1meBmUkHl2b5KIxOB",{"sys":{"id":"2SxEj1meBmUkHl2b5KIxOB","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik GIGA Focus Global_2016_02_4","title":"Grafik GIGA Focus Global_2016_02_4","altText":"Grafik Die Qualität der Lebensgrundlagen und die Zahl der Flüchtlinge","copyright":"Autoren","caption":"Grafik 4.\nDie Qualität der Lebensgrundlagen und die Zahl der Flüchtlinge\nAnmerkung: Datenpunkte in beiden Abbildungen repräsentieren Länderjahre von 27 Nachkriegsstaaten. Der Indikator in der linken Abbildung ist „Bruttoinlandsprodukt pro Kopf“ basierend auf Daten der Weltbank. Der Indikator in der rechten Abbildung ist „Bereitstellung öffentlicher oder privater Güter“ aus dem V-Dem Projekt (Coppedge et al. 2015b).","media":{"sys":{"id":"3Pqj6K4yaE7nF3Wtus1Tl4","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik GIGA Focus Global_2016_02_4","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3Pqj6K4yaE7nF3Wtus1Tl4/aed9183aa76f83c325ea027f8bcfbc46/abb.4_focus-global-2016-2_web_de.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["2YwjNeIzjWozDyJHFMtZRx",{"sys":{"id":"2YwjNeIzjWozDyJHFMtZRx","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Global 2022_04 (Header) ","title":"GIGA_RepublicOfChad_Aug2017_MNJTF_NDjamena_imago0079951108h_Belga_Website","media":{"sys":{"id":"2C71ZtooaQQ0wcTI5gas5j","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Global 2022_04 (Header)","description":"","file":"$36:100:1:fields:teaserImage:file"},"altText":"Illustration picture shows a logo of the Multi-National Joint Task Force (MNJTF) in N Djamena, Republic of Chad, on the fourth day of a four day working visit of the Belgian Foreign Minister to Chad and Mali, Thursday 31 August 2017."}}],["2a43e391-7ee5-4627-a7e3-e37ae8647951",{"sys":{"id":"2a43e391-7ee5-4627-a7e3-e37ae8647951","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"The BRICS+ Summit in Kazan, Russia: Five Things to Watch","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/the-brics-plus-summit-in-kazan-russia-five-things-to-watch/","dataTeaser":{"date":"3/2024","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfgl-24032","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Global"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Die BRICS+-Staatsoberhäupter treffen sich im Oktober zum ersten Mal in ihrer neuen Zusammensetzung nach der Erweiterung im Jahr 2023. Dabei werden Initiativen in den Bereichen Sicherheit, Handel und Finanzen sowie eine mögliche weitere Expansion verhandelt.","personUuids":["58f3f1be-5971-482b-9d8f-2535b24b88b9","e216821d-4f25-4af1-92d4-ead4bda457e3"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfgl-24032"],"date":"10.2024","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Oktober 2024","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/asia/China","title":"China"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/brazil","title":"Brasilien"}]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["58f3f1be-5971-482b-9d8f-2535b24b88b9","e216821d-4f25-4af1-92d4-ead4bda457e3"]}],"subtitle":"2024 | ISSN: 1862-3581","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2024","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d","920d7f1c-74c0-49d5-8839-00b833e607c5","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23","97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3581"],"personNames":["Olena Osypenkova","Miriam Prys-Hansen"],"personUuids":["58f3f1be-5971-482b-9d8f-2535b24b88b9","e216821d-4f25-4af1-92d4-ead4bda457e3"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Global"],"seriesNumber":["3"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":true,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"4zwLlDSrLUaaMsv083jH85","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Global 2024_03 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4zwLlDSrLUaaMsv083jH85/f68078bdc9e92167f2b78d47baa4727d/GIGA_Jul24_Russian_President_Vladimir_Putin_speaks_at_the_BRICS_Parliamentary_Forum_in_Saint_Petersburg_REUTERS_Handout_RTS1.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Global","date":"2024-10-15T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["2ae84219-74ec-441c-88c3-1f9177baa521",{"sys":{"id":"2ae84219-74ec-441c-88c3-1f9177baa521","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Democratizing Security in Turbulent Times","path":"/de/forschung-und-transfer/projekte/democratizing-security-in-turbulent-times/","dataTeaser":{"date":"01.01.2021 - 31.03.2024","type":"Anderes","pureType":{"key":"upmproject/upmprojecttypes/upmproject/other","value":"Anderes"},"blueprint":"PROJECT","teaserText":"How is security provided in turbulent times and how does this affect the relationship between democracy and security? The proposed research training group examines fundamental reconfigurations of the relationship between security and democracy against the backdrop of growing political and societal polarisation, the advent of new digital technologies and the rescaling of security to arenas below and beyond the state.
Landesforschungsförderung Hamburg, 2021-2023","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PROJECT","type":"Anderes","pureType":{"key":"upmproject/upmprojecttypes/upmproject/other","value":"Anderes"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":["Democracy","Security"]},"headUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"associateUuids":[],"cooperationPersonUuids":[],"coordinatorUuids":[],"teamExternUuids":[],"teamUuids":[],"links":[{"url":"https://www.giga-hamburg.de/en/projects/democratizing-security-turbulent-time/"}],"period":"01.01.2021 - 31.03.2024","cooperationOrganisationUuids":["a2b11177-b0e6-4090-8eac-510759ee0947","a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","88b06ffb-42ae-47e6-b7e7-d9fcec49fe88","9f2755e3-4e7a-49a1-ab23-d68f94ad93d3"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Projects","date":"2021-01-01T12:00:00.000Z"}}],["2afd68dd-8023-4eef-b9c5-37500435cc54",{"sys":{"id":"2afd68dd-8023-4eef-b9c5-37500435cc54","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Blockierte Demokratien in Zentralamerika","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/blockierte-demokratien-in-zentralamerika/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"type":"GIGA Focus","date":"10/2011","personUuids":["96c0e8f0-a4d8-489a-88dc-861cc3dc0ab9","209d59bf-e679-425b-b983-06e48126993f","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","6c4199b3-dc19-4006-8ac0-f9b36ead9ef8"],"tagline":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-274271"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"2011","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/24532414/gf_lateinamerika_1110.pdf","title":"Text (pdf Deutsch)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"2011","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["96c0e8f0-a4d8-489a-88dc-861cc3dc0ab9","209d59bf-e679-425b-b983-06e48126993f","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","6c4199b3-dc19-4006-8ac0-f9b36ead9ef8"]}],"subtitle":"2011 | ISSN: 1862-3573","urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-274271"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2011","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3573"],"personNames":["Otto Argueta","Sebastian Huhn","Sabine Kurtenbach","Peter Peetz"],"personUuids":["96c0e8f0-a4d8-489a-88dc-861cc3dc0ab9","209d59bf-e679-425b-b983-06e48126993f","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","6c4199b3-dc19-4006-8ac0-f9b36ead9ef8"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"seriesNumber":["10"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"In Guatemala erhielt am 11. September 2011 der rechtskonservative Ex-General Otto Pérez im ersten Wahlgang der Präsidentschaftswahlen die mit Abstand meisten Stimmen. Zusammen mit der zu erwartenden Wiederwahl von Präsident Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua im November 2011 unterstreicht dies die…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"54x5cMQWph1qrHqWks4xkK","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:21:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Grafik Logo Focus Lateinamerika alt","title":"Bild Grafik Logo Focus Lateinamerika alt","altText":"Grafik Logo Focus Lateinamerika alt","copyright":"GIGA","media":{"sys":{"id":"4JdQbyWYynp4Z995GD6CUv","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Logo GIGA_Focus_Lateinamerika","file":"$36:21:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"4JdQbyWYynp4Z995GD6CUv","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Logo GIGA_Focus_Lateinamerika","file":"$36:21:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Latin America","date":"2011-01-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["2b3be2a2-662c-4b39-80f2-aa66a6c0bd66",{"sys":{"id":"2b3be2a2-662c-4b39-80f2-aa66a6c0bd66","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"The End of Apathy: The New Africa Policy under Joe Biden","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/das-ende-der-apathie-die-neue-us-afrikapolitik-unter-joe-biden/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"type":"GIGA Focus","date":"2/2021","personUuids":["f69733cc-4ec2-44f7-bd25-3fdf05c4eb91"],"tagline":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"link":"https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-72205-4"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"03.2021","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/24204838/web_Focus_Afrika_2021_02_de.pdf","title":"Text (pdf Deutsch)"},{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/24204840/web_Focus_Afrika_2021_02_en.pdf","title":"Text (pdf English)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"März 2021","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["f69733cc-4ec2-44f7-bd25-3fdf05c4eb91"]}],"subtitle":"2021 | ISSN: 1862-3603","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-72204-9","https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-72205-4"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2021","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3603"],"personNames":["Christian von Soest"],"personUuids":["f69733cc-4ec2-44f7-bd25-3fdf05c4eb91"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"seriesNumber":["2"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"2w6CGObzbWZ182pgjMGXsL","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Afrika 2021_02 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Afrika 2021_02 (Header)","altText":"Ein Straßenverkäufer zeigt die auf seine Tasche gedruckte US-Flagge auf einer Straße in Abidjan, Elfenbeinküste","copyright":"Reuters / Luc Gnago","media":{"sys":{"id":"108NlRhOZZ4u7utxRvIsIx","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Afrika 2021_02 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/108NlRhOZZ4u7utxRvIsIx/74dfd8bf827809626e9e7752cb22107a/Bild_Focus_Afrika_2021_02__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserText":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Der neue US-Präsident verspricht einen grundlegenden Wandel der amerikanischen Außenpolitik. Der Start von Joe Bidens Präsidentschaft ist auch in Afrika mit großen Erwartungen verbunden. In vier zentralen Themenbereichen wird sich entscheiden, ob die neue US-Administration diese Erwartungen erfüllt. ","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"108NlRhOZZ4u7utxRvIsIx","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Afrika 2021_02 (Header)","file":"$36:131:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Africa","date":"2021-03-26T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Das Ende der Apathie: Die neue US-Afrikapolitik unter Joe Biden"}}],["2b556ba2-2077-4211-a485-0cf0202fe5ef",{"sys":{"id":"2b556ba2-2077-4211-a485-0cf0202fe5ef","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Autocracies with Adjectives: The Need for Better Typologies of Authoritarian Regimes","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/autocracies-adjectives-typologies-authoritarian-regimes-1/","dataTeaser":{"date":"2022","link":"https://theloop.ecpr.eu/?s=%E2%99%9F%EF%B8%8F","type":"Blogbeitrag","tagline":["The Loop - ECPR's Political Science Blog"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/blog_article","value":"Blogbeitrag"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"The study of regime types, Hager Ali argues, is imbalanced. Theories and concepts of democracy have received attention for decades. But amid the resurgence of autocracies, scholars of authoritarianism still do not have the luxury of nuanced typologies to dissect the broad spectrum of non-democratic regimes. In this series, edited by Hager Ali, authors cover a wide range of institutions, cases, and issues in a written exchange to advance to study of authoritarianism. ","personUuids":["b315126c-4999-4fcc-bd5a-22edfc4da3df"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Blogbeitrag","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/blog_article","value":"Blogbeitrag"},"subtitle":"Blogbeitrag | The Loop - ECPR's Political Science Blog | 2022","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":["Authoritarianism","Civil-Military Relations","Hybrid Regimes","Backsliding","Democratization","Military","Legitimacy"]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"2022","dateShort":"2022","status":"Veröffentlicht","personNames":["Hager Ali"],"dateLong":"2022","isbns":[],"publicLinks":[{"url":"https://theloop.ecpr.eu/?s=%E2%99%9F%EF%B8%8F"}],"publisher":"The Loop - ECPR's Political Science Blog","seriesTitle":["The Loop - ECPR's Political Science Blog"],"seriesVolume":[],"unitUuids":["ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d","920d7f1c-74c0-49d5-8839-00b833e607c5","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e"],"seriesNumber":[],"seriesIssn":[],"personUuids":["b315126c-4999-4fcc-bd5a-22edfc4da3df"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["b315126c-4999-4fcc-bd5a-22edfc4da3df"],"role":{"key":"editor","value":"Herausgeber:in (Editor)"}}]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"4iifdAO82XxyopqHoly3HN","type":"Asset"},"title":"Teaser image Autocracies with Adjectives","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4iifdAO82XxyopqHoly3HN/67e5bf94f6efb3c38592dfc39df89254/Teaser_image_Autocracies_with_Adjectives-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2022-01-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["2b7BFjDwUvtANvWYerVcP8",{"sys":{"id":"2b7BFjDwUvtANvWYerVcP8","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2024_01_01","title":"Voter Preferences in the Run-Up to Guatemala Presidential Election (May–June 2023)","media":{"sys":{"id":"74VZJgMILwTMcJ1rURTmBV","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2024_01_01","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/74VZJgMILwTMcJ1rURTmBV/6d2be3c014d79d251301d1d4c653cdf2/web-Focus-LA-2024-01-Figure1.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Voter Preferences in the Run-Up to Guatemala Presidential Election (May–June 2023)"}}],["2beb93f0-13e6-4570-b2d1-32c99262bf50",{"sys":{"id":"2beb93f0-13e6-4570-b2d1-32c99262bf50","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Securing the Seas, Securing the State: The Inside/Outside of ‘Indo-Pacific’ Geopolitics","path":"/de/publikationen/referierte-aufsaetze/securing-seas-securing-state-inside-outside-indo-pacific-geopolitics/","dataTeaser":{"date":"02.2021","link":"https://apjjf.org/2021/3/Wirth.html","type":"Artikel","tagline":["Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["6152df84-ebec-4d2d-a5d1-7e6d292682cf"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Artikel","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"subtitle":"Artikel | 2021","keywords":{"structured":[{"uri":"subjectarea/asjc/1200/1200","title":"Allgemeine Kunst und Geisteswissenschaften"},{"uri":"subjectarea/asjc/3300/3300","title":"Allgemeine Sozialwissenschaften"}],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"02.2021","dateShort":"2021","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":[],"personNames":["Christian Wirth"],"dateLong":"Februar 2021","isbns":[],"issueNumber":"3","journal":"Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus","numberOfPages":9,"urnLinks":["https://apjjf.org/2021/3/Wirth.html"],"volume":"19","unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"personUuids":["6152df84-ebec-4d2d-a5d1-7e6d292682cf"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["6152df84-ebec-4d2d-a5d1-7e6d292682cf"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}],"abstractSnippet":"This essay suggests that the renewed politicization and militarization of the maritime sphere is a product of the increasing need to re-legitimise the current state-based political order. Order can be understood as particular configurations of boundaries as they define political communities through…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"79Iw2W1y5I439nIQKWTblO","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild referierte Artikel","title":"Bild referierte Artikel","altText":"Ein Stapel Zeitschriften","copyright":"iStock.com/ pinkomelet","media":{"sys":{"id":"3MVDYqgKxq8a8ZuszO7pV9","type":"Asset"},"title":"iStock-831942476","file":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3MVDYqgKxq8a8ZuszO7pV9","type":"Asset"},"title":"iStock-831942476","file":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Articles","date":"2021-02-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["2c306147-085a-4db2-a474-15712d22a6c8",{"sys":{"id":"2c306147-085a-4db2-a474-15712d22a6c8","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Für welche Art von Frieden steht der diesjährige Friedensnobelpreis?","dataTeaser":{"date":"10.10.2025","link":"https://www.radiodrei.de/programm/schema/sendungen/radio3_am_nachmittag/archiv/20251010_1600/radio3_aktuell_1620.html","type":"Interview","tagline":["Radio3 / rbb","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Die venezolanische Oppositionsführerin María Corina Machado erhält für ihren friedlichen Einsatz für Demokratie und einen gerechten Übergang von der Diktatur zur Rechtsstaatlichkeit den Friedensnobelpreis 2025. Prof. Dr. Sabine Kurtenbach spricht über Hintergründe und die mögliche Bedeutung des Preises für Venezuela.

","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"10.10.2025","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.radiodrei.de/programm/schema/sendungen/radio3_am_nachmittag/archiv/20251010_1600/radio3_aktuell_1620.html"}],"mediums":["Radio3 / rbb"],"keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/venezuela","title":"Venezuela"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/andean_region","title":"Andenregion"}]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Radio"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2025-10-10T10:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["2c42c65d-3403-4f23-b1a2-727f6cc121f0",{"sys":{"id":"2c42c65d-3403-4f23-b1a2-727f6cc121f0","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"US-Militär stürmt Tanker vor Venezuela","dataTeaser":{"date":"11.12.2025","link":"https://www.tagesschau.de/multimedia/video/video-1534480.html","type":"Interview","tagline":["Tagesschau24","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Die USA haben vor der Küste Venezuelas einen Tanker gestürmt und beschlagnahmt. Das Schiff sei in ein „illegales Netzwerk“ zum Transport von sanktioniertem Öl verwickelt, so die US-Regierung.

","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"11.12.2025","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.tagesschau.de/multimedia/video/video-1534480.html"}],"mediums":["Tagesschau24"],"keywords":{"free":["Venezuela","United States"],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/venezuela","title":"Venezuela"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/north_america/usa","title":"Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika"}]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Fernsehen"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"4BO8F5MuZ1R5VjL3Xj9rj0","type":"Asset"},"title":"Titelbild_US_Militär_Stürmt_Tanker","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4BO8F5MuZ1R5VjL3Xj9rj0/a17e9de9021703355fa0060622b6fbd6/titelbild_usa_venezuela_boot.png","details":{"image":{"width":1600,"height":900}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2025-12-11T11:00:00.000Z"}}],["2c4cddea-acb5-4170-bea2-b7816458747f",{"sys":{"id":"2c4cddea-acb5-4170-bea2-b7816458747f","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Best Conference Paper Award for an Early-Career Researcher","dataTeaser":{"date":"10.2024","type":"Auszeichnung","pureType":{"key":"prize/prizetypes/prize/prize","value":"Auszeichnung"},"blueprint":"PRIZE","teaserText":"Alina Ripplinger has been awarded the Best Conference Paper Award for an Early-Career Researcher. Her paper, entitled “Politics of Legal Resistance: The strategic use of law to counter autocratization,” presented at the ECPR General Conference, received this honor by the SG Law & Courts.","personUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"awardingInstitutionUuids":["d1958acd-00ee-4cdd-9396-22f5729f05b0"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"10.2024","type":"Auszeichnung","links":[{"url":"https://ecpr.eu/Events/Event/PaperDetails/77722"}],"pureType":{"key":"prize/prizetypes/prize/prize","value":"Auszeichnung"},"blueprint":"PRIZE","expertUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"personNames":["Alina Ripplinger"],"awardingInstitutionUuids":["d1958acd-00ee-4cdd-9396-22f5729f05b0"]},"teaserTitle":"GIGA researcher Alina Ripplinger Received the Best Conference Paper Award for Early-Career Researcher at the ECPR 2024","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3VnrYCUqgS6sZHzrTYrGWm","type":"Asset"},"title":"ECPR Preis Alina Ripplinger","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3VnrYCUqgS6sZHzrTYrGWm/2a22786c3f0de06f72f591da6d218d98/ECPR_Alina_Ripplinger.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1200,"height":675}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Prizes","date":"2024-10-08T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["2cad9826-8016-48db-9214-dd32a695445c",{"sys":{"id":"2cad9826-8016-48db-9214-dd32a695445c","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Against all Odds - Youth in Post-War Societies","path":"/de/forschung-und-transfer/projekte/against-all-odds-youth-in-post-war-societies/","dataTeaser":{"date":"01.08.2013 - 01.12.2017","type":"Forschung","pureType":{"key":"upmproject/upmprojecttypes/upmproject/research","value":"Forschung"},"blueprint":"PROJECT","teaserText":"In many postwar contexts youths are seen as a problem not as an important actor por peacebuilding. The projects analyses what challenges young people face regarding their transitions to adulthood and what enables or limits their participation. Results are based on a medium N-study on 21 postwar contexts and three indepth case studies (El Salvador, Nicaragua, South Africa). The main result is that youth face a generational bottleneck as adults who fought the war still dominate in society, politics, and the economy.
BMZ, 2013-2017","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","fc9dbd6a-712b-4a95-befa-cfb67416239f","269d56e0-023f-4400-a387-9fa418d94c75","a9969282-5500-4b9a-aeac-4de6ee419a76"]},"dataDetail":{"type":"Forschung","period":"01.08.2013 - 01.12.2017","pureType":{"key":"upmproject/upmprojecttypes/upmproject/research","value":"Forschung"},"blueprint":"PROJECT","headUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"teamUuids":["fc9dbd6a-712b-4a95-befa-cfb67416239f","269d56e0-023f-4400-a387-9fa418d94c75","a9969282-5500-4b9a-aeac-4de6ee419a76"],"associateUuids":[],"teamExternUuids":[],"coordinatorUuids":[],"cooperationPersonUuids":[]},"typeOrSubtype":"Projects","date":"2013-08-01T12:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies"}}],["2cf2361c-36d8-4a7d-955c-33c33dd8ac2d",{"sys":{"id":"2cf2361c-36d8-4a7d-955c-33c33dd8ac2d","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Building Pathways to Peace: State–Society Relations and Security Sector Reform","path":"/de/publikationen/buecher/building-pathways-peace-state-society-relations-security-sector-reform/","dataTeaser":{"date":"11.2023","link":"https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009406727","type":"Monografie","tagline":[" Elements in International Relations ","Cambridge University Press"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/bookanthology/book","value":"Monografie"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"Security sector reform (SSR) is a core element in the transition from internal war to peace. Frt. For SSR to contribute to peacebuilding, these reforms should also involve local actors and be embedded in constructive state–society relations. The book presents a feminist and intersectoral conceptualisation of SSR as well as quantitative and qualitative findings from 42 post-conflict societies as well as from Afghanistan and Colombia. ","personUuids":["63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Monografie","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/bookanthology/book","value":"Monografie"},"subtitle":"Monografie | Cambridge University Press | 2023","keywords":{"structured":[{"uri":"subjectarea/asjc/3300/3300","title":"Allgemeine Sozialwissenschaften"}],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"11.2023","dateShort":"2023","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009406727"],"personNames":["Nadine Ansorg","Sabine Kurtenbach"],"dateLong":"November 2023","isbns":["978-1-009-46266-2","978-1-009-40675-8"," 978-1-009-40672-7"],"numberOfPages":76,"publicationLocation":"Cambridge","publisher":"Cambridge University Press","seriesTitle":[" Elements in International Relations "],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":[],"unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesNumber":[],"seriesIssn":[],"personUuids":["63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserText":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Local actors should be involved in peacebuilding processes and security sector reforms (SSR). The book presents a feminist and intersectoral conceptualisation of SSR as well as quantitative and qualitative findings from 42 post-conflict societies as well as from Afghanistan and Colombia. Open Access until 11 December 2023!","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"460Ej9yWi9O74Wp4F2apyi","type":"Asset"},"title":"Teaserbild - Kurtenbach Ansorg","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/460Ej9yWi9O74Wp4F2apyi/81f15bc2e071c8095431544be09d783c/Teaserbild_-_Kurtenbach_Ansorg-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Books","date":"2023-11-21T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["2cusRl3UHmU4YUZ8cnQbKu",{"sys":{"id":"2cusRl3UHmU4YUZ8cnQbKu","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text GIGA Focus Conditions for Democratic Transitions: Venezuela’s 2024 Elections","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The resounding victory of María Corina Machado in the opposition primaries of October 2023 gave new hope for a transition from autocratic rule to democracy. But this also sounded the alarm among the Venezuelan government, whose survival depends on maintaining control over the executive. Nevertheless, current both internal and international conditions favour the Nicolás Maduro regime."}]},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Policy Implications"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The opposition is already showing signs of fragmentation due to the unyielding ban on candidate Machado taking public office, while US pressure has faded after the Barbados Agreement of October 2023. Therefore, the EU’s position and diplomatic pressure might be the only way to push for better electoral conditions in Venezuela."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Finally United: María Corina Machado’s Unexpected Victory"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Looking at the reaction by the Nicolás Maduro government to the resounding victory of María Corina Machado in the opposition primaries of October 2023, it is fair to assume they did not expect her to win with such an overwhelming majority, having taken 93 per cent of the vote. The opposition never previously had a presidential candidate who would gain such extensive popular support since the coming to power of “Chavismo” (see Table 1 below), which has always helped the respective incumbents stay in office. Since Maduro became president in 2013, the government has focused on creating divisions within the opposition by banning popular candidates from holding public office, changing the dates of elections, and even prohibiting its umbrella organisation from participating in the 2018 polls. This was a particularly successful approach during the latter elections, in which opposition candidate Henri Falcón and independent candidate Antonio Bertucci participated despite the opposition’s calls to boycott them."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Table 1. Opposition Leaders in Venezuela’s Presidential Elections, 2006–2024"}]},{"nodeType":"table","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"table-row"},{"nodeType":"table-row"},{"nodeType":"table-row"},{"nodeType":"table-row"},{"nodeType":"table-row"},{"nodeType":"table-row"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Author’s own compilation, based on news articles regarding opposition primaries"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Machado was not a prominent candidate until recently. She has been an opposition figure since the beginning of the Chavismo years, but she only held public office between 2010 and 2014 as a member of the National Assembly of Venezuela, until she was kicked out of it by the Supreme Tribunal of Justice (TSJ). Despite being part of the opposition since the outset, she only recently resurfaced as a protagonist after the COVID-19 pandemic, playing the role of most radical anti-Chavismo candidate among the opposition. Being in constant opposition to Chavismo while maintaining distance from its delegitimised mainstream leaders – including candidates Capriles Radonski, Rosales, and Freddy Superlano – catapulted Machado into the position of being the most viable and legitimate option in the eyes of the Venezuelan population. Despite the ongoing infighting among its leaders before the primaries, the overwhelming victory of Machado served to unify the opposition behind her."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A unified opposition led by an extremely popular candidate is a situation the Maduro government had only faced once before, during the 2013 presidential elections. Even then, Capriles Radonski only obtained 60 per cent of the vote in primaries. The current circumstances are compounded by the fact that the Maduro government’s popularity is at an all-time low: according to a Delphos poll from July 2023, 85 per cent of the Venezuelan population wants him out of office."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Maduro’s Countermeasures: Weaponising the Judiciary, Delegitimisation, and Diversion"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Autocratic rulers rely on a balance between repression, legitimisation, and co-optation to stabilise their regimes "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Maduro successfully deployed all of these tools to maintain power during the turbulent protest years of 2014–2019. This included suppressing the population and arresting/banning political opponents (repression), maintaining a performative democracy while attending internationally hosted dialogues with the opposition (legitimisation), and allowing opposition leaders to access low-level government positions to splinter the Mesa de la Unidad Democrática (MUD) (co-optation)."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Hugo Chávez constantly used elections as a key tool of legitimation; while he was always considered a very well-liked candidate, he abused state power and resources to maintain such popularity "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Maduro, on the other hand, faced with a grave economic crisis and suffering a legislative defeat in 2015, relied on repression and censorship of the opposition and disloyal army officers, while co-opting military, political, and economic elites through cronyism (Corrales 2020). This was not without its costs: constant protests and power contestation, increasing unease among the defence and security forces, and the tarnishing of Venezuela’s international image as a democratic state."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Despite the attempt of Maduro to return to Chavez’s model of legitimation through co-opted and unbalanced polls since 2021 – achieved by allowing relatively open regional elections and negotiating with the opposition in Paris and then Barbados –, all his old strategies can be seen at work once more in the current handling of Machado’s candidacy. After the outcome of the primaries, the Maduro government immediately went on the offensive, casting doubt on Machado’s electoral success and calling the process fraudulent to delegitimise it. Only days after said declarations, the results – which were organised by an independent commission whose members were selected by consensus among polled opposition leaders, without the involvement of the CNE – were overruled by the TSJ. The Supreme Court also confirmed Machado’s ban beforehand, having been first enacted in 2015 for one year before in August 2023 being post facto extended to 15 years."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The government agreed to sanction the opposition primaries taking place via the CNE as part of the Barbados Agreement, but unlikely as a gesture of goodwill. The opposition has never been a complete monolith and the primaries were an opportunity for Maduro to showcase the cracks inside the opposition as well as receive international legitimacy in the process. The overwhelming victory of Machado and consequent unification of the opposition movement behind her candidacy was therefore an unexpected outcome that pushed the government towards classical repressive measures."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A judicial process to lift a political ban on opposition candidates was put in place by Maduro’s regime in November 2023, as a way of keeping Machado at bay through bureaucratic means without directly refusing her entry. This had a twin purpose:"}]},{"nodeType":"ordered-list","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In January 2024, both Machado’s and Capriles Radonski’s requests to lift the ban were rejected by the TSJ, leaving the two most popular opposition candidates out of the race."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Another countermeasure that the Maduro government has used is to shift the population’s attention away from Machado and her candidacy by reigniting international grievances regarding the territory of Essequibo, a geographic area constituting a source of dispute between Venezuela and Guyana ever since the 1960s. As a national issue on which Machado cannot have a diametrically opposed position to Maduro without souring national sentiment, this act of diversion has allowed the government to be the only voice in the related discussions and therewith keep its opponent out of the limelight."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Autocracies hold elections as one means of maintain their grip on power; they are a source of legitimisation, an opportunity for co-optation, and a great indicator of which leaders must be repressed to avoid further threats to the regime, even if it tends to produce a burst of instability during the process "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" But co-optation is not an option during the course of presidential elections: the Venezuelan state has a centralised body with an extremely powerful executive branch; unlike in regional and local elections, or even in legislative ones, losing the presidency would represent a direct threat to the regime’s survival, particularly with Machado herself considered one of the most radical anti-Chavismo candidates."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"How Autocracies Crumble: Venezuela in 2019 versus in 2024"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The government of Venezuela has, at least since 2006, been considered to have reverted from being a liberal democracy to an authoritarian state (Haggard and Kaufman 2021). Under Maduro, it has been widely considered an autocracy, with most democracy indexes categorising it as a hybrid regime or a full authoritarian state (Table 2)."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Table 2. Venezuelan Democracy Indexes, 2013–2023"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"3nOfLvyrtF9sUlvxCO8pw3","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Tabelle GIGA Focus LA 2024_02_Tab2","title":"Venezuelan Democracy Indexes, 2013–2023","media":{"sys":{"id":"1R52IwZJAuXXuLukPFU2le","type":"Asset"},"title":"Tabelle GIGA Focus LA 2024_02_Tab2","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1R52IwZJAuXXuLukPFU2le/f4b838eee7c99422d0aeebb63f016f6b/web-Focus-LA-2024-02-Tabelle2.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":342}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Venezuelan Democracy Indexes, 2013–2023"}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Sources: "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":","},{"nodeType":"text","value":" "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Notes: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Red / deep orange = authoritarian state; light orange / yellow = hybrid regime."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Therefore, it is important to understand under what conditions authoritarian states can transition towards democracy. The study of "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" shows that most autocracies fall through insider-led operations, either coup d’états or “regular” outings without the use of force – such as elections, forced resignations, and consensus decisions on moving towards a democratic transition. Circumstances depend on the incumbent autocrat’s capacity to control elites:"}]},{"nodeType":"blockquote","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"This means the capacity to rein in (either through repression or co-opting) the current political, security, and economic elites becomes paramount to avoid insider-led outings."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Nevertheless, the same authors also highlight that since 2010 the number of autocratic breakdowns induced by mass revolt has increased significantly. Furthermore, unlike with insider-led exits – which tend to have only a 50 per cent probability of turning into democratic transition –, autocratic breakdowns ensuing from a popular uprising see a transition to democracy around 80 per cent of the time "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Such outbursts of dissent can be sparked by a range of factors, but the capacity of the regime to hinder and weather them becomes key to avoiding removal from office."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Compared to the economic, security, and social conditions that Maduro faced before COVID, particularly in 2018–19, the regime today is presented with a more favourable scenario to avoid both kinds of outings. First, during the period 2014–2019, the fall of oil prices and the divestment of the Venezuelan oil industry, along with harmful macro-economic policies and widespread corruption, led to the starkest economic crisis in Venezuela’s modern history. The country suffered the highest inflation rate in the world, peaking in 2018 at a figure between 130,000 per cent according to the Venezuelan Central Bank (BCV) and over 1,500,000 per cent according to the opposition-led Financial Commission of the National Assembly (OVF) (see Table 3 below). Gross domestic product contracted by around 65 per cent between 2013 and 2019, according to a review by the United Nations’ Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean,with a further contraction of 30 per cent in 2020 on top "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Along with the general political repression and social insecurity, this led to a massive migration of Venezuelans to other countries in Latin America, with the numbers involved reaching over four million by 2019 according to the UN."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Table 3. Inflation Rates in Venezuela (in %), 2013–2023"}]},{"nodeType":"table","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"table-row"},{"nodeType":"table-row"},{"nodeType":"table-row"},{"nodeType":"table-row"},{"nodeType":"table-row"},{"nodeType":"table-row"},{"nodeType":"table-row"},{"nodeType":"table-row"},{"nodeType":"table-row"},{"nodeType":"table-row"},{"nodeType":"table-row"},{"nodeType":"table-row"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Sources: "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" and "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Furthermore, from 2014 to 2019 the Maduro government faced successive waves of contestation from opposition leaders and the public in the shape of protests (see Figure 1 below). These were induced by a combination of heavily deteriorating economic conditions and the extensive persecution of political opponents challenging the newly arrived and significantly less charismatic Maduro."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Figure 1. Protests in Venezuela by Year, 2011–2023"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"3Q4w6ersTePZu6bsEmd2mw","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik GIGA Focus LA 2024_02_Abb1","title":"Protests in Venezuela by Year, 2011–2023","media":{"sys":{"id":"2DNGZa0ns0jAoEDOG7YSK","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik GIGA Focus LA 2024_02_Abb1","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2DNGZa0ns0jAoEDOG7YSK/eef050c82ee47dc71ffa51c2d1aabe9b/web-Focus-LA-2024-02-Figure1.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Protests in Venezuela by Year, 2011–2023"}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source: "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Incapable of maintaining internal legitimacy through clientelist practices with regards to the general population, and having lost the national parliamentary elections in 2015, the government weaponised the judiciary to render parliament powerless, created a parallel “Constitutional Assembly,” and relied also on repression and censorship. As noted, this served to heavily tarnish its reputation as a “popular democracy” internationally. This, in turn, forced it to increase ties with international outcasts or strong revisionist states to avoid isolation, including China, Iran, North Korea, Russia, and Turkey."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Finally, security would hit a historic low, with violent deaths reaching a peak of 90 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2016 (see Figure 2 below). Caracas had come to be considered the most dangerous city in the world as of 2015 according to the Consejo Ciudadano para la Seguridad Pública y la Justicia Penal (CCSPJP), a Mexican non-governmental organisation "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" During this crisis, Maduro relied on several para-institutions to maintain control over national territory without involving the official security forces, including"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" colectivos"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"pranatos"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", and Colombian guerrilla groups. The "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"colectivos"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" are a government-supported organisation made up of ruling-party followers, civilians, undercover law-enforcement officials, and delinquents paid to clamp down on people living in the low-income zones of urban Venezuela, where the police dare not enter. It has been argued that by 2017 up to one-tenth of the country’s urban space was under the control of "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"colectivos "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"(Corrales 2020)."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Pranatos"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" or “mega-gangs,” meanwhile, are criminal organisations over 50 members in size that are normally controlled by a "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"pran"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" or “leader,” who tends to operate from inside a prison they rule the roost over. They rely on drug trafficking, extortion, and kidnapping throughout the country to sustain themselves. Despite gangs being prominent since the turn of the new millennium in Venezuela’s cities, from 2014 onwards the government provided these "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"pranatos"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" with safe havens (known as "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"zonas de paz"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", “peace zones”): namely, territories the security forces cannot enter without a court order. In these spaces, mega-gangs were allowed to grow and function as a de facto form of government (Polga-Hecimovich 2019)."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Another important actor constellation was the splinter groups of the Colombian ELN and FARC guerrillas, which have been a continued presence on Venezuelan territory, being allowed to persist and control hard-to-reach areas of the country such as Amazonas, Apure, or Tachira states. Guerrillas, "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"pranatos"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", and the military share control over these respective areas, particularly in zones with gold-mining operations, which these groups extract and sell illegally. It was under dire economic conditions and significant political upheaval that Maduro came to rely on these para-states to maintain control over the country, while providing them with access to illegal operations and impunity in exchange (Corrales 2020)."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Figure 2. Violent Deaths in Venezuela per 100,000 Inhabitants by Year, 2013–2023"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"2oyO1YDI1RCHGMoS5XMjdk","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik GIGA Focus LA 2024_02_Abb2","title":"Violent Deaths in Venezuela per 100,000 Inhabitants by Year, 2013–2023","media":{"sys":{"id":"28QYnClojz7GD6jMkbKFWx","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik GIGA Focus LA 2024_02_Abb2","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/28QYnClojz7GD6jMkbKFWx/b21cdfe7e2860b05788220055d2afc05/web-Focus-LA-2024-02-Figure2.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Violent Deaths in Venezuela per 100,000 Inhabitants by Year, 2013–2023"}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source: "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Economic conditions have since significantly improved. Oil production scaled up from 400,000 barrels a day in 2021 to 700,000 barrels a day by 2023, mainly due to a change in management of Venezuela’s national oil company PDVSA as well as to an anti-corruption campaign. In tandem, there was an increase in the oil price from around USD 40–60 a barrel in the period 2015–2019 to around USD 80–90 a barrel between 2021 and 2023; Venezuelan revenues have, as such, significantly increased in the last three years. Hyperinflation finally subsided in 2021, which despite still seeing a triple-digit annual inflation rate (see Table 3 above) represented a qualitative change in Venezuelans’ perception of the economic crisis facing their country."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Security conditions have also changed. Control over national territory, formerly lost to gangs and paramilitary groups, has been partly recovered by the Maduro regime through violent military and police campaigns. Homicide rates in the country plummeted to 26.8 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2023. This is due to a combination of factors, including:"}]},{"nodeType":"ordered-list","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Control over the states bordering Colombia (Apure, Merida, Tachira), lost to the latter’s dissident guerrilla groups, has been partly recovered through military operations taking place in 2022 and 2023, sometimes in alliance with one guerrilla group to overcome the other. Major prison raids were executed in 2023 to quash gangs and retake control of the penitentiary system. The largest organised gangs, like the Tren de Aragua, were also tackled hereby."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Internal and International Opposition Has Waned"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$50"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"On the other hand, international pressure both regionally and globally has receded due to international crises and changes of government elsewhere. During the troubled years of 2014 to 2019, the Venezuelan government tarnished the country’s reputation regionally and internationally; the arrival into office of right-leaning governments in Argentina (Mauricio Macri), Brazil (Jair Bolsonaro), and Colombia (Iván Duque) catalysed the creation in 2017 of a regional coalition in favour of the Venezuelan oppositional “Lima Group,” seeking to support a democratic transition in the latter country. It was backed by a number of governments in Latin America and the Caribbean as well as Canada, the EU, and the US. The Lima Group reached its zenith in 2019 when opposition lawmaker Juan Guaidó declared himself interim president of Venezuela, creating a parallel government with international support from over 48 countries including the US and most EU member states."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The US and the EU were also then heavily involved in supporting a democratic transition in Venezuela. Some of the negotiations taking place between the opposition and the incumbent regime were hosted by European states (Oslo 2019, Paris 2022) while the US under President Donald Trump constantly antagonised Maduro; both the US and the EU imposed individual sanctions on Venezuelan government officials and their family members, too. In 2019, furthermore, they both recognised the interim presidency of Guaidó and imposed a battery of sanctions including the prohibition of oil and gold imports from Venezuela, the country’s exclusion from the international financial system, as well as general bans on trade with businesses aligned with the Maduro government."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"These conditions have since drastically changed both regionally and internationally. The Lima Group slowly crumbled with the ascent of left-wing governments in Argentina in 2019 (Alberto Fernandez), Colombia in 2022 (Gustavo Petro), and Brazil in 2023 (Lula da Silva), while other members have fallen into internal crisis (Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru). The Maduro regime has managed to overcome the regional isolation the Lima Group imposed on the country, and open opposition has waned in consequence – except for in Argentina, following the unexpected victory of Javier Milei late last year."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In the US, the Biden administration’s taking of office in 2021 subsequently focused on lifting back up the domestic economy and then on the rapidly unfolding crises in Ukraine (2022–) and in Gaza (2023–). With an energy crunch caused by Russia’s weaponisation of its oil and gas resources, Biden decided to lift sanctions on Venezuela as part of the Barbados Agreement; in return, Maduro was to provide the conditions for free elections and allow opposition candidates to compete in 2024. Nevertheless, Venezuela’s president has to date not abided by the terms of the agreement while the Biden administration is currently too busy dealing with the aforementioned crises further afield and too worried about the possibility of increasing gas prices and Venezuelan migrants to enforce the agreed measures. "}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Meanwhile in Europe, EU governments have scaled back their opposition significantly. Some countries like France, Italy, and Spain have even given signals of a rapprochement with Caracas. Others like Germany and Netherlands are reluctant to follow suit unless Maduro demonstrates the will to allow democratic processes to occur, but active opposition has subsided."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"What Comes Next: The Role of a Unified Opposition and International Support"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Despite the opposition being unified under the leadership of Machado, as the elections draw closer it is, as such, likely that other opposition leaders will try to break rank by throwing their own candidates into the ring. The government has already provided incentives to do so by rejecting a lifting of the ban on Machado and Capriles Radonski and bringing the presidential elections forwards to July 2024. If new candidates that are not threatening to the incumbent regime do emerge, this would further fragment and delegitimise the opposition – Maduro’s ultimate goal here."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"There are, nevertheless, a few alternatives available to the opposition and willing external actors if the Venezuelan government is to be cornered, and hence forced into either a relaxation of its grip on power or into increased repression and therewith greater delegitimation of its regime. The banning of Machado and Capriles Radonski does leave those seeking power without legitimate candidates for office, but it does not negate the possibility of Machado backing someone else in her place who still represents her ideas and is considered an outsider to the mainstream opposition. For this reason, Machado announced her support for Corina Yoris just days before the end of the time period allocated by the CNE to officially register candidates. Nevertheless, Yoris was prohibited from registering; meanwhile, minutes before the deadline, two opposition parties broke rank to inscribe Rosales – an opposition leader who does not enjoy popular support – as their own candidate."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$51"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Even under this scenario, and regardless of whether protests erupt anew in the country, the probability of Maduro willingly transferring power is close to zero. With a reinvigorated security and para-security apparatus, along with stabilised revenues from the export of oil and illicit goods, the regime also currently finds itself better placed to weather popular dissent and clamp down on the remnants of organised opposition. The Venezuelan president’s co-optation of economic, security, and even minor political elites by offering them access to illicit operations or low-level government positions is very feasible, too – for example, via the legislative elections of 2025. The EU must, then, bear all this in mind as it decides key next steps."}]}]}}}],["2d67a3f4-b357-4d40-a776-fe2db009b19c",{"sys":{"id":"2d67a3f4-b357-4d40-a776-fe2db009b19c","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Global South Perspectives on a Global Ban on Nuclear Weapons: A Comparative Approach","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-working-papers/global-south-perspectives-global-ban-nuclear-weapons-comparative-approach/","dataTeaser":{"date":"07.2022","link":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/29766885/WP_330.pdf","type":"GIGA Working Papers","tagline":["GIGA Working Papers"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/giga_working_paper","value":"GIGA Working Papers"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"Anhand vergleichender Länderstudien zu Afrika, Lateinamerika, dem Nahen Osten und Südasien, untersuchen wir, wie regionale Fragen die globale Nichtverbreitungs- und Abrüstungspolitik beeinflussen. Der Schwerpunkt liegt dabei auf der Norm für das Verbot von Kernwaffen, die kürzlich im Atomwaffenverbotsvertrag kodifiziert wurde.","personUuids":["c2485d83-8c32-4ead-9dd0-da02dcd61426","e216821d-4f25-4af1-92d4-ead4bda457e3","b5e29fc2-ab9c-46a4-99f6-a2cc1e94c4a6","6d12d9ef-2a43-4f5b-ac75-6cfe9315acb7","1e836be1-6d4c-4d28-bf1f-35b458eeab73","1a983822-f2d6-4816-af14-2dae7fee559a","bf2e9e74-0a6c-4701-8812-c770ff19240d","2474528a-64c5-47e5-a677-72fcba73980e"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"07.2022","type":"GIGA Working Papers","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/29766885/WP_330.pdf","title":"GIGA WP 330"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Juli 2022","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/giga_working_paper","value":"GIGA Working Papers"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["c2485d83-8c32-4ead-9dd0-da02dcd61426","e216821d-4f25-4af1-92d4-ead4bda457e3","b5e29fc2-ab9c-46a4-99f6-a2cc1e94c4a6","6d12d9ef-2a43-4f5b-ac75-6cfe9315acb7","1e836be1-6d4c-4d28-bf1f-35b458eeab73","1a983822-f2d6-4816-af14-2dae7fee559a","bf2e9e74-0a6c-4701-8812-c770ff19240d","2474528a-64c5-47e5-a677-72fcba73980e"]}],"subtitle":"GIGA Working Papers | German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) | 2022","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2022","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesIssn":[],"personNames":["Leonardo Bandarra","Miriam Prys-Hansen","Jo-Ansie van Wyk","Layla Dawood","Monica Herz","Nir Hassid","Harsh V. Pant","Shounak Set"],"personUuids":["c2485d83-8c32-4ead-9dd0-da02dcd61426","e216821d-4f25-4af1-92d4-ead4bda457e3","b5e29fc2-ab9c-46a4-99f6-a2cc1e94c4a6","6d12d9ef-2a43-4f5b-ac75-6cfe9315acb7","1e836be1-6d4c-4d28-bf1f-35b458eeab73","1a983822-f2d6-4816-af14-2dae7fee559a","bf2e9e74-0a6c-4701-8812-c770ff19240d","2474528a-64c5-47e5-a677-72fcba73980e"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Working Papers"],"seriesNumber":["330"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"numberOfPages":32,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"2mwvIGmxi9H7PqqzOnzjrH","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA WP 330 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2mwvIGmxi9H7PqqzOnzjrH/0c174c354df2756ee1d5f8906a50362e/GIGA_Vienna_June2022_UN_nuclear_ban_treaty_meeting_Attendees_at_inaugural_meeting_of_parties_imago_0161325637_Kyodo_News.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Working Papers","date":"2022-07-13T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["2dbf1fa2-7def-4f27-a966-f31eccaef3a4",{"sys":{"id":"2dbf1fa2-7def-4f27-a966-f31eccaef3a4","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Erst Venezuela, dann Grönland? – Trumps neue Weltordnung","dataTeaser":{"date":"07.01.2026","link":"https://www.swr.de/kultur/gesellschaft/erst-venezuela-dann-groenland-trumps-neue-weltordnung-forum-2026-01-07-100.html","type":"Interview","tagline":["SWR","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Die USA greifen Venezuela an und bald auch Grönland? Russland überfällt die Ukraine, China schielt auf Taiwan. Europa, die Nato und Deutschland müssen sich neu sortieren. Versagt das Völkerrecht? Gilt jetzt die Macht des Stärkeren? Welche Welt wollen wir?

","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"07.01.2026","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.swr.de/kultur/gesellschaft/erst-venezuela-dann-groenland-trumps-neue-weltordnung-forum-2026-01-07-100.html"}],"mediums":["SWR"],"keywords":{"free":["USA","Venezuela","Intervention","USA","Venezuela","Intervention"],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/global","title":"Global"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/venezuela","title":"Venezuela"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/andean_region","title":"Andenregion"}]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Radio"]},"teaserMedia":{"sys":{"id":"KI1PS3ZYdQNoWg2lVAMw8","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Audio + Poster SWR Forum \"Erst Venezuela, dann Grönland? – Trumps neue Weltordnung\" am 07.01.2026","title":"Audio + Poster SWR Forum \"Erst Venezuela, dann Grönland? – Trumps neue Weltordnung\" am 07.01.2026","type":"File","media":{"sys":{"id":"5kfLCm4ieBTU0AVN7YxSCb","type":"Asset"},"title":"Audio SWR Forum \"Erst Venezuela, dann Grönland? – Trumps neue Weltordnung\" am 07.01.2026","description":"","file":{"url":"//downloads.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5kfLCm4ieBTU0AVN7YxSCb/05745af890c106ad68620d072f1a7701/erst-venezuela-dann-groenland-trumps-neue-weltordnung.mp3","details":{},"contentType":"audio/mpeg"}},"poster":{"sys":{"id":"2Cehsc3J1M9P4NcUEKUpVR","type":"Asset"},"title":"Titelbilder SWR Forum \"Erst Venezuela, dann Grönland? – Trumps neue Weltordnung\" am 07.01.2026","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2Cehsc3J1M9P4NcUEKUpVR/728f67c781629d3357f15f2521956419/titelbild_swr_erst_venezuela_dann_groenland.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1600,"height":900}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2026-01-07T11:00:00.000Z"}}],["2dlCrcfX7JueJajtZv0CMr",{"sys":{"id":"2dlCrcfX7JueJajtZv0CMr","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur GIGA Focus India after the 2024 Elections: Trends and Implications","headline":"Literatur","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"CEA, Ministry of Power, Government of India (n.d.), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 21 March 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Chandrasekhar, C.P. (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Frontline"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 21 September, accessed 17 March 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"IEA (n.d.), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 21 March 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"International Monetary Fund (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 18 December, accessed 12 March 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Khaitan, Tarunabh (2020), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Law & Ethics of Human Rights"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 14, 1, 49–95, accessed 17 March 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Majumder, Raktim (2024), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Wire"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 21 March 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Mukherjee, Vasudha (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Business Standard"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 22 November, accessed 7 February 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Mukherji, Rahul, and Seyed Hossein Zarhani (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Pacific Affairs"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 96, 4, 747–768, accessed 17 March 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Sharma, Padmakshi (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Live Law"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 24 March, accessed 7 February 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Hindu"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" (2024), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 11 April, accessed 12 April 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Tiwary, Deeptiman (2024), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Indian Express"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 22 March, accessed 23 March 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Veeresha, Nayakara (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Deccan Herald"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 5 March, accessed 18 March 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Viswam, Binoy (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Hindu"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 17 August, accessed 8 April 2024."}]}]}}}],["2dnOFmcSZcSbgQnN1Y7K8k",{"sys":{"id":"2dnOFmcSZcSbgQnN1Y7K8k","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text GIGA Focus Asien 2021_02_2","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$52"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"As with most regional organisations, the cooperation of PIF member states does not involve the pooling of sovereignty. Overall, the level of regional integration has remained low. A successful exception is the Nauru Agreement, which regulates fishing in the vast EEZs of the Pacific. The University of the South Pacific (USP) is another showcase regional-cooperation project. Others, namely an airline and a shipping line, no longer operate as regional entities. Trade and capital flows among PICs are limited. Their main economic linkages are with Australia, NZ, and for some time now also with the PRC. The Pacific Agreement on Closer Economic Relations (PACER) Plus, a trade pact promoted by Australia and NZ, does not include the regional heavyweights PNG and Fiji as they were not convinced about the benefits of membership. Other countries only signed up to the pact in exchange for Australian and NZ concessions on labour migration."}],"data":{}}]}}}],["2e314f3d-4b27-4363-843a-1c3c7c54dadd",{"sys":{"id":"2e314f3d-4b27-4363-843a-1c3c7c54dadd","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Colombia elects its first leftist president","dataTeaser":{"date":"20.06.2022","type":"Interview","tagline":["Radioeins RBB ","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"CLIPPING","type":"Interview","pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"links":[],"date":"20.06.2022","mediums":["Radioeins RBB "],"mediaFormats":["Radio"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2022-06-20T12:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["2e4466fb-33ae-4fbe-be3e-26777943f9cd",{"sys":{"id":"2e4466fb-33ae-4fbe-be3e-26777943f9cd","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Kein Rückbau, kein “Weiter so“: Eine neue starke Entwicklungspolitik","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/kein-rueckbau-kein-weiter-so-eine-neue-starke-entwicklungspolitik/","dataTeaser":{"date":"2/2025","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfaf-25021","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Entwicklungspolitik neu denken: Ein Rückbau wäre fatal – Entwicklungspolitik dient deutschen Interessen und sichert globale Güter. Doch „Weiter so“ reicht nicht: Koordination & echte Partnerschaften mit dem Globalen Süden sind nötig. Europa muss ein effektiveres, multilaterales Angebot schaffen.","personUuids":["c4bed983-2ed2-452f-b09f-ce511babdc89"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2025 | ISSN: 1862-3603","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"03.2025","dateShort":"2025","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfaf-25021"],"personNames":["Jann Lay"],"dateLong":"März 2025","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":[],"unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","1b9d3c92-63ad-49fe-bb02-119e2a17eef4"],"seriesNumber":["2"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3603"],"useDynamicPdf":true,"personUuids":["c4bed983-2ed2-452f-b09f-ce511babdc89"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["c4bed983-2ed2-452f-b09f-ce511babdc89"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"1oZcAN4kMe8goaVEpZYA7D","type":"Asset"},"title":"Focus Afrika 2/2025 (Lay) Keyvisual","description":"Focus Africa 2/2025 (Lay) Keyvisual","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1oZcAN4kMe8goaVEpZYA7D/c54398d4c2ad9ee4f8b70823096abb05/ProtestUSAID_Website.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Africa","date":"2025-03-18T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Kein Rückbau, kein “Weiter so“: Eine neue starke Entwicklungspolitik"}}],["2eb1ede4-4a28-4e7f-aadb-b18b4d695ee8",{"sys":{"id":"2eb1ede4-4a28-4e7f-aadb-b18b4d695ee8","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Coca, narco y crimen en la Colombia del posacuerdo","dataTeaser":{"date":"28.07.2017","link":"https://www.animalpolitico.com/blogueros-el-dispensario-dialogo-sobre-drogas/2017/07/28/coca-narco-criminalidad-la-colombia-del-posacuerdo/","type":"Artikel","tagline":["Animal Político","Artikel"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","personUuids":["5cfc68bc-4992-4a45-849f-bbdae6067e4b"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"28.07.2017","type":"Artikel","links":[{"url":"https://www.animalpolitico.com/blogueros-el-dispensario-dialogo-sobre-drogas/2017/07/28/coca-narco-criminalidad-la-colombia-del-posacuerdo/"}],"mediums":["Animal Político"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["5cfc68bc-4992-4a45-849f-bbdae6067e4b"],"mediaFormats":[]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Article","date":"2017-07-28T12:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["2eb58bfb-b642-4519-847a-3afbc8e38060",{"sys":{"id":"2eb58bfb-b642-4519-847a-3afbc8e38060","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Afrika als Leerstelle in der Nationalen Sicherheitsstrategie?","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/afrika-als-leerstelle-in-der-nationalen-sicherheitsstrategie/","dataTeaser":{"date":"6/2023","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfaf-23061","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Afrika kommt in der Nationalen Sicherheitsstrategie kaum vor, obwohl der Putsch in Niger die Bedeutung des Kontinents für die deutsche Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik erneut zeigte. Dennoch bietet das Strategiedokument wichtige inhaltliche Impulse für zukünftige Partnerschaften mit Afrika. ","personUuids":["5c705718-e96f-4625-8045-c056da9c93ac"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2023 | ISSN: 1862-3603","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"12.2023","dateShort":"2023","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfaf-23061"],"personNames":["Julia Grauvogel"],"dateLong":"Dezember 2023","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":[],"unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesNumber":["6"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3603"],"useDynamicPdf":true,"personUuids":["5c705718-e96f-4625-8045-c056da9c93ac"],"relatedProjectUuids":["bea82006-9ac6-41ba-8919-71c73d8f9e39","207dd7c0-cd22-4aa2-976e-e2748f79e103","558c4465-e06f-4fd1-9d01-74684550f7c6"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["5c705718-e96f-4625-8045-c056da9c93ac"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"4Lcu9STF1OkDlfL7Zfgbr1","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Afrika 2023_06 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4Lcu9STF1OkDlfL7Zfgbr1/db8dae5aa693bde46fd871dd8498899b/GIGA_Nov23_Press_conference_Olaf_Scholz_Assoumani_Azali_and_Moussa_Faki_IMAGO_Christian_Spicker_0365996745.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Africa","date":"2023-12-07T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Afrika als Leerstelle in der Nationalen Sicherheitsstrategie?"}}],["2eb8721d-e8b5-4e17-835d-e2e9638c7f24",{"sys":{"id":"2eb8721d-e8b5-4e17-835d-e2e9638c7f24","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Aufruhr in Guatemala","dataTeaser":{"date":"24.08.2015","link":"http://www.dw.com/de/aufruhr-in-guatemala/a-18669908","type":"Zitat","tagline":["Deutsche Welle","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"24.08.2015","type":"Zitat","links":[{"url":"http://www.dw.com/de/aufruhr-in-guatemala/a-18669908"}],"mediums":["Deutsche Welle"],"keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"7INWM8pe8cm5LVVp5FNyEe","type":"Asset"},"title":"Presse Zuschnitt Intro A","file":"$36:37:1:fields:teaserImage:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2015-08-24T10:00:00.000Z"}}],["2ef3d8eb-18c2-4625-9875-590caf307ab1",{"sys":{"id":"2ef3d8eb-18c2-4625-9875-590caf307ab1","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"International Sanctions against Iran under President Ahmadinejad: Explaining Regime Persistence","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-working-papers/international-sanctions-iran-president-ahmadinejad-explaining-regime-persistence/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/giga_working_paper","value":"GIGA Working Papers"},"type":"GIGA Working Papers","date":"11.2014","personUuids":["e87bfa42-c443-42a2-83ec-07fc7c6b5309"],"tagline":["GIGA Working Papers"],"link":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21213332/wp260_borszik.pdf"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"11.2014","type":"GIGA Working Papers","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21213332/wp260_borszik.pdf","title":"GIGA WP 260"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"November 2014","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/giga_working_paper","value":"GIGA Working Papers"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["e87bfa42-c443-42a2-83ec-07fc7c6b5309"]}],"subtitle":"GIGA Working Papers | German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) | 2014","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2014","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesIssn":[],"personNames":["Oliver Borszik"],"personUuids":["e87bfa42-c443-42a2-83ec-07fc7c6b5309"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Working Papers"],"seriesNumber":["260"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"numberOfPages":26,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"This paper seeks to explain how Iran’s regime persisted in the face of international sanctions during Mahmud Ahmadinejad’s presidency, from 2005 to 2013. It reconstructs the interplay between the intensifying UNSC, US and EU sanctions and the targeted regime’s strategies to advance the nuclear…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"RsAczYTPJfF2xOn1YkQ1q","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:81:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Grafik alte WP","title":"Bild Grafik alte WP","altText":"Cover GIGA Working Papers","copyright":"GIGA","media":{"sys":{"id":"2RmnCnJEHpabs1A4OkOLK2","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik_WP_alt_web_kontur","description":"","file":"$36:81:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"2RmnCnJEHpabs1A4OkOLK2","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik_WP_alt_web_kontur","description":"","file":"$36:81:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Working Papers","date":"2014-11-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["2f3b0bbe-7281-41a2-a922-eac342e26ccf",{"sys":{"id":"2f3b0bbe-7281-41a2-a922-eac342e26ccf","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Einen Monat nach Assads Sturz: Was machen die Islamisten aus Syrien?","dataTeaser":{"date":"09.01.2025","link":"https://www.tagesspiegel.de/internationales/einen-monat-nach-assads-sturz-was-machen-die-islamisten-aus-syrien-12976513.html","type":"Interview","tagline":["Tagesspiegel","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Wie ist es um das einstige Bürgerkriegsland Syrien einen Monat nach dem Sturz des Diktators Assad bestellt? Dr. André Bank mit Einschätzungen zum bisherigen, von der islamistischen HTS dominierten Übergangsprozess und den politischen und wirtschaftlichen Perspektiven für das Land.

","personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"09.01.2025","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.tagesspiegel.de/internationales/einen-monat-nach-assads-sturz-was-machen-die-islamisten-aus-syrien-12976513.html"}],"mediums":["Tagesspiegel"],"keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"],"mediaFormats":["Druck"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2025-01-09T11:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["2gSVOH0kxI0Lky9FGva7RQ",{"sys":{"id":"2gSVOH0kxI0Lky9FGva7RQ","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaGallery"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Media Gallery Projects Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","topics":[{"sys":{"id":"23cPhzxZtbN8EgMPR2zPQw","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (1)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"6c2KGIQO7iG14TWSsiVRWX","type":"Asset"},"title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (1)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/6c2KGIQO7iG14TWSsiVRWX/682d00775eacdfda0c891297e3ad2d47/0Titel-Entgegen_den_ErwartungenRahmen.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1700}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"6yZTTHa2vE9D1SOIBUAdGd","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (2)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"2jaRtCmoInRqb0cz1Ayqgk","type":"Asset"},"title":"PhotoExh-Peers-dt","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2jaRtCmoInRqb0cz1Ayqgk/07798f9b6521bcd2aecc7687133ee356/PhotoExh-Peers-dtRahmen.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2349,"height":1663}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"1u9Krp8wLznC2zLDBLNxeo","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (3)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"1nNVxyEjCpyIIeN9Pynm8n","type":"Asset"},"title":"2J01 Nicaragau-Peers","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1nNVxyEjCpyIIeN9Pynm8n/0b2553e8ddbb37d42f50fc881fe4abf8/02J01_Nicaragua-Peers_k.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1651,"height":1100}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"4sNsUxHmFWPR0ZlHnDXjuc","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (4)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"1UTnqt0hrquQ1uuKXXPM6F","type":"Asset"},"title":"03J02 Exit UHC Johannesburg k","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1UTnqt0hrquQ1uuKXXPM6F/97f2ed393d326f45fee0a4bcf18cdf92/03J02_Exit_UHC_Johannesburg_k.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1800,"height":1215}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"3EPqkIttJ3SJ0vDl2hJ8na","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (5)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"1V4dslzjy5xPyNkE710Rh","type":"Asset"},"title":"04J03 ESFGD school Antiguo Cuscatla¦ün, La Libertad ULC","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1V4dslzjy5xPyNkE710Rh/19e9ac08a70faedd2944d18496605736/04J03_ESFGD_school_Antiguo_Cuscatla____n__La_Libertad_ULC.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1800,"height":1215}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"fAR4KrYsxoN6EEOXFqjHY","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (6)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"2v5rZrLD4rEwOsZTt0OUhZ","type":"Asset"},"title":"1PhotoExhNachkrieg-dt","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2v5rZrLD4rEwOsZTt0OUhZ/8a67018201d73dac974bd2235b2d92b6/1PhotoExhNachkrieg-dtRahmen.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2349,"height":1663}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"1PaJmCnPRvkqEAOX9i4dMq","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (7)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"2xokkqStRe3ltMQ7Tn5QQz","type":"Asset"},"title":"06J04 NIB043163-R1-12-13A","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2xokkqStRe3ltMQ7Tn5QQz/f42506faad6c6a77d31a34ab84694452/06J04_NIB043163-R1-12-13A.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1818,"height":1228}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"6IUJCWVeJy2mQ2rSGaWRh8","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (8)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"3E70W1U0GdhFvwhnKMTjqE","type":"Asset"},"title":"07J05a Park UHC Johannesburg Central (2)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3E70W1U0GdhFvwhnKMTjqE/d98c58453b37de71c9f535a937578856/07J05a_Park_UHC_Johannesburg_Central__2_.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1800,"height":1215}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"24TC5HakxbZzR6eOm2urRa","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (9)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"6xWBo79ioJ6A5xpuy3sBDZ","type":"Asset"},"title":"08J05b Housing UHC Cape Town Langa (5)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/6xWBo79ioJ6A5xpuy3sBDZ/97c128bed0968f726c0f4189941e19e3/08J05b_Housing_UHC_Cape_Town_Langa__5_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1500}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"4cSralrz1q2oC7eE5KyRIq","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (10)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"4K99yLcmNE5vDQIDazznD4","type":"Asset"},"title":"09J06 study room Antiguo Cuscatla¦ün, La Libertad ULC","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4K99yLcmNE5vDQIDazznD4/6760f96ee37304822560e569ef7f7353/09J06_study_room_Antiguo_Cuscatla____n__La_Libertad_ULC.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1800,"height":1215}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"4zHcNv0W0aJlPmw0hShmRA","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (11)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"1UtS6XOGbkEUiQ2moNsGml","type":"Asset"},"title":"PhotoExh-Familie-dt","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1UtS6XOGbkEUiQ2moNsGml/e5b8390701f9ea63f3eafce0e19c9d06/PhotoExh-Familie-dtRahmen.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2349,"height":1663}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"9IpIkkAHB0zXbk2eFQIDm","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (12)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"5Aw0ochZKtfq90CKQUI0rB","type":"Asset"},"title":"11J07 Family UHC Johannesburg Central (3)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5Aw0ochZKtfq90CKQUI0rB/55093acd1b89b5dd0877670b9a014d99/J07_Family_UHC_Johannesburg_Central__3__.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"6rO59bs1zoH0iCdcDeb7VH","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (13)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"7DKFP2egeKxYy00M8zxL4i","type":"Asset"},"title":"12J08 Family Freetime b-day San Salvador UHC AdC -pinata","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/7DKFP2egeKxYy00M8zxL4i/b3224968d7f4acd7b1a7360504f0bcce/J08_Family_Freetime_b-day_San_Salvador_UHC_AdC_-pinata_.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"4MEmR5ELVaMzsXoL2J2V81","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (14)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"3XLKh7c7ucQzqHY4KbDc0z","type":"Asset"},"title":"13J09 B043180-R1-20-00A","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3XLKh7c7ucQzqHY4KbDc0z/8218026bc4d1126e94db68ad65879496/13J09_B043180-R1-20-00A.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1818,"height":1228}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"4I0bMSfkcpkZEefVO4xdXx","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (15)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"5NsIOGQL4RqEkI8iH20hDi","type":"Asset"},"title":"PhotoExh-Bildung","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5NsIOGQL4RqEkI8iH20hDi/1b1fc5f41d7d060edd260f0fe84d8371/PhotoExh-BildungRahmen.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2349,"height":1663}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"52LgeKAcN0Fa41OLl8u7jr","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (16)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"3aIgH0mta6xhp3GvYNDmtm","type":"Asset"},"title":"15J10b Ironing Schooluniform RHC Cofimvaba","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3aIgH0mta6xhp3GvYNDmtm/4732f368bc9be4bec1128a43e1c48f86/15J10b_Ironing_Schooluniform_RHC_Cofimvaba.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1800,"height":1215}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"5DQa1M5FE9vqfWIncAQMwQ","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (17)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"5SZrwt9ivuA4EMWCVOAzEt","type":"Asset"},"title":"16J10a Schoolkids RHC Cofimvaba","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5SZrwt9ivuA4EMWCVOAzEt/b44446369b140fc1d1fdd159dfcc114b/16J10a_Schoolkids_RHC_Cofimvaba.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1800,"height":1215}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"2ALd3PoBI7gOknlVwej6yX","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (18)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"7rfVZYzLs8Zjq5K3ORvJWB","type":"Asset"},"title":"17J10c Schoolkids Uniform RHC Cofimvaba","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/7rfVZYzLs8Zjq5K3ORvJWB/78c68523fdde534f552ca94aa6220811/17J10c_Schoolkids_Uniform_RHC_Cofimvaba.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1800,"height":1215}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"4tUAGOSc9hIC7b7aRdaY03","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (19)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"1NIn996Gr7QwexrMOOmSrs","type":"Asset"},"title":"18J11a Poor schools rural Jujutla and Guaymango, Ahuachapa¦ün, RLC","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1NIn996Gr7QwexrMOOmSrs/f0d95252be9f240e445460ef832b4b67/18J11a_Poor_schools_rural_Jujutla_and_Guaymango__Ahuachapa_ün__RLC.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2058,"height":1372}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"auYwWBUP2FJXtcEhnWiUA","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (20)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"6gMXPsxKcquPlWTqiH7mxY","type":"Asset"},"title":"19J11b Boy learning english school Antiguo Cuscatla¦ün, La Libertad ULC","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/6gMXPsxKcquPlWTqiH7mxY/0ed00e3640895e208978f630a0dfa067/19J11b_Boy_learning_english_school_Antiguo_Cuscatla____n__La_Libertad_ULC.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1800,"height":1215}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"5qhvVL7wrOE3x0IBOWqeIW","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (21)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"5z0qahdu7YmHWlYTh7qULL","type":"Asset"},"title":"20J11cSchool life Antiguo Cuscatlán, La Libertad ULC (","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5z0qahdu7YmHWlYTh7qULL/b562bb0ef7b109e8cfc73ff078394520/20J11cSchool_life_Antiguo_Cuscatl__n__La_Libertad_ULC__.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1800,"height":1215}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"11JYt0zv99i6dv6FJEuzKu","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (22)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"3uo6zwo2P10SQJPfqqGe2H","type":"Asset"},"title":"21J12a1 Schülerin BLU El Canal 14 B043161-R1-12-11A","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3uo6zwo2P10SQJPfqqGe2H/3bf4b4e7c7c49bf39f071805e3f025b2/J12a_1_Schu____lerin_BLU_El_Canal_14_B043161-R1-12-11A_.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"2ED9eR9E2AWpFMkRB821Xl","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (23)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"36LjpejLqG1Er7XscSFYDH","type":"Asset"},"title":"22J12b Schule BLU BICU -3","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/36LjpejLqG1Er7XscSFYDH/faec0ee93c6c413a803d038e59ce5cae/22J12b_Schule_BLU_BICU_-3.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1818,"height":1228}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"430ATHWgPFMWM7cCBTLIbe","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (24)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"4oAdke1LAIxCVipnamwtCu","type":"Asset"},"title":"23J12c Schule BLU BICU -4","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4oAdke1LAIxCVipnamwtCu/6d8c5de9e7bb02648497be948d7c1c63/23J12c_Schule_BLU_BICU_-4.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1818,"height":1228}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"7s3Z7LLSYAs11uOEtag0vt","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (25)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"66F5cWfpTLle9VaQKAqHIz","type":"Asset"},"title":"PhotoExh-Institutionen-dt","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/66F5cWfpTLle9VaQKAqHIz/330e066827ee38f20b9e9f8dc6717497/PhotoExh-Institutionen-dtRahmen.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2349,"height":1663}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"1KCDoFu6MBBUe8KoLKKzbV","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (26)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"4PbcqqbyuPWBhInBgH3ZlR","type":"Asset"},"title":"25J13a Polizei UHC Johannesburg Central","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4PbcqqbyuPWBhInBgH3ZlR/913b7c62fc0c767c6210cab5ff40d118/25J13a_Polizei_UHC_Johannesburg_Central.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1800,"height":1215}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"6fgnXOjEyP46FLVMkInm1O","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (27)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"6gOttMnAYhvmTxkuA5zAGp","type":"Asset"},"title":"26J13b Court UHC Johannesburg Central","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/6gOttMnAYhvmTxkuA5zAGp/7c27c065ffe457afb468057a94a93d23/26J13b_Court_UHC_Johannesburg_Central.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1800,"height":1215}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"5VBqjV3UhJHvieqNeHEL24","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (28)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"4gN64kd2q6XXIldgFHHgea","type":"Asset"},"title":"27 Kirche Nicaragua","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4gN64kd2q6XXIldgFHHgea/02f0a6ba37b9c635c098e4e0730b6f28/27_Kirche_Nicaragua.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1818,"height":1228}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"2TtOYCFaE0lizgiIyBcffN","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (29)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"6ywzXdRHWiDq4STGj2nAst","type":"Asset"},"title":"28J13d Kirche-EL Salvador-IsabelDSC 9532","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/6ywzXdRHWiDq4STGj2nAst/6811b90d22b3abb3a0a5ee1cf459a3bc/28J13d_Kirche-EL_Salvador-IsabelDSC_9532-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1333}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"3hpeDM0eDYuXHpm7nIhGuG","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (30)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"15aEAyRtLB2NESDihfqotM","type":"Asset"},"title":"PhotoExh-Bürgerbeteiligung","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/15aEAyRtLB2NESDihfqotM/fd410920bade587f37617430ead182b2/PhotoExh-B__rgerbeteiligungRahmen.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2349,"height":1663}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"5QKc8KwhbM5YEmFJofu17O","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (31)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"4RftxlEspKOJCwz1swTqmR","type":"Asset"},"title":"30J14a 1 Martin Matagalpa","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4RftxlEspKOJCwz1swTqmR/5b4809e57502a1041b6d7204c102aec4/J14a_1_Martin_Matagalpa_.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"7FGMKOyRY3EItgVaAvyyZA","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (32)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"kjnMch050nmryL9vUS4t9","type":"Asset"},"title":"31 Martin Managua","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/kjnMch050nmryL9vUS4t9/3386a71d5f23c756bf47d6550d112c2b/J14b_Martin_-_Managua_.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"1ui6ZyQPq5UKV5x7XWOUFH","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (33)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"5K9Ec4WkI2MJDEP4ZByAIu","type":"Asset"},"title":"32J15 Manifestaciones por el DD al agua Jujutla and Guaymango, Ahuachapa¦ün RLC","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5K9Ec4WkI2MJDEP4ZByAIu/88d79fdd98e94f28e8006181f27c9889/32J15_Manifestaciones_por_el_DD_al_agua_Jujutla_and_Guaymango__Ahuachapa____n_RLC.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2058,"height":1372}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"5W7As3XvOwKNWKxFzUyl8b","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (34)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"3QkOVoIB3mYoG26ScyjagN","type":"Asset"},"title":"33J15a 1 Partizipation ULC 1","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3QkOVoIB3mYoG26ScyjagN/ca917d973de099d9e0c0fcd224acced2/33J15a_1_Partizipation_ULC_1.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1818,"height":1228}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"7awLIgRQbnwjRvupt5T1vE","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (35)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"4j4FU1CKD3a0b6QRpatQya","type":"Asset"},"title":"34J16 Youth summit Cape Town","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4j4FU1CKD3a0b6QRpatQya/776d6d78a9c5f61af7e3d38f1f4ba578/34J16_Youth_summit_Cape_Town.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":3264,"height":1836}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"3Qebbg3tlTpbcr8VcBiV6B","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (36)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"3o0cXKmRaE7fFVkNqL4BcL","type":"Asset"},"title":"PhotoExh-Sport-dt","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3o0cXKmRaE7fFVkNqL4BcL/e308ae2051684313bff8eba5b755040c/PhotoExh-Sport-dtRahmen.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2349,"height":1663}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"7CaiYusjjFDPhJCBIky75w","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (37)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"377Wxqr6EfdT1F5YPJvvs8","type":"Asset"},"title":"36J17 Jugendliche-Sportplatz BLU EL Canal 14 B043161-R1-19-3A","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/377Wxqr6EfdT1F5YPJvvs8/d40901140266e027c3a425ac05088735/36J17_Jugendliche-Sportplatz_BLU_EL_Canal_14_B043161-R1-19-3A.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1818,"height":1228}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"SA8q5TGsTJ0LoYHOQ59m3","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (38)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"1RnE9hQNODYbOH9D9pTXWQ","type":"Asset"},"title":"37J17 Jugendliche-Sportplatz BLU EL Canal 14 B043161-R1-19-3A","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1RnE9hQNODYbOH9D9pTXWQ/8a9d660744f809c5ddecb84e2f901a7d/37J17_Jugendliche-Sportplatz_BLU_EL_Canal_14_B043161-R1-19-3A.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1800,"height":1215}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"5y6WfF0hKMVMoOGJkqOdJf","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (39)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"616BE7GyR3kHf9j76FAUIO","type":"Asset"},"title":"38J18b Football UHC Johannesburg Central (3)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/616BE7GyR3kHf9j76FAUIO/9cd3758debbc7fa2b2ee7b036b2ecf85/J18b_Football_UHC_Johannesburg_Central__3__.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"2pAkvfiYs3lihMO1yxqeJ7","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (40)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"xpjbvpnAaApeLJ9uevCx1","type":"Asset"},"title":"39J19 Sports as exit Jujutla and Guaymango, Ahuachapa¦ün RLC","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/xpjbvpnAaApeLJ9uevCx1/efdd6b6fc4b9c7f16b0281536b79afef/39J19_Sports_as_exit_Jujutla_and_Guaymango__Ahuachapa____n_RLC.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2058,"height":1372}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"3fiMGGBxISnJerFbVX3Oic","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (41)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"7xwqUWMz6XNeQ6bMvZrJsk","type":"Asset"},"title":"PhotoExh-Wirtschaft","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/7xwqUWMz6XNeQ6bMvZrJsk/0d9e6c250ddd000243f864fac7bd9dc2/PhotoExh-WirtschaftRahmen.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2349,"height":1663}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"6uNtgnfJdmnkQ5JPdQwdmm","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (42)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"7K3PYJf8wTnyYuT6vTaKNx","type":"Asset"},"title":"41J20 Women learning beauty impossed values Jujutla and Guaymango, Ahuachapa¦ün RLC","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/7K3PYJf8wTnyYuT6vTaKNx/cfc5999b617dcd002db97ff0677612ec/41J20_Women_learning_beauty_impossed_values_Jujutla_and_Guaymango__Ahuachapa____n_RLC.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2058,"height":1372}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"1xykpvx7REdf5elNXlNDEl","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (43)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"7k799nYfXaMgj3EdrGNPRw","type":"Asset"},"title":"42J21a 2 Independence BLU El Canal 2","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/7k799nYfXaMgj3EdrGNPRw/320acd7b12757230b1bb1e58468beef6/42J21a_2_Independence_BLU_El_Canal_2-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1818,"height":1228}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"4oXCivSsoD2UMseF4GeiUB","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (44)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"2GgBuBlFr0YGjLTfzjfAGN","type":"Asset"},"title":"43J21b NIB043181-R1-16-10A","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2GgBuBlFr0YGjLTfzjfAGN/c057b0b4ea987f751bd8cf7f67ea5f62/43J21b_NIB043181-R1-16-10A.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1818,"height":1228}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"3Ty9PIOpkU2iionSmT71Wm","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (45)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"6Tkwfra8KX6JtH8OiizfDF","type":"Asset"},"title":"44J22a Hairstyling Street UHC Johannesburg Central","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/6Tkwfra8KX6JtH8OiizfDF/b5cf8623ae5d5c4abcc88e856a80c9d0/44J22a_Hairstyling_Street_UHC_Johannesburg_Central.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1800,"height":1215}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"7bpS5CVk5uCqh8HUbNs2tM","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (46)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"4dRQEvoeZVf1WQOjY9sNTa","type":"Asset"},"title":"45J22b streetvendor","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4dRQEvoeZVf1WQOjY9sNTa/3a327b4753d799b8e05b2db87268d9e9/45J22b_streetvendor.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1800,"height":1215}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"7LTvMvxyrxlc5s5hRkOpr0","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (47)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"4tfRtn3e68fkWfOX9WiEj2","type":"Asset"},"title":"PhotoExh-Institutionen-dt","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4tfRtn3e68fkWfOX9WiEj2/dce926c7a29f652b231052afd5d3bc5a/PHotoExh-Bew__ltigungRahmen.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2349,"height":1663}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"3zW90HHzFZEkNuIS7Pi0T6","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (48)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"77yXJ8RiR6Kz33oAhcBwdB","type":"Asset"},"title":"47J23 Selfie as voice school girl Antiguo Cuscatla¦ün, La Libertad ULC (4)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/77yXJ8RiR6Kz33oAhcBwdB/b3a268893db15cd332902eabfef77591/J23_Selfie_as_voice_school_girl_Antiguo_Cuscatla____n__La_Libertad_ULC__4__.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":3200,"height":1800}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"uPJuFQcOlnJ9vjsVkqXmO","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (49)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"VbviQZ7KXR63pk9E8Laya","type":"Asset"},"title":"48J24a two girls RHC Cofimvaba","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/VbviQZ7KXR63pk9E8Laya/1d08ae8de34eb4f47e3bfdfd54c19d21/48J24a_two_girls_RHC_Cofimvaba.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1800,"height":1215}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"7uG7GlfTGuOH9BEOkvN6zR","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (50)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"2S58oygKJEYtw0AOFRT7VE","type":"Asset"},"title":"49J24b Young Woman UHC Johannesburg Central","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2S58oygKJEYtw0AOFRT7VE/5cafaf515add7af9be16c3452c01c39e/49J24b_Young_Woman_UHC_Johannesburg_Central.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1800,"height":1215}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"505WUbtUqPtIeIJJnQlhHr","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (51)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"3EMpwEurlb24vPfHo8E4q","type":"Asset"},"title":"50J25 2 Exit BLU El Canal 5","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3EMpwEurlb24vPfHo8E4q/202d1dc3f51f35b125dff8c7207902ed/50J25_2_Exit_BLU_El_Canal_5.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1818,"height":1228}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"7oyrOEmE0FPTRwx5B9UTBp","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (52)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"4A0gIy1b3OlnuHEKQa22Sk","type":"Asset"},"title":"51J26countryreport elsalvador","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4A0gIy1b3OlnuHEKQa22Sk/16e3461d71465b77487c8e9d47660ad0/J26countryreport_elsalvador_Kopie_.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"35HnhbvAjOaNL1kf2Lg2y9","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (53)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"1ykpzEZTcu21KLClZ0IhWE","type":"Asset"},"title":"52J27countryreport nicaragua","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1ykpzEZTcu21KLClZ0IhWE/236553f3c1218181ceeaf09e0f4e6e79/J27countryreport_nicaragua_Kopie_.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"1A6RW89v7r6v7WQo9PsKFw","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Project Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies (54)","title":"Against all Odds – Youth in Post-War Societies","media":{"sys":{"id":"2XheNBaXtGy6OcFLxvWQLI","type":"Asset"},"title":"53J28countryreport southafrica","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2XheNBaXtGy6OcFLxvWQLI/8c461a6bb935bf7b5228a5006ebae575/J28countryreport_southafrica_Kopie_.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}]}}],["2gbruvEq8NL8JQvpO9nBWo",{"sys":{"id":"2gbruvEq8NL8JQvpO9nBWo","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text GIGA Focus Global_2016_02_1","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Die europäische Migrationskrise 2015: ein altes Phänomen auf neuem Niveau","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"heading-2"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Die immense Zahl der Flüchtlinge, die im Jahr 2015 die Europäische Union erreichten, war überwiegend durch den syrischen Bürgerkrieg bedingt. Millionen Syrer flohen vor dem militärischen Vordringen von Bashir al-Assad und seinen Verbündeten sowie den Kämpfen zwischen den verschiedenen nichtstaatlichen Akteuren. Viele Flüchtlinge aus Kriegsgebieten kehren trotz formaler Kriegsbeendigung nicht in ihre Heimat zurück; auch die Emigration aus diesen Ländern hält an. Ein Beispiel ist Afghanistan: Seit dem Sturz des Taliban Regimes im Jahr 2001 und den international unterstützten Präsidentschaftswahlen im Jahr 2004 wird das Land immer wieder als „Postkonfliktgesellschaft“ bezeichnet. Nicht zuletzt weil Angriffe der Taliban die Zivilbevölkerung nach wie vor stark bedrohen, fliehen immer noch Millionen afghanischer Migranten in die Nachbarländer oder nach Europa.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$53"},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-inline"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Trotzdem fliehen nicht nur viele Afghanen, sondern auch Nepalis, Salvadorianer, Kongolesen und andere aus Ländern, die sich formal im „Frieden“ befinden, so dass sich die Frage stellt: Warum?"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}]}}}],["2hDHshgC1DXQySaDZnH8qL",{"sys":{"id":"2hDHshgC1DXQySaDZnH8qL","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"columnContent"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Lektorat GIGA Focus Global Meenakshi","headline":"Lektorat GIGA Focus Global","showHeadlineLeft":true,"backgroundColour":"White","columnCount":3,"topics":[{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"f888036a-4820-4e7e-8152-b693e35b48f7"}},{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"edf596ad-f3eb-4dbe-ab0c-4f3ab5c03b69"}}]}}],["2iGlANMe77b4VSD2s9rSLN",{"sys":{"id":"2iGlANMe77b4VSD2s9rSLN","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Logo Projekte Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Weißraum","title":"Logo Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung","media":{"sys":{"id":"3DMHYBxk9Nx1rBW5huPihm","type":"Asset"},"title":"logo friedrich ebert stiftung","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3DMHYBxk9Nx1rBW5huPihm/948a9bef24036e00c512645dff75ff4d/fes_logo.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1152}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"altText":"Logo of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung","copyright":"Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung","linkUrl":"https://www.fes.de/"}}],["2jRrE2RUWL3ruATVx37CAA",{"sys":{"id":"2jRrE2RUWL3ruATVx37CAA","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"columnContent"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Lektorat GIGA Focus Lateinamerika James","headline":"Lektorat GIGA Focus Lateinamerika","showHeadlineLeft":true,"backgroundColour":"White","columnCount":3,"topics":[{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"f888036a-4820-4e7e-8152-b693e35b48f7"}},{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"14d46366-0dd9-4bcd-a5b3-70778f71d6ca"}}]}}],["2k5628eiiwM1hCjXcUnahR",{"sys":{"id":"2k5628eiiwM1hCjXcUnahR","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Lateinamerika 2019_01_1","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Die Krise eskaliert"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$54"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Venezuelas Reichtum"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$55"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Caracazo"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" in die politische Geschichte ein und markiert das Ende der – im lateinamerikanischen Vergleich – exzeptionellen Stabilität Venezuelas."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$56"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Trotz der anhaltenden Dominanz des Erdöls, der mit 98 Prozent die Exporte dominiert, haben in den vergangenen Jahren auch andere Ressourcen, vor allem in der illegalen Ökonomie, an Bedeutung gewonnen. Venezuela ist nicht nur eine wichtige Transitroute für Drogen aus Kolumbien, sondern auch Standort großer illegaler Goldminen im Amazonasgebiet (v.a. im Bundesstaat Bolívar). Geldwäsche und Korruption ermöglichen immense Gewinne, an denen insbesondere das venezolanische Militär in hohem Maß beteiligt ist (InSightCrime 2018). Der Disput über die Kontrolle der legalen und illegalen Ressourcen dynamisiert die politische Auseinandersetzung."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$57"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Die Entwertung der Mechanismen der zivilen Konfliktbearbeitung"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Der "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Caracazo"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" war nur der Auftakt der lang anhaltenden politischen Krise des einstigen Musterlandes Venezuela. Im Mittelpunkt steht bis heute die mangelnde Problemlösungsfähigkeit des politischen Systems. Die Polarisierung zwischen den Anhängern von Hugo Chávez und seinen Gegnern bestimmte seit dem Jahr 1999 die Entwicklung. Beide Seiten – Regierung und Opposition – missachteten dabei immer wieder Grundregeln rechtsstaatlicher und demokratischer Auseinandersetzung. Der Weg in ein heute klar autoritäres Regime ist das Ergebnis dieses Wechselspiels."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Chávez wurde im Jahr 1998 mit über 56 Prozent der Stimmen zum Präsidenten gewählt. Seine Partei verfügte im Parlament aber nicht über die Mehrheit, weshalb er im Jahr 1999 eine Verfassunggebende Versammlung einberief und das politische System nach seinen Vorstellungen umgestaltete. Die Amtszeit des Präsidenten wurde auf sechs Jahre (zunächst mit einmaliger Wiederwahl) verlängert. Außerdem erhielt der Präsident umfangreiche legislative Rechte per Dekret. Der Senat, die zweite Kammer des Parlaments, wurde abgeschafft und Möglichkeiten der direkten Bürgerbeteiligung wie Referenden ausgebaut (Röder und Rösch 2004)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$58"}],"data":{}}]}}}],["2kkGFSE2CUx7dcLFtDd9Ew",{"sys":{"id":"2kkGFSE2CUx7dcLFtDd9Ew","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Global 2020_05_3","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"The data in table 1 above addresses two main critiques levied against the countries involved in drafting and signing the Ban Treaty: (1) that only small countries are involved, and they do not include the most relevant actors (the nuclear powers); (2) that only democracies would be affected by it. I tackle these two criticisms by evaluating four empirical indicators: population and GDP (both with data from the World Bank), military strength (with data from the the Global Fire Power Index), and democracy levels (with data from the Freedom House). Data was acquired for all 197 states, except regarding the FirePower Index – whose data for most small countries is not available. All values were calibrated to be comparable, being situated on a continuum ranging from 0 (which assigns the minimum lower value for each indicator) and 1 (which assigns the maximum value).","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"The countries participating in the Ban Treaty are indeed smaller economies in term of GDP. It is, however, not verifiable that they have smaller populations. The graphs comparing categories on the basis of population data from the World Bank shows that the universe of boycotters is skewed, due to the presence of countries like China, India, and the US – with large economies and populations alike. The same observation is true for military power – even though in that case the data is, as noted, incomplete.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"The second criticism is that a nuclear ban is dangerous because it will only be effective against the “good” democratic states, while “bad” autocracies will not feel pressured to disarm. This argument was first stated by US ambassador to the UN Nikki Haley in a press conference held in July 2017 (UN 2017a; Halley 2017). Data from Freedom House shows, however, that even though boycotters are indeed mostly democratic coutries – and therefore more susceptible to domestic public opinion pressures – ratifiers and signatores are not. The diversity of the countries participating (ratifiers, signatories, and supporters) indicates that the democratic argument should be, at least, reframed.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}]}}}],["2kvn6xm4GZwLuxbwI9mEPQ",{"sys":{"id":"2kvn6xm4GZwLuxbwI9mEPQ","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Workshop Désirée Reder Costa Rica ","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Central America finds itself again at a crossroads. Fragile processes of democratisation and peacebuilding are threatened by traditional and corrupt elites weaponising the judiciary, undermining the rule of law, and limiting human rights. Civil society plays a major role in resisting such developments. "}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In a three-day workshop "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"co-organized by Prof. Dr. Sabine Kurtenbach and Désirée Reder,"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" at the University of Costa Rica in San José, researchers from GIGA, CIEP, and other academic institutions from Central America, as well as representatives of Civil Society, discussed the current developments, challenges, and potential pathways out of the crisis. "}]}]}}}],["2mOq0U3RxO9L4EJy0RqTqs",{"sys":{"id":"2mOq0U3RxO9L4EJy0RqTqs","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"columnContent"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Lektorat GIGA Focus Asien Meenakshi","headline":"Lektorat GIGA Focus Asien","showHeadlineLeft":true,"backgroundColour":"White","columnCount":3,"topics":[{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"f888036a-4820-4e7e-8152-b693e35b48f7"}},{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"edf596ad-f3eb-4dbe-ab0c-4f3ab5c03b69"}}]}}],["2rIpQ80uNEmYSbtVdkJeLB",{"sys":{"id":"2rIpQ80uNEmYSbtVdkJeLB","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Global 2020_05_4","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Relations with the NPT","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"heading-2"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"$59","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"This argument has two main problems to it. First, it ignores that multiple institutions already shape the nuclear non-proliferation regime, and they are universally seen as complementary rather than competing. They reinforce rather than weaken one another. A similar argument was, indeed, employed in the 1960s to criticise the creation of nuclear-weapon-free zones. Before the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis, Latin American states – pressured by the US – rejected the concept of nuclear-weapon-free zones, arguing that regional-centred treaties would not only be ineffective but they would also divert attention away from global non-proliferation and disarmament negotiations held in Geneva and New York (Wrobel 2017). Today, however, these regional treaties are vital to ensure the stability of regional non-nuclear environments. A similar trend is expected with the Ban Treaty. The preamble thereof reaffirms, indeed, the NPT as “the cornerstone of the nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regime.”","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"And Now, What? Three Possible Scenarios","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"heading-2"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Despite all the above-mentioned critiques, the Ban Treaty is out there. And it is soon to be legally binding. The TPNW has already shown its relevance merely by existing – being the first multilateral nuclear arms control and disarmament treaty fully negotiated since the CTBT, which despite being opened to signatures in 1996 is still not binding. It represents the ultimate achievement of a global civil society movement against nuclear weapons and a self-evident manifestation of an ever-more multipolar international order. Three possible scenarios going forwards are worthy of consideration in closing: success, failure, irrelevance.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"$5a","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"$5b","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"The last scenario is that of irrelevance. It is grounded in the assumption that all of the pros and cons arguments overstate the real value of the Ban Treaty. In the end, it was, in fact, so general and so broad that it failed to have any impact at all. The impasse within the NPT Review Conferences continues, and the slow progress on the step-by-step approach remains. In fact, it may even slow down further. It is business as usual. Maybe in the long run, once progress on nuclear disarmament negotiations has resumed, countries convene again – this time with the participation of the remaining nuclear powers, so as to discuss a more detailed and specific Nuclear Weapons Convention. This is, nonetheless, more likely to occur only if new technologies render atomic arsenals obsolete. In that case, we will all have a new problem besides.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"In 2017, negotiators believed that the “success scenario” was feasible and even expected in the long run. When staring at the past, they attempt to mirror prior achievements — such as outlawing chemical weapons. In this regard, the path that led to the 1992 Chemical Weapons Convention was paved by the work of and the normative statements produced by the 1968 18-Nation Disarmament Committee. Regarding chemical weapons, 24 years were thus needed in order to see some practical results (which is much less than the 50 years and counting required since the signature of the NPT). It is, however, grounded in the premise that the moral and normative value of the treaty would superimpose the comparatively lower material capabilities of its member states. As shown, however, these states are not as weak as they seem, particularly when looking at the number involved and when considering the role of civil society organisations like ICAN. The “success” scenario remains, therefore, a very likely one in the long run.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"The “failure” and the “irrelevance” scenarios are in line with the worst predictions by opponents of the Ban Treaty. They are grounded in concerns regarding the nature of the participating countries in the Ban Treaty and relations with existing institutions, mainly the NPT. These scenarios focus on realpolitik and overlook the very elements that enabled the draft of the TPNW in the first place, like the successful “hallway” diplomacy pursued by civil society. This cilivian rooting, as well as the moral principle sustaining the concept of a nuclear ban, should render the “failure” scenario unlikely. The irrelevance one, however, is still a possibility, particularly when considering the fast-paced advances in dual-use technologies like artificial intelligence and automated machines.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"What will likely occur is something in between success and irrelevance, depending, first and foremost, on the actions of the countries outside of the TPNW. The nuclear ban will probably not lead to the immediate dismantling of atomic arsenals. In the long run, however, it will most likely become a powerful normative instrument – even if substituted in future by a more precise Nuclear Weapon Convention. This normative force derives from the growing repudiation of nuclear weapons. This repulsion has gained ground both among civil society and the vast majority of countries worldwide. The extent to which the Ban Treaty will impact other countries and institutions, particularly the NPT Review Conferences, is yet to be seen. Prospects are, however, so far positive.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}]}}}],["2sER5Y7ZkDKPP7k0d0fEGO",{"sys":{"id":"2sER5Y7ZkDKPP7k0d0fEGO","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Global 2020_05_1","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Rise of Nuclear Prohibitionism"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"October 2020 was an exciting month for those interested in the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. On the 22nd, the United States sent a letter to all signatories of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), also known as the nuclear (weapon) ban treaty (Ban Treaty), urging them to withdraw from it (APNews 2020). Only one day later, however, Jamaica and Nauru both ratified the nuclear ban, followed by Honduras on the 24th (which marked United Nations Day). With 50 ratifications, the TPNW is now set to become binding within 90 days hence, and the first meeting of state parties should be convened within the next 12 months."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Seventy-five years after the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the Ban Treaty brings a new legal norm that prohibits developing, testing, producing, manufacturing, possessing, or stockpiling all kinds of nuclear explosive devices (Article 1, a). It is also a polemical and polarising treaty, with critics and supporters found all over the world. What the TPNW is, the countries that support it (and those that do not), and what to expect now that it will become binding are all examined. The Ban Treaty, it is argued, is a relevant legal and normative instrument, even if not having immediate practical effects."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$5c"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The bargain was not yet met. The Ban Treaty is, in that regard, first and foremost a reaction by non-nuclear-weapon states to the lack of progress in nuclear-disarmament negotiations. They have run out of patience. Discussions on how to fulfil obligations under Article VI of the NPT regularly reach an impasse in all Review Conferences. Countries with nuclear weapons and most of their allies advocate for a “step-by-step approach” to disarmament. According to this, irreversible, enforceable, and verifiable disarmament can only be achieved after establishing a safe international security environment and standing institutions that prevent duplicity. This is a long-term goal."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$5d"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In parallel to all of that, a different perspective on nuclear weapons has been cemented in many non-nuclear-weapon states: the prohibitionist approach. Prohibitionists propose to shift the focus from security-related issues to the societal and humanitarian impacts of atomic weapons. One of their main arguments is that institutions that create norms against the possession of nuclear weapons can, and indeed should, precede the de facto elimination of atomic arsenals. Most proponents even argue that those norms can create ideational conditions that enable full disarmament. Norms – especially legal rules – could, therefore, speed up and ensure progress on nuclear disarmament."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A critical turning point that enabled the consolidation of the prohibitionist approach was the creation of the International Campaign for the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons (ICAN) in 2007. ICAN is a coalition of over 500 non-governmental organisations across more than 100 countries. Inspired by the success of the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL), ICAN campaigns for the complete elimination of nuclear weapons worldwide. It also coordinates civil society initiatives towards that goal. It was active in three major conferences on the humanitarian impacts of nuclear explosions: in March 2013, in Oslo (Norway); in February 2014, in Nayarit (Mexico); and in December 2014, in Vienna (Austria). In 2017, it was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Those conferences led to the “Humanitarian Pledge,” calling for the “urgent and full implementation of existing [disarmament] obligations.” The Pledge urged countries to “stigmatise, prohibit, and eliminate” nuclear weapons. Some 127 countries signed it. In 2016, the UNGA adopted Resolution 71/258, convening a negotiating conference to draft a binding instrument to ban atomic weapons. Negotiations took place in New York in September 2017 with the participation of 124 countries, but it was boycotted by all nuclear-weapon states and their allies – with the exception of the Netherlands. Of the participating countries, 122 voted in favour of the final text, while one voted against (the Netherlands) and one abstained (Singapore). The final text of the Ban Treaty was opened to signatures on 7 July 2017. It is set to become binding 90 days hence from 24 October 2020, when, as noted, Honduras became its 50th ratifier."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"What is the Ban Treaty, and Who is There?"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Ban Treaty is a broad instrument that creates a legal norm prohibiting the possession of nuclear weapons. At its core it is a stigmatisation instrument, aimed at creating an ideational and societal environment compatible with a non-nuclear-weapons peace. Behind it is the understanding that post–Second World War international stability has been sustained not by the balance of terror but by the establishment of effective multilateral international institutions and the rule of law – as highlighted by Costa Rican ambassador Elayne Gomez-White, who chaired the negotiating conference (UN 2017, 0‘35‘‘ -5‘40‘‘). The aim is, therefore, to push for a long-term environment in which nuclear weapons are rejected as barbarian instruments of the past."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The TPNW is also a polemical treaty. Supporters argue that it is the first step towards a nuclear-free world. It is a broad treaty, but, nonetheless, a relevant one – “idealistic, but still relevant”. It was, furthermore, the result of an inclusive negotiating process, which included civil society – through ICAN –, small states, and populations directly affected by nuclear explosions. Besides prohibiting nuclear explosive devices (Article 1), it also addresses gender issues (in the preamble), nuclear-weapon-free zones (also in the preamble), the environmental impacts of nuclear explosions and remedies for that (Article 6), assistance to victims of nuclear tests (Article 7), and it bans deterrence theory (preamble)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Critics argue that the scope of its text is far too vague. Article 4 (“Towards the Total Elimination of Nuclear Weapons”) does not define the appropriate organisation to verify and oversee the disarmament procedure – it mentions instead only a “competent international authority.” It also does not address timelines to disarmament, nor many of the 13 steps to nuclear disarmament already agreed in the NPT Review Conferences. Full adhesion to the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) is, for instance, addressed merely in the preamble and there is no mention of negotiations towards a fissile material cut-off treaty – one of the most relevant phases of the step-by-step approach."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Participating countries"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$5e"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Figure 1 shows that most supporters, signatories, and ratifiers of the Ban Treaty are countries indeed already covered by nuclear-weapon-free zones. Nuclear-weapon states and countries under atomic umbrellas partake in a boycott movement. This coincidence was, however, to be expected, as the genesis of the Ban Treaty is exactly the lack of progress in disarmament efforts. Having only nuclear-free states is also a positive development, as those countries until now had no permanent forum to assemble in so as to coordinate common positions."}],"data":{}}]}}}],["2yUrXS6svv1GioDQrEKQPk",{"sys":{"id":"2yUrXS6svv1GioDQrEKQPk","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"columnContent"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Lektorat Vertretung GIGA Focus Lateinamerika","headline":"Lektorat GIGA Focus Lateinamerika","showHeadlineLeft":true,"backgroundColour":"White","columnCount":3,"topics":[{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"14d46366-0dd9-4bcd-a5b3-70778f71d6ca"}}]}}],["2zgbJMv5egPxgWEDKnE2fw",{"sys":{"id":"2zgbJMv5egPxgWEDKnE2fw","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Working Paper 289 Abstract","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"headline":"Abstract","contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In countries where civil war has formally ended, not all refugees return. Nor does emigration come to a halt. Why? We argue that three specific features of post‐war situations explain the varying levels of outward migration: the quality of peace, the quality of political institutions, and the quality of economic livelihoods. We test our hypotheses using a mixed-method research design that combines a series of statistical models with evidence from two case studies, Nepal and El Salvador. Our findings suggest that, cross‐nationally, postwar violence and repression as well as exclusion from economic opportunities are the major drivers of outward migration after civil war. Complementary evidence from the two case studies shows that the effects of violence and of the lack of decent economic livelihoods on post‐war emigration are enhanced by insufficient or dysfunctional political reforms."}],"data":{}}]}}}],["3046d7ec-a1fe-4be7-a264-226cdc3ef984",{"sys":{"id":"3046d7ec-a1fe-4be7-a264-226cdc3ef984","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Peacebuilding after War and Violence – Neighbourhood Matters","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-working-papers/peacebuilding-after-war-and-violence-neighbourhood-matters/","dataTeaser":{"date":"12.2020","link":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/22561142/wp_324_Almohamad_Kirchschlager_Kurtenbach.pdf","type":"GIGA Working Papers","tagline":["GIGA Working Papers"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/giga_working_paper","value":"GIGA Working Papers"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["14cf13f0-cadc-4b7b-a104-91f8013aa218","1ad8d9da-f984-4dbd-8ad4-9a980d137e0d","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"GIGA Working Papers","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/giga_working_paper","value":"GIGA Working Papers"},"subtitle":"GIGA Working Papers | German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) | 2020","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"12.2020","dateShort":"2020","links":[{"title":"GIGA WP 324","url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/22561142/wp_324_Almohamad_Kirchschlager_Kurtenbach.pdf"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":[],"personNames":["Selman Almohamad","Markus A. Kirchschlager","Sabine Kurtenbach"],"dateLong":"Dezember 2020","isbns":[],"numberOfPages":36,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Working Papers"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":[],"unitUuids":["af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b","ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d","adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b"],"seriesNumber":["324"],"seriesIssn":[],"personUuids":["14cf13f0-cadc-4b7b-a104-91f8013aa218","1ad8d9da-f984-4dbd-8ad4-9a980d137e0d","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"relatedProjectUuids":["d20254bd-e1b3-4edd-a964-59d93b2ca42f"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["14cf13f0-cadc-4b7b-a104-91f8013aa218","1ad8d9da-f984-4dbd-8ad4-9a980d137e0d","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}],"abstractSnippet":"Sustainable Development Goal 16 on “peace, justice, and strong institutions” is widely considered a central pillar of sustainable development. Based on a comprehensive concept of peace that goes beyond the mere absence of war, it might also be the most difficult to realise. Debates in Peace and…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"A9w8lYYmIjXekfRDBl2HP","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Working Paper 324","title":"Bild Working Paper 324","altText":"Graffiti an einer Mauer im Sudan, das Freiheit, Frieden, Gerechtigkeit zum Inhalt hat und davor stehen Zivilistinnen.","copyright":"Reuters / Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah","media":{"sys":{"id":"5DBcZ6aVmWT64Kq6KeGbqc","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Working Paper 324","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5DBcZ6aVmWT64Kq6KeGbqc/0bdc41528139ca665a0a826e6f0ea5e3/Bild_Working_Paper_324-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"5DBcZ6aVmWT64Kq6KeGbqc","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Working Paper 324","file":"$36:165:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Working Papers","date":"2020-12-18T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["30522533-4756-4552-bf91-177234179e6b",{"sys":{"id":"30522533-4756-4552-bf91-177234179e6b","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Die Migrationspolitik der EU in Afrika braucht einen Richtungswechsel","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/die-migrationspolitik-der-eu-in-afrika-braucht-einen-richtungswechsel/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"type":"GIGA Focus","date":"6/2016","personUuids":["999f4384-ba7a-4b62-a7b3-0c51a02f7588","9657ab4e-b108-4391-94d8-14f033ff405e"],"tagline":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-51540-9"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"12.2016","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/23481103/gf_afrika_1606.pdf","title":"Text (PDF-Deutsch)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Dezember 2016","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["999f4384-ba7a-4b62-a7b3-0c51a02f7588","9657ab4e-b108-4391-94d8-14f033ff405e"]}],"subtitle":"2016 | ISSN: 1862-3603","urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-51540-9"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2016","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","1b9d3c92-63ad-49fe-bb02-119e2a17eef4","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3603"],"personNames":["Sebastian Prediger","Franzisca Zanker"],"personUuids":["999f4384-ba7a-4b62-a7b3-0c51a02f7588","9657ab4e-b108-4391-94d8-14f033ff405e"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"seriesNumber":["6"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"Entgegen der weitverbreiteten Annahme eines „Exodus“ aus Afrika bleibt die Mehrheit der afrikanischen Flüchtlinge und Migranten bislang auf ihrem Heimatkontinent. Doch in Zukunft wird der Migrationsdruck aufgrund des großen Bevölkerungswachstums steigen. Um die damit verbundenen Herausforderungen…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"6GFEd9mpWgipjBem9Sr4PC","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Afrika 2016_06 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Afrika 2016_06 (Header)","altText":"Migranten aus Afrika sind in der EU angekommen.","copyright":"Reuters / Antonio Parrinello","media":{"sys":{"id":"xDfv8yUk4TtzZg1hcnOEz","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Afrika 2016_06 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/xDfv8yUk4TtzZg1hcnOEz/4431891ab024de97c6dd8de7d3e6cc4f/GIGA_Africa_Jul2016_migrants_EU_Reuters_AntonioParrinello.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2625,"height":1500}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"xDfv8yUk4TtzZg1hcnOEz","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Afrika 2016_06 (Header)","file":"$36:166:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Africa","date":"2016-12-01T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Die Migrationspolitik der EU in Afrika braucht einen Richtungswechsel"}}],["3071e9f2-6dcc-4424-a137-0f9b60c2c919",{"sys":{"id":"3071e9f2-6dcc-4424-a137-0f9b60c2c919","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Gender and the EU's Support for Security Sector Reform in Fragile Contexts","path":"/de/publikationen/referierte-aufsaetze/gender-and-the-eu-s-support-for-security-sector-reform-in-fragile-contexts/","dataTeaser":{"date":"2018","link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-57763-1","type":"Artikel","tagline":["Journal of Common Market Studies"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00","b8d6abe4-9dab-4375-862d-13ed1f57d53a"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Artikel","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"subtitle":"Artikel | 2018","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"2018","dateShort":"2018","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":[],"personNames":["Nadine Ansorg","Toni Haastrup"],"dateLong":"2018","isbns":[],"issueNumber":"5","journal":"Journal of Common Market Studies","pages":"1127-1143","urnLinks":["https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12716","http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-57763-1"],"volume":"56","unitUuids":["af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b","df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550"],"personUuids":["63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00","b8d6abe4-9dab-4375-862d-13ed1f57d53a"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00","b8d6abe4-9dab-4375-862d-13ed1f57d53a"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"79Iw2W1y5I439nIQKWTblO","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild referierte Artikel","title":"Bild referierte Artikel","altText":"Ein Stapel Zeitschriften","copyright":"iStock.com/ pinkomelet","media":{"sys":{"id":"3MVDYqgKxq8a8ZuszO7pV9","type":"Asset"},"title":"iStock-831942476","file":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3MVDYqgKxq8a8ZuszO7pV9","type":"Asset"},"title":"iStock-831942476","file":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Articles","date":"2018-01-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["308e2882-6a17-44b8-8b46-80347530b6c2",{"sys":{"id":"308e2882-6a17-44b8-8b46-80347530b6c2","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Opposition Coalitions and Democratization by Elections","path":"/de/publikationen/referierte-aufsaetze/opposition-coalitions-and-democratization-by-elections/","dataTeaser":{"date":"01.2013","link":"https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2012.5","type":"Artikel","tagline":["Government and Opposition"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["062614cf-a6c3-4b35-8add-8fac425f1a73"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Artikel","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"subtitle":"Artikel | 2013","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"01.2013","dateShort":"2013","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2012.5"],"personNames":["Michael Wahman"],"dateLong":"Januar 2013","isbns":[],"issueNumber":"1","journal":"Government and Opposition","pages":"3-32","urnLinks":[],"volume":"48","unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"personUuids":["062614cf-a6c3-4b35-8add-8fac425f1a73"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["062614cf-a6c3-4b35-8add-8fac425f1a73"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Articles","date":"2013-01-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-articles","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Articles","description":"(c) iStock / pinkomelet","file":"$36:23:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["30c615e6-bbb4-40ce-a10c-b5ef9d707147",{"sys":{"id":"30c615e6-bbb4-40ce-a10c-b5ef9d707147","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Country Report No. 3 South Africa: Against all Odds - Youth in Postwar Societies. The Case of South Africa","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/country-report-no-3-south-africa/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/other","value":"Beitrag"},"type":"Beitrag","date":"2016","personUuids":["fc9dbd6a-712b-4a95-befa-cfb67416239f"],"tagline":["Beitrag"],"link":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/28842288/countryreport_southafrica.pdf"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"2016","type":"Beitrag","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/28842288/countryreport_southafrica.pdf","title":"countryreport_southafrica"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"2016","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/other","value":"Beitrag"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["fc9dbd6a-712b-4a95-befa-cfb67416239f"]}],"subtitle":"Beitrag | 2016","urnLinks":["https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/28842288/countryreport_southafrica.pdf"],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2016","unitUuids":["af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b","adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b"],"personNames":["Christoph Heuser"],"personUuids":["fc9dbd6a-712b-4a95-befa-cfb67416239f"],"isForthcoming":false,"numberOfPages":30,"relatedProjectUuids":["2cad9826-8016-48db-9214-dd32a695445c"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2016-01-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["30e13150-8dd7-457f-9621-b58d739c4c9a",{"sys":{"id":"30e13150-8dd7-457f-9621-b58d739c4c9a","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Latin America in Times of Turbulence: Presidentialism under Stress","path":"/de/publikationen/buecher/latin-america-in-times-of-turbulence-presidentialism-under-stress/","dataTeaser":{"date":"06.2023","link":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003324249","type":"Sammelband","tagline":["Routledge Studies in Latin American Politics","Routledge"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/bookanthology/anthology","value":"Sammelband"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"This book accounts for and analyses the latest developments in Latin American presidential democracies, with a special focus on political institutions.","personUuids":["5c038f0f-efcf-40a3-9fb3-ddb12e3deda4","b42c2cd5-d28d-4cdd-b0de-d3a03a2e8fdb"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003324249"],"date":"06.2023","type":"Sammelband","isbns":["9781032322612","9781003324249"],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Juni 2023","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/bookanthology/anthology","value":"Sammelband"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"editor","value":"Herausgeber:in (Editor)"},"uuids":["5c038f0f-efcf-40a3-9fb3-ddb12e3deda4","b42c2cd5-d28d-4cdd-b0de-d3a03a2e8fdb"]}],"subtitle":"Sammelband | Routledge | 2023","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-86903-8"],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2023","publisher":"Routledge","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e"],"seriesIssn":[],"personNames":["Mariana Llanos","Leiv Marsteintredet"],"personUuids":["5c038f0f-efcf-40a3-9fb3-ddb12e3deda4","b42c2cd5-d28d-4cdd-b0de-d3a03a2e8fdb"],"publicLinks":[{"url":"https://www.routledge.com/Latin-America-in-Times-of-Turbulence-Presidentialism-under-stress/Llanos-Marsteintredet/p/book/9781032322612"}],"seriesTitle":["Routledge Studies in Latin American Politics"],"seriesNumber":[],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"numberOfPages":240,"publicationLocation":"New York","relatedProjectUuids":["1f7d13d6-b4c9-4681-a079-a724a9726f0e"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"47wpAkTIZJRq1GamUKwrvW","type":"Asset"},"title":"Latin America in Times of Turbulence Buchcover Routledge","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/47wpAkTIZJRq1GamUKwrvW/4dd54dd213e6e6542a8448d5c989be6f/Latin_America_in_Times_of_Turbulence_Buchcover_Routledge1.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Books","date":"2023-06-23T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["310ayTBiScEyLQ4OOU1Ja0",{"sys":{"id":"310ayTBiScEyLQ4OOU1Ja0","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"columnContent"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Redaktion GIGA Focus Lateinamerika (2024/03-)","headline":"Redaktion GIGA Focus Lateinamerika","showHeadlineLeft":true,"backgroundColour":"White","columnCount":3,"topics":[{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"b904e04f-3f34-417e-bbd9-aa609c4a23b0"}}]}}],["31cDxeJYxgeyZ80HBad8kF",{"sys":{"id":"31cDxeJYxgeyZ80HBad8kF","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Global_2017_05 (Header)","title":"Bild GIGA Focus Global_2017_05 (Header)","altText":"Ein Kind läuft an einem Graffiti von Solomon Muhandi im Kibera-Slum von Nairobi vorbei","copyright":"Reuters / Zohra Bensemra","media":{"sys":{"id":"1LApp3DS2ICeVqsExr5gsz","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Global_2017_05","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1LApp3DS2ICeVqsExr5gsz/faa4dc300727182996f37ab51c7f0b8c/Bild_GIGA_Focus_Global_2017_05-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1143}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["31d7c3ed-094f-4a1b-83bf-b7662c0e188c",{"sys":{"id":"31d7c3ed-094f-4a1b-83bf-b7662c0e188c","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Pandora Papers belasten die politische Klasse in Lateinamerika","dataTeaser":{"date":"04.10.2021","link":"https://www.dw.com/de/pandora-papers-lateinamerika/a-59404646","type":"Zitat","tagline":["Deutsche Welle","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"04.10.2021","type":"Zitat","links":[{"url":"https://www.dw.com/de/pandora-papers-lateinamerika/a-59404646"}],"mediums":["Deutsche Welle"],"keywords":{"free":["Latin America","Elites","Pandora papers"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"7INWM8pe8cm5LVVp5FNyEe","type":"Asset"},"title":"Presse Zuschnitt Intro A","file":"$36:37:1:fields:teaserImage:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2021-10-04T10:00:00.000Z"}}],["324f5144-2aab-469e-99ff-281d93107927",{"sys":{"id":"324f5144-2aab-469e-99ff-281d93107927","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Trump y los aranceles: ¿un arma de chantaje contra el mundo?","dataTeaser":{"date":"17.07.2025","link":"https://www.dw.com/es/a-fondo-trump-y-los-aranceles-un-arma-de-chantaje-contra-el-mundo/video-73301328","type":"Interview","tagline":["DW Español","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

El presidente de EE. UU., Donald Trump, ha optado por recurrir a su nueva arma predilecta: los aranceles.

","personUuids":["5d662906-eb19-41aa-950a-a491a2f05948"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"17.07.2025","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.dw.com/es/a-fondo-trump-y-los-aranceles-un-arma-de-chantaje-contra-el-mundo/video-73301328"}],"mediums":["DW Español"],"keywords":{"free":["US","sanctions","tariffs"],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/latin_america","title":"Lateinamerika"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/north_america/usa","title":"Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/europe/eu","title":"EU"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/europe/germany","title":"Deutschland"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/mexico","title":"Mexiko"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/asia/China","title":"China"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/asia/Russian","title":"Russische Föderation"}]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["5d662906-eb19-41aa-950a-a491a2f05948"],"mediaFormats":["Fernsehen"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2025-07-17T10:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["32bf16c4-0497-479f-9433-9e614580d9c6",{"sys":{"id":"32bf16c4-0497-479f-9433-9e614580d9c6","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Policía contra pandillas: ¿Quién ganará en El Salvador?","dataTeaser":{"date":"19.09.2017","link":"http://p.dw.com/p/2kED1","type":"Zitat","tagline":["Deutsche Welle","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"19.09.2017","type":"Zitat","links":[{"url":"http://p.dw.com/p/2kED1"}],"mediums":["Deutsche Welle"],"keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":[]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2017-09-19T10:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["32zhhe8Y4iqLpf0bsjyMdN",{"sys":{"id":"32zhhe8Y4iqLpf0bsjyMdN","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Afrika 2019_06_2","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Wir untersuchen diese These anhand einer formalen statistischen Untersuchung von Friedenssicherungsmissionen in 70 Konflikten in Afrika und Asien. Abbildung 2 stellt die sich daraus ergebenden statistischen Prognosen dar. Die Grafik zeigt, dass die prognostizierte Zahl der zivilen Todesopfer abnimmt, je mehr Geld die truppenstellenden Staaten einer Mission durchschnittlich für Rüstung ausgeben (siehe Kasten zur Frage, wie die Qualität einer Friedensmission gemessen wird). Dies deutet darauf hin, dass sich die Truppenqualität positiv auf die Fähigkeit des Friedenseinsatzes zum Schutz der Zivilbevölkerung auswirkt. Entscheidend ist, dass sich diese Prognose aus Statistikmodellen ableitet, in denen die Truppenstärke berücksichtigt wird. Es handelt sich demnach um einen unabhängigen Effekt, der nicht darauf zurückzuführen ist, dass große Einsätze aus Staaten mit hohen Rüstungsausgaben auch mehr Geld erhalten."}],"data":{}}]}}}],["33043723-503a-472f-83a5-3d978ecfe778",{"sys":{"id":"33043723-503a-472f-83a5-3d978ecfe778","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"ECPR General Conference 2024","dataTeaser":{"date":"12.08.2024 - 15.08.2024","type":"Konferenz","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/paper_presentation","value":"Paperpräsentation"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"},"uuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"ECPR General Conference 2024","teaserText":"Alina Ripplinger presents her paper \"Politics of Legal Resistance: The strategic use of law to counter autocratization\" at the ECPR General Conference 2024. The presentation is part of the panel \"Courts and judges under pressure\".
","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"Presenter of the paper \"Politics of Legal Resistance: The strategic use of law to counter autocratization\""},"personUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"referencedEventUuid":"deee58b8-b3fa-474a-89df-ca1a92d4e384"},"dataDetail":{"date":"12.08.2024 - 15.08.2024","type":"Konferenz","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/paper_presentation","value":"Paperpräsentation"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"},"uuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"ECPR General Conference 2024","expertUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"personNames":["Alina Ripplinger"],"referencedEventUuid":"deee58b8-b3fa-474a-89df-ca1a92d4e384"},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2024-08-12T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Politics of Legal Resistance: The strategic use of law to counter autocratization","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["3320f048-68ce-492c-9224-a55f88086d7d",{"sys":{"id":"3320f048-68ce-492c-9224-a55f88086d7d","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Was Nicaragua mit der Klage gegen Deutschland bezweckt","dataTeaser":{"date":"08.04.2024","link":"https://www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de/was-nicaragua-mit-der-klage-gegen-deutschland-bezweckt-dlf-kultur-7854bfa4-100.html","type":"Interview","tagline":["Deutschlandfunk Kultur","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Nicaraguas Klage gegen Deutschland wegen Unterstützung zum Völkermord wird vor dem Internationalen Gerichtshof in Den Haag verhandelt. Was sind die Beweggründe der Nicaraguanischen Regierung? Dies erörtert GIGA-Forscherin Désirée Reder im Interview mit Deutschlandfunk Kultur.

","personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"08.04.2024","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de/was-nicaragua-mit-der-klage-gegen-deutschland-bezweckt-dlf-kultur-7854bfa4-100.html"}],"mediums":["Deutschlandfunk Kultur"],"keywords":{"free":["Nicaragua","Völkerrecht","Human Rights","humanitarian law","Israel","ICJ","Authoritarian Regimes"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"mediaFormats":["Radio"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"5j5Xr18sMcQddQoQUMmBrR","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Apr04 THE HAGE-Ambassador Carlos Jose Arguello Gomey of Nicaragua Imago ANP 0444069391","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5j5Xr18sMcQddQoQUMmBrR/1211bb66c5dd3a52cbf250157e62000b/GIGA_Apr04_THE_HAGE-Ambassador_Carlos_Jose_Arguello_Gomey_of_Nicaragua_Imago_ANP_0444069391.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2024-04-08T12:00:00.000Z"}}],["3515a2bc-6895-4c66-83aa-a474a5796f14",{"sys":{"id":"3515a2bc-6895-4c66-83aa-a474a5796f14","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"“The Right to Have Rights”: Legal Identity Documentation in the Syrian Civil War","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/das-recht-haben-dokumentation-identitaet-syrischen-buergerkrieg/","dataTeaser":{"date":"4/2021","link":"https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-75531-7","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["479d63b5-620a-4227-987e-ccf20397adc7","1ba3770f-9d41-4147-823a-574baea56cab"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2021 | ISSN: 1862-3611","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"10.2021","dateShort":"2021","links":[{"title":"Text (pdf English)","url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/28535354/web_Nahost_2021_04.pdf"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":[],"personNames":["Marika Sosnowski","Noor Hamadeh"],"dateLong":"Oktober 2021","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-75531-7"],"unitUuids":["ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesNumber":["4"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3611"],"useDynamicPdf":false,"personUuids":["479d63b5-620a-4227-987e-ccf20397adc7","1ba3770f-9d41-4147-823a-574baea56cab"],"relatedProjectUuids":["ae7b83be-0713-4143-ab67-d3172b08df37"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["479d63b5-620a-4227-987e-ccf20397adc7","1ba3770f-9d41-4147-823a-574baea56cab"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"1C8o6osNVY8FYcTZPvLlnQ","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Nahost 2021_04 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Nahost 2021_04 (Header)","altText":"Syrische Zivilisten stehen Schlange, um Lebensmittelpakete des UNHCR im Stadtteil Alfartos 2013 in Aleppo, Syrien, abzuholen.","copyright":"imago images / PuzzliPix","media":{"sys":{"id":"GHORX89f8bgijwYydy86N","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA_Syria_Feb2013_Aleppo_woman_food_packages_imago0059212534h_PuzzlePix_Website","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/GHORX89f8bgijwYydy86N/8d6f335ef13b4385c519437496dcedb5/GIGA_Syria_Feb2013_Aleppo_woman_food_packages_imago0059212534h_PuzzlePix_Website.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserText":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Während des Bürgerkriegs in Syrien stellten verschiedene Akteure legale Identitätsdokumente aus. Die Nachteile dieses Geflechts ineinandergreifender Dokumente für die Eltern-, Erb- und Eigentumsrechte der Menschen, insbesondere von Frauen, werden in diesem GIGA Focus Nahost analysiert.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"GHORX89f8bgijwYydy86N","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA_Syria_Feb2013_Aleppo_woman_food_packages_imago0059212534h_PuzzlePix_Website","description":"","file":"$36:179:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Middle East","date":"2021-10-15T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"„Das Recht, Rechte zu haben“: Die Dokumentation von Identität im syrischen Bürgerkrieg "}}],["3528bd96-b18b-416a-b13f-8484fe9e41e7",{"sys":{"id":"3528bd96-b18b-416a-b13f-8484fe9e41e7","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Acuerdo de paz: cual es la percepcion de los colombianos sobre la paz con las FARC","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/acuerdo-paz-cual-percepcion-los-colombianos-sobre-paz-las-farc/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/nontextual/digitalorvisualproducts","value":"Digital or Visual Products"},"type":"Digital or Visual Products","date":"12.2020","personUuids":[],"tagline":["Digital or Visual Products"],"link":"https://www.elespectador.com/noticias/nacional/acuerdo-de-paz-cual-es-la-percepcion-de-los-colombianos-sobre-la-paz-con-las-farc/"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Digital or Visual Products","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/nontextual/digitalorvisualproducts","value":"Digital or Visual Products"},"subtitle":"Digital or Visual Products | El Espectador | 2020","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":["Colombia","Peace","Survey"]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"12.2020","dateShort":"2020","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":[],"dateLong":"Dezember 2020","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Bogotá","publisher":"El Espectador","urnLinks":["https://www.elespectador.com/noticias/nacional/acuerdo-de-paz-cual-es-la-percepcion-de-los-colombianos-sobre-la-paz-con-las-farc/"],"unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"relatedProjectUuids":["1c878282-fd90-46c5-9802-90aef10f4185"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"role":{"key":"other","value":"Anderes"}}],"abstractSnippet":"Four years after the peace accord was sigend Colombia is still a highly polarized country. Nevertheless a representativr survey shows high levels of consensu on the main elements of peace: respect, rights, and tranquility."},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"7EL3PR1atPREGQCIAPrxYN","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:13:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Contributions","title":"Bild Contributions","media":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"},"altText":"Foto von Rand offener Buchseiten","copyright":"istock / FactoryTh"}}],"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2020-12-02T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["35ec3ccf-45f1-4475-a783-f079891e899e",{"sys":{"id":"35ec3ccf-45f1-4475-a783-f079891e899e","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Managing the Status Quo: Continuity and Change in the United States’ Taiwan Policy","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/den-status-quo-managen-kontinuitaet-und-wandel-in-der-us-politik-zu-taiwan/","dataTeaser":{"date":"6/2021","link":"https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-76267-2","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["60e0712d-2eb4-4fe6-857d-f953759614a6"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"12.2021","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/28736275/web_Asien_2021_06_de.pdf","title":"Text (pdf Deutsch)"},{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/28736277/web_Asien_2021_06_en.pdf","title":"Text (pdf English)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Dezember 2021","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["60e0712d-2eb4-4fe6-857d-f953759614a6"]}],"subtitle":"2021 | ISSN: 1862-359X","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-76266-7","https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-76267-2"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2021","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-359X"],"personNames":["David Kuehn"],"personUuids":["60e0712d-2eb4-4fe6-857d-f953759614a6"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"seriesNumber":["6"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"3yoTjXQ3o8tu40AXCcsPoa","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2021_06 (Header)","title":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2021_06 (Header)","altText":"Ein Mann verkauft Zeitungen mit Artikeln über die US-Wahl auf der Titelseite entlang einer Straße in Taipeh, Taiwan.","copyright":"Reuters / Ann Wang","media":{"sys":{"id":"4hPl48V9FW20GsPOeYz1oP","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA_Taiwan_Nov2020_Taipei_US_election_newspaper_Reuters_RTX871FW_Ann_Wang_Website","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4hPl48V9FW20GsPOeYz1oP/7b5393bb892eae5593302e18eb8a5283/GIGA_Taiwan_Nov2020_Taipei_US_election_newspaper_Reuters_RTX871FW_Ann_Wang_Website.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserText":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Viele Taiwaner waren besorgt, dass sich die Beziehungen zwischen den USA und Taiwan unter Präsident Biden verschlechtern würden. Entgegen diesen Befürchtungen hat die Regierung Biden wiederholt signalisiert, dass sie Taiwan weiterhin unterstützt. Dieser GIGA Focus analysiert die Entwicklung der US-Taiwan-Politik.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"4hPl48V9FW20GsPOeYz1oP","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA_Taiwan_Nov2020_Taipei_US_election_newspaper_Reuters_RTX871FW_Ann_Wang_Website","description":"","file":"$36:181:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Asia","date":"2021-12-07T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Den Status quo managen: Kontinuität und Wandel in der US-Politik zu Taiwan"}}],["3616b6f3-7976-4d1a-b137-281223b84cc4",{"sys":{"id":"3616b6f3-7976-4d1a-b137-281223b84cc4","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Mind the Gap: An Annotated Overview of Datasets in the Study of Institutions and Conflict in Divided Societies","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-working-papers/mind-gap-annotated-overview-datasets-study-institutions-conflict-divided-societies/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/giga_working_paper","value":"GIGA Working Papers"},"type":"GIGA Working Papers","date":"09.2013","personUuids":["63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00","6a5605cd-d456-430b-9fe8-19714c79a8ab","17afe8c9-9a21-4ebb-8afd-b149f96bb697","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"],"tagline":["GIGA Working Papers"],"link":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21213726/wp234_ansorg_basedau_haass_strasheim.pdf"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"09.2013","type":"GIGA Working Papers","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21213726/wp234_ansorg_basedau_haass_strasheim.pdf","title":"GIGA WP 234"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"September 2013","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/giga_working_paper","value":"GIGA Working Papers"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00","6a5605cd-d456-430b-9fe8-19714c79a8ab","17afe8c9-9a21-4ebb-8afd-b149f96bb697","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"]}],"subtitle":"GIGA Working Papers | German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) | 2013","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2013","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b","97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b"],"seriesIssn":[],"personNames":["Nadine Ansorg","Matthias Basedau","Felix Haaß","Julia Strasheim"],"personUuids":["63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00","6a5605cd-d456-430b-9fe8-19714c79a8ab","17afe8c9-9a21-4ebb-8afd-b149f96bb697","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Working Papers"],"seriesNumber":["234"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"numberOfPages":23,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","relatedProjectUuids":["b1648337-ae8a-4e42-81d2-d55c3bc5cd2f"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"This paper engages in a systematic overview of the existing datasets on institutions, conflict and peace, as well as divisions and diversity. This overview indicates that an enormous amount of data is unevenly distributed across different issue areas. There is a lack of data capturing specific sets…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"RsAczYTPJfF2xOn1YkQ1q","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:81:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Grafik alte WP","title":"Bild Grafik alte WP","altText":"Cover GIGA Working Papers","copyright":"GIGA","media":{"sys":{"id":"2RmnCnJEHpabs1A4OkOLK2","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik_WP_alt_web_kontur","description":"","file":"$36:81:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"2RmnCnJEHpabs1A4OkOLK2","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik_WP_alt_web_kontur","description":"","file":"$36:81:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Working Papers","date":"2013-09-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["36YwEw4aDjxqPERbvl6LEd",{"sys":{"id":"36YwEw4aDjxqPERbvl6LEd","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text GIGA Focus From Crisis to Comeback: The Global Story of Re-Democratisation ","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Despite a retreat of democracy globally, all hope is not lost. Countries can and do return to democracy after setbacks. Re-democratisation is not rare, demonstrating that democracy can be rebuilt even after serious decline. As the German government looks for further partners in the Global South, it is important to recognise not only where democracy is declining but also where it is being rebuilt."}]},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Policy Implications"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Re-democratisation offers not only hope but also a key opportunity for those seeking to support international partners old and new. For Germany, aiding democratic recovery in the Global South can reinforce values and alliances amid a series of democratic crises. Democratic actors must consistently back pro-democracy forces and avoid resorting to undemocratic means, even in democracy’s defence."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Re-Democratisation Exists"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Global media as well as watchdog organisations "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" have been warning of a global crisis of democracy for more than a decade now. Prominent cases from Hungary to India, Indonesia through the United States confirm the impression of democracy being in retreat. But does this mean democracy as a whole is doomed? We took a closer look at periods of autocratisation across 74 cases between 1989 and 2023. Our findings were surprisingly hopeful. In fact, whereas processes of autocratisation have played out in numerous countries worldwide, their trajectories have varied considerably. In some instances, the erosion of democratic institutions culminated in authoritarian consolidation. In others, the mobilisation of pro-democracy actors either curtailed such dynamics at an early stage or subsequently enabled democratic recovery. The most recent wave of protests in countries from Bangladesh (2024) to Nepal or Madagascar this year further support our assessment."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Examples of democratic decline captured by the dataset include Ecuador (2007–2013), Guatemala (2018–2023), Lesotho (1994–1995, 2015–2017), Madagascar (2006–2010), and the Philippines (2001–2005, 2016–2023). In Madagascar, for instance, President Marc Ravalomanana used a referendum on constitutional reform to increase his powers and dissolve parliament during his second term in office. Ecuadorian president Rafael Correa, meanwhile, began to dismantle democracy at home shortly after his election in 2007. Correa, who enjoyed widespread popular support, presented himself as an alternative to the political establishment. Via public referenda, he introduced various constitutional changes, thereby concentrating power in his own hands and gaining control over the legislature and judiciary "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" while also attacking the media and restricting civil society."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$5f"},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Furthermore, even supposedly consolidated and stable democracies, such as India or the US, have seen their democracy ratings drop. Donald Trump has turned to ruling by decree in his second term, ignoring inconvenient court rulings and interfering with federal states’ own competencies all while attacking civic spaces."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"All these examples illustrate what is typical of contemporary autocratisation: the dismantling of democracy from within at the hands of elected officials. While processes of de-democratisation are similar across cases, however, outcomes are not. Looking at the “Regimes of the World” classification (Varieties of Democracy v14), the Philippines (2004–2009) and Madagascar (2010) became autocratic regimes whereas Ecuador’s and Lesotho’s trajectories ultimately proved different. In the South American country, Correa’s abolishment of presidential term limits paved the way for his indefinite re-election. Yet, surprisingly, he did not run in the 2017 polls. Instead he picked his former vice-president as successor, who then initiated re-democratisation and launched a formal investigation of Correa for abuses of office."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Lesotho experienced two democratic crises initiated not by elected leaders but unelected powerholders. The first occurred in 1994, when King Letsie III dismissed Prime Minister Ntsu Mokhehle’s government and dissolved parliament "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Though not a military coup in the traditional sense, rather a royal intervention, it was a direct constitutional breach supported by parts of the military. From 2015 until 2017, Lesotho slid into a second bout of crisis as intense rivalry within the fragile coalition government combined with the military’s defiance of civilian authority. This entanglement of partisan conflict and interference by the security forces undermined democratic rule and pushed the country into renewed instability. In both instances, democracy was eventually brought back to Lesotho through elite negotiations supported by regional mediation."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Cases like Ecuador and Lesotho suggest that the outcome of democratic crisis is not predetermined; in other words, not all countries suffering attacks on their democratic nature end up as autocracies. Some manage to fend off such assaults, others halt the decline, and a few are even able to restore key aspects of democracy. Such recovery can be referred to as “re-democratisation.” Are, then, Ecuador and Lesotho rare exceptions or part of a broader trend?"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Re-Democratisation Happens More Often Than One Might Think"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The world is full of stories of democratic crisis. These circumstances manifest in a number of different ways: elections becoming less free or fair, courts and parliaments losing their independence, more power being concentrated in the hands of the executive, and/or civil society and media facing growing restrictions. We identify these episodes of autocratisation using the Electoral Democracy Index (EDI) from the V-Dem project (v14) "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" The EDI captures the quality of democracy, as observed in free and fair elections, checks on executive power, and core freedoms of association, expression, and information. The Episodes of Regime Transformation (ERT) dataset "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" then identifies crises as sustained and significant declines per this index, signalling autocratisation within electoral democracies."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Yet, what is often overlooked are the stories of democratic recovery. Countries do not always quietly slide into autocracy never to return. Some fight back, and some even manage to rebuild. In our data, a re-democratisation episode is recorded when an increase in EDI score is noted within ten years of the onset of democratic decline. This way, we can capture when democratic quality first begins to recover: fair and free elections are restored, checks on power strengthened, and space for citizens to participate in politics unimpeded opens up again."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Figure 1. Distribution of Episodes"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"5wSSKPXGHHy7kShv887QQ0"}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source:"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Authors’ own compilation, based on ERT dataset ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"); visualisation by Eduardo Valencia, T4T."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"As shown in Figure 1, the global picture is more balanced than one might expect. Just over one-third (35.1 per cent) of countries that experienced such a crisis have not returned to democracy since. However, almost the same number again have managed to re-democratise (32.4 per cent); another third are still in the middle of that struggle (32.4 per cent). In short, nearly one-in-three cases end in democratic recovery."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Take Brazil, for instance: The country went through a deep political crisis starting in 2016, marked by the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff and the rise of Jair Bolsonaro. During the latter’s presidency, democratic checks and balances came under serious pressure. After the 2022 elections, though, the South American nation took a different turn. Despite Bolsonaro’s followers rioting and storming Congress shortly after the inauguration of President Lula Da Silva, Brazil still returned to the path of democracy. Strong resistance, especially from institutions like its courts of law, makes renewed impetus towards democracy clear here "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":""}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Guinea-Bissau is another intriguing case. After a period of democratic decline marked by elite infighting and institutional paralysis (2012–2013), the West African country began to recover in 2014. This turnaround was characterised by political negotiations, electoral processes, and external pressure from regional actors. Civil society groups, including religious leaders and citizen movements, supported the call for elections and helped mediate between factions. Although its courts have remained weak since de-democratisation, the judiciary began to show signs of independence from 2014 onwards already. Despite fragile institutions and a low starting level of democratic quality, Guinea-Bissau managed to gradually recover – showing that even vulnerable democracies can rebound."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"At the same time, many countries are still stuck in democratic decline. Even Mauritius, once a relatively stable democratic polity, has regressed – for example, following former prime minister Pravind Jugnauth’s concentration of power in his own hands. Alongside a crackdown on free media and civic spaces, as well as vote rigging, Mauritius became an “electoral autocracy” in 2023. The Philippines is another country still enmeshed in democratic decline. Since 2016, first under Rodrigo Duterte and later Ferdinand Marcos Jr., it has seen rising executive dominance, weakened checks and balances, and widespread attacks on media freedom and civil society. Extrajudicial killings during Duterte’s war on drugs and efforts to undermine independent institutions have contributed to a steady erosion of democratic standards. The Philippines remains an “electoral autocracy” (since 2023), with no clear signs of recovery."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Re-Democratisation: Regional Overview"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"When looking at countries that have experienced democratic crisis, both clear patterns and notable contrasts are evident across world regions (see Table 1 below). Asia-Pacific stands out with the highest share of re-democratisation cases at 47 per cent (9 out of 19). Nearly half of all those affected recovered their democratic quality eventually. This indicates a relatively strong tendency for countries in this region to restore democratic governance after periods of decline when compared to elsewhere in the world. In addition, successful pro-democracy protests in sclerotic political regimes from Sri Lanka (2022) to Bangladesh (2024), or Nepal this summer, underline the region’s striving for political change."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In contrast, Latin America and the Caribbean, as well as non-OECD Europe and the Caucasus, show much lower re-democratisation rates, at 23 per cent (3 out of 13) and 25 per cent (3 out of 12), respectively. With five each, both regions also have a relatively high number of instances of ongoing democratic decline. Sub-Saharan Africa presents a more evenly distributed picture. About one-third of cases have re-democratised (8 out of 26), another third have not (9), while the remainder are still in decline (9). The Middle East and North Africa have only four cases with two without re-democratisation. The rest is split evenly between re-democratisation and ongoing decline. This small sample size makes it difficult to draw definitive conclusions, but underscores the mixed outcomes witnessed in the region."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Table 1. Distribution of Episodes by World Region "}]},{"nodeType":"table","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"table-row"},{"nodeType":"table-row"},{"nodeType":"table-row"},{"nodeType":"table-row"},{"nodeType":"table-row"},{"nodeType":"table-row"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source:"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Authors’ own compilation, based on ERT dataset ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":")."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"These statistics do not reflect the overall state of democracy in each examined region. Rather, they speak only to the group of countries that experienced democratic crisis at some point between 1989 and 2023. Still, numerous instances of recovery being seen across world regions prompts the question: Why do some countries manage to bounce back while others do not?"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Patterns of De-Democratisation"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In comparing 24 cases of countries successfully returning to democracy, we are able to identify three patterns that help explain the when and how:"}]},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Prolonged autocratisation does not out rule re-democratisation. Out of the 24 cases, 8 returned to democracy within the first five years after the decline started, while 16 did so after five or more years. Rapid recoveries include Burkina Faso (2014–2016), which began to rebound just two years after decline first set in. By contrast, Tunisia (2013–2023) only saw the onset of re-democratisation a full decade later. This shows that while early recovery is possible, re-democratisation by and large takes a while to materialise. Thus, even when authoritarian rule has been consolidated for many years, opportunities for democratic resurgence can still emerge. The evidence, therefore, challenges the view that democracy must return quickly if decline is not to be terminal. Instead, both rapid and delayed recovery are viable pathways back to democracy."}]},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Prior democratic strength can aid swift recovery. Countries that were more democratic before decline took hold often bounce back with greater speed. We observe this, for example, in Brazil (2016–2023), which had high democracy scores on entering crisis and managed to return to democracy in a relatively short space of time.Strong democratic quality is, though, not a necessary condition for re-democratisation. Fiji (2000–2003, 2006–2015), Guinea-Bissau (2012–2019), and Mali (2007–2014) all had relatively weak democratic foundations and low democracy scores prior to decline. Still, they regained democratic qualities and rebuilt core institutions. This challenges the assumption that only strong democracies can bounce back after crisis. Weak starting points create obstacles but certainly do not rule out recovery entirely."}]},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Even countries experiencing steep drops in democratic quality recovered, like Mali (2007–2014) and Tunisia (2013–2023) for instance. By contrast, those suffering both deep decline and long periods of authoritarian rule, such as Venezuela (2002–2012) and Nicaragua (2007–2017), rarely return to democracy. Thus, both the depth and duration of these events shape the chances for eventual replenishment."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In sum, across world regions, we find instances of both quick recovery and long, drawn-out struggle. Moreover, re-democratisation occurs not only in countries with a strong democratic past but also in those with weaker such traditions. Even in cases of severe decline, the outcomes of democratic crisis are not pre-determined. Figure 2 below outlines the trajectories to democracy over time and across countries. To understand how exactly recovery works, then, we must ask: Who drives it?"}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Figure 2. Episodes of Re-Democratisation – Timeline by Country"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"3ur9vviCkzWpFsM3n2dL7s"}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source:"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Authors’ own compilation, based on ERT dataset ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"); visualisation by Eduardo Valencia, T4T."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Processes of Re-Democratisation"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Re-democratisation is highly context-specific. This makes it difficult to draw general conclusions about its occurrence. Those who stop autocratisation and promote democracy vary according to setting. The following three illustrative cases show how different actors or institutions contribute to re-democratisation. Ecuador is an example of public pressure combined with elite defection. Lesotho illustrates the importance of regional organisations in supporting local pro-democracy actors. Guatemala showcases the power of mass protests against political and economic elites in the most difficult circumstances."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-3","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Ecuador"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The South American country has suffered from constitutional instability throughout its history. Some 20 Constitutions since independence in 1830 illustrate this. They are meant to last and establish institutions, principles, and values that will endure irrespective of power changing hands. The rule of law is established hereby, creating reliability of expectations. When Constitutions are changed frequently, uncertainty prevails. Accordingly, in Ecuador, constitutional guarantees and the rule of law have continued to be unstable. The executive frequently interferes in courts, whose capacity to rein in elected officials’ autocratic tendencies has been compromised as a result. What transpired under Correa is a good example. When first elected in 2006 he was widely popular, representing a counter pole to established political forces "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" He remained so even after repeatedly changing the Constitution and attacking the separation of powers, the media, and civil society organisations. Together, his popularity and successful constitutional engineering made it unlikely that the judiciary or the opposition would successfully stand in the way of autocratisation."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"It was only when economic crisis and reports in the foreign press about corruption scandals in the country came together that he lost some support. Under pressure from street protests and civil society, he decided not to run again in 2017. Instead his handpicked successor, Lenín Moreno, went on to win. Surprisingly, once in office, Moreno turned against Correa and initiated a process of re-democratisation, including strengthening the judiciary "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" In summary, it was popular discontent sparked by economic crisis that strengthened civil mobilisation, which opened up the path for a return to democracy."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Ecuador reverted to democracy by (re)strengthening its institutions, in particular the judiciary. However, Moreno too kept bending constitutional rules. Furthermore, his policies included defunding the prison system, as contributing to the country’s current security issues. As a result, Ecuador re-democratised but has recently entered crisis again. The polarisation between Correa’s supporters and his opponents, as well as the notorious disrespect for the Constitution, rule of law, and democratic institutions, have accelerated under current president Daniel Noboa. In fact, designed as a response to the country's growing organised-crime problem, Noboa’s security policies rely on states of exception and mass detentions that forego human rights, thus further contributing to the erosion of democracy. Nonetheless, the judiciary still demonstrates its independence (as under Correa’s presidencies), and has recently become more active – for example, in recognising indigenous rights."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-3","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Lesotho"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In the Southern African country, re-democratisation came about differently in both episodes we looked at in detail. Here, a combination of internal actors – elites from within the monarchy, the military, and politics – dominated in both the breakdown and the rebuilding of democracy. Thus, Lesotho is one of the few examples where democracy returned not through courts or civil resistance but elite negotiation and regional diplomacy."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"During its first episode of democratic crisis in 1994, regional actors stepped in within weeks. Back then, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) – led by Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe – mediated a return to the constitutional order "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" The government was reinstated, and King Moshoeshoe II, Letsie’s father, brought back to the throne. Although political stability took time, democratic quality improved steadily after 2002 when new electoral rules helped ease long-standing tensions – that is, until the next crisis began in 2015."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"During this second, more recent episode of democratic crisis it was again the SADC who would take the lead. This time, South African deputy president Cyril Ramaphosa brokered negotiations that led to fresh elections in 2015 and again in 2017 "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" While Lesotho’s political system remains unstable, its democratic credentials have not collapsed entirely. In 2022, elections produced a peaceful transfer of power from Moeketsi Majoro to the businessman Sam Matekane. During this period, Lesotho’s democracy improved modestly. Although recovery was weaker than following the earlier episode, it was enough to reverse the decline."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In both instances, civil society played only a marginal role in proceedings. The judiciary, constrained by political interference, was no bulwark against democratic decline either "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Instead, re-democratisation came from above. Elite negotiations among senior military officers, party leaders, and members of the monarchy, supported by external mediation, kept the political system from sliding further into the mire and eventually steered it back onto the path of democracy."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Lesotho’s experience highlights how outside pressure and elite recalibration can fill the gap when domestic institutions are too fragile to defend democracy themselves. Although this may not produce deep reform, it can prevent complete collapse; sometimes that is enough to keep the door open to eventual recovery. The limited depth to the country’s most recent recovery, though, suggests that without stronger internal democratic forces then the situation will remain delicate."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-3","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Guatemala"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Although the Central American country’s Constitution excluded Giammattei from re-election in 2023, he maintained control over parliament and the judiciary. With critical journalists behind bars and prospective opposition candidates excluded from running, it was expected that Sandra Torres, his protégée, would win the presidency and continue Giammattei’s chosen political course. As such, the prospects for democracy were bad before the situation took an unexpected turn: underdog candidate Bernardo Arévalo emerged as the winner. Despite efforts by Attorney General Consuelo Porras, notorious for undermining anti-corruption investigations, to annul the elections, mass mobilisations – particularly by indigenous communities – ensured Arévalo’s inauguration went ahead in January 2024 "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" His victory sparked new hope for Guatemalan democracy, though efforts at re-democratisation continue to run counter to the networks of corruption deeply entrenched in the country’s social fabric."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Notwithstanding some economic growth and increased public security, Arévalo’s popularity rating has dropped significantly: from 78 per cent in 2024 to 39 per cent in January 2025 (CID GALLUP). Without the necessary allies in the legislature and judiciary, his government’s hands are tied. As Congress is fragmented, lawmaking is slow and complicated, delaying necessary projects. Meanwhile, Arévalo finds himself under constant attack from the public prosecutor’s office. To rule more effectively, he could have the attorney general dismissed or start to rule by decree. This, however, would mean that he himself interfered with the separation of powers, disrespecting basic democratic principles "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":""}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Re-democratisation can, then, take very different paths. In Ecuador, the return to democratic governance was facilitated by a combination of a change of political leadership, growing public discontent, and sustained pressure from civil society. In Lesotho, democracy was restored via elite negotiations in tandem with regional counterparts becoming closely involved – thus with little help from its own courts or civil society. In Guatemala, civil society drove re-democratisation against all odds, but the process remains inhibited by endemic corruption. There is no one-size-fits-all solution: who spurs democratic recovery, and how it unfolds, vary from place to place."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"What Germany and the European Union Can Do to Assist"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"German and European foreign policy should be grounded in the recognition that democratic recovery is not only possible but already happening. Thus, there is ample room for international support. Six concrete observations stand out here:"}]},{"nodeType":"ordered-list","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":""}]}]}}}],["36b45084-b388-402e-81a2-37e0e3b034e7",{"sys":{"id":"36b45084-b388-402e-81a2-37e0e3b034e7","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Shrinking Civic Space in Africa: When Governments Crack Down on Civil Society","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/shrinking-civic-space-africa-when-governments-crack-down-on-civil-society/","dataTeaser":{"date":"4/2018","link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-60564-8","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["0b3c21aa-e4b2-40db-a3f1-15eed36f9b00"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"11.2018","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21580460/gf_africa_1804_en.pdf","title":"Text (PDF-English)"},{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21580462/gf_afrika_1804.pdf","title":"Text (PDF-Deutsch)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"November 2018","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["0b3c21aa-e4b2-40db-a3f1-15eed36f9b00"]}],"subtitle":"2018 | ISSN: 1862-3603","urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-60564-8"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2018","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3603"],"personNames":["Hannah Smidt"],"personUuids":["0b3c21aa-e4b2-40db-a3f1-15eed36f9b00"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"seriesNumber":["4"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","relatedProjectUuids":["02740f7e-3857-427b-b1ca-bac41774a117"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"Immer mehr Regierungen in Subsahara-Afrika kontrollieren zivilgesellschaftliche Gruppen, die sich für Menschenrechte einsetzen. Damit engen sie nicht nur den Raum für zivilgesellschaftliche Aktivitäten ein, sie zerstören auch das Rückgrat der Demokratie und Entwicklungsmöglichkeiten.Seit den frühen…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"gworeHvefAGweBokolkhO","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Afrika 2018_04 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Afrika 2018_04 (Header)","altText":"Demonstrierende in Kenya.","copyright":"Reuters / Baz Ratner","media":{"sys":{"id":"5ndrzHllLEm8xebZcLs5OX","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Afrika 2018_04 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5ndrzHllLEm8xebZcLs5OX/bb300c5b1ab882a249b48b986bd27bc9/Bild_Focus_Afrika_2018_04__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1143}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"5ndrzHllLEm8xebZcLs5OX","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Afrika 2018_04 (Header)","file":"$36:184:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Africa","date":"2018-11-01T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Das Verschwinden zivilgesellschaftlicher Freiräume in Afrika"}}],["36e84f14-5ed3-4ee5-bad0-97e3c68917ad",{"sys":{"id":"36e84f14-5ed3-4ee5-bad0-97e3c68917ad","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Elections in Ecuador: An Emerging Alternative beyond the Left–Right Antagonism","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/wahlen-ecuador-alternative-jenseits-rechts-links-antagonismus-entsteht/","dataTeaser":{"date":"2/2021","link":"https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-72251-8","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["8994d69e-3b0c-49d7-835d-d67aeb5a7c30","0813f1c3-1451-4b8a-8d5d-46263e705f4d","2306971f-a96b-4ec0-a0a5-c158a2f00522"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"03.2021","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/24261745/web_LA_2021_02_en.pdf","title":"Text (PDF-English)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"März 2021","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["8994d69e-3b0c-49d7-835d-d67aeb5a7c30","0813f1c3-1451-4b8a-8d5d-46263e705f4d","2306971f-a96b-4ec0-a0a5-c158a2f00522"]}],"subtitle":"2021 | ISSN: 1862-3573","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-72251-8"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2021","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3573"],"personNames":["Ximena Zapata M.","Sandra Zapata","Santiago M. Zarria"],"personUuids":["8994d69e-3b0c-49d7-835d-d67aeb5a7c30","0813f1c3-1451-4b8a-8d5d-46263e705f4d","2306971f-a96b-4ec0-a0a5-c158a2f00522"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"seriesNumber":["2"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"4o1Gdvr2vKY5KUtqjA3nSY","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus LA 2021_02 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus LA 2021_02 (Header)","altText":"Members of indigenous communities and supporters of Ecuador's presidential candidate Yaku Perez march in Quito, Ecuador","copyright":"Reuters / Santiago Arcos","media":{"sys":{"id":"7Dvp7HiDPQXANQvr2Azz3D","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus LA 2021_02 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/7Dvp7HiDPQXANQvr2Azz3D/333f99c9075e63a1d2e986b556e0ca9d/GIGA_Ecuador_Feb2021_demonstration-members-indigenous-communities-quito_Reuters_SantiagoArcos-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserText":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Bei den Präsidentschaftswahlen in Ecuador kommt es am 11. April 2021 zu einer Stichwahl. Es stehen zwei gegensätzliche Entwicklungsmodelle zur Wahl. Arauz will die anti-neoliberale „Bürgerrevolution“ des Expräsidenten Rafael Correa fortsetzen, während Lasso die alte neoliberale Agenda vertritt.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"7Dvp7HiDPQXANQvr2Azz3D","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus LA 2021_02 (Header)","file":"$36:185:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Latin America","date":"2021-03-31T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Wahlen in Ecuador: Eine Alternative jenseits des Rechts-Links-Antagonismus entsteht"}}],["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd",{"sys":{"id":"3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Prof. Dr. Sabine Kurtenbach","path":"/de/das-giga/team/kurtenbach-sabine/","dataTeaser":{"sort":"Kurtenbach","type":"Staff","mails":["sabine.kurtenbach@giga-hamburg.de"],"phones":["+49 (40) 42825-570"],"tagline":["Präsidentin (interim)"],"pureType":{},"blueprint":"PERSON","researchRegion":"

\n
Zentralamerika
\n
\n
Kolumbien
\n
Venezuela

","researchExpertise":"

\n
Nachkriegsgesellschaften
\n
\n
Gewalt und sozialer Wandel
\n
\n
Jugendliche
\n

"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PERSON","type":"Staff","pureType":{},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"associationKey":"staffOrganisationAssociations","functions":["Präsidentin (interim)"],"mails":["sabine.kurtenbach@giga-hamburg.de"],"phones":["+49 (40) 42825-570"],"researchTopicUuids":["b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"]},"pageIntroMedia":[{"metadata":{"tags":[],"concepts":[]},"sys":{"space":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Space","id":"jlhgjubhhjuo"}},"id":"6W0IVU8R6KXOdnrFyOGlCN","type":"Entry","createdAt":"2022-01-16T14:15:54.232Z","updatedAt":"2022-01-16T17:51:59.106Z","environment":{"sys":{"id":"master","type":"Link","linkType":"Environment"}},"publishedVersion":3,"revision":2,"contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}},"locale":"de-DE"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Sabine Kurtenbach","title":"Bild Sabine Kurtenbach","altText":"Bild von Sabine Kurtenbach","copyright":"Boris Rostami","media":{"metadata":{"tags":[],"concepts":[]},"sys":{"space":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Space","id":"jlhgjubhhjuo"}},"id":"4uW0pvgwFHH4IhhZDwxWWk","type":"Asset","createdAt":"2022-01-16T13:02:50.346Z","updatedAt":"2024-06-20T19:03:12.644Z","environment":{"sys":{"id":"master","type":"Link","linkType":"Environment"}},"publishedVersion":17,"revision":4,"locale":"de-DE"},"fields":{"title":"Zuschnitt sabine-kurtenbach","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4uW0pvgwFHH4IhhZDwxWWk/5dfebba98f276d7ea4b4cb50622cfb47/Portrait_240530_Kurtenbach_Sabine_014.jpg","details":{"size":1238468,"image":{"width":1350,"height":1350}},"fileName":"Portrait_240530_Kurtenbach_Sabine_014.jpg","contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}}],"teaserImage":"$36:186:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media","typeOrSubtype":"Persons - GIGA Researchers"}}],["3827bd32-0bb9-41f2-8ea5-c061743642b5",{"sys":{"id":"3827bd32-0bb9-41f2-8ea5-c061743642b5","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Das Parlament ist wie ein riesiger Basar","dataTeaser":{"date":"15.08.2025","link":"https://www.zeit.de/politik/ausland/2025-08/kolumbien-tod-miguel-uribe-mord-gewalt-sabine-kurtenbach","type":"Interview","tagline":["Zeit online","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Die Gewalt in Kolumbien ist zurück. Nach dem Tod eines Präsidentschaftskandidaten könnte das Land politisch zerfallen, mahnt Expertin Prof. Dr. Sabine Kurtenbach.

","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"15.08.2025","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.zeit.de/politik/ausland/2025-08/kolumbien-tod-miguel-uribe-mord-gewalt-sabine-kurtenbach"}],"mediums":["Zeit online"],"keywords":{"free":["Colombia","elections","political violence"],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/colombia","title":"Kolumbien"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/andean_region","title":"Andenregion"}]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3EFkFeOaZBmMCfh2cHyMLg","type":"Asset"},"title":"Uribe Anschlag Colombia","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3EFkFeOaZBmMCfh2cHyMLg/dbe55721ffa160bc2e94d5412ed18479/Uribe_Anschlag_Colombia.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2025-08-15T10:00:00.000Z"}}],["38SlIsiIPWHjci29Gen3vN",{"sys":{"id":"38SlIsiIPWHjci29Gen3vN","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur Ad Hoc Coalitions in a Changing Global Order","headline":"References","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Brosig, Malte (2014), EU Peacekeeping in Africa: From Niche Selection to Interlocking Security Governance, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"International Peacekeeping"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 21, 1, 74–90."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Brosig, Malte (2013), The African Security Regime Complex: Exploring Converging Actors and Policies, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"African Security"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 6, 3–4, 171–190."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Ikkenberry, John (2018), The End of the Liberal Order?, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"International Affairs"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 94, 1, 7–23."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Janzwood, Scott, and Thomas Homer-Dixon (2022), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Discussion Paper 2022–4, Cascade Institute, accessed 28 September 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Leonard, Mark (2021), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Age of Unpeace: How Connectivity Causes Conflict"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", London: Pinguin Press."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Patrick, Stewart (2015), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Valdai Papers, 22 July, accessed 28 September 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Prys-Hansen, Miriam (2022),"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", GIGA Focus Asia, 4, accessed 28 September 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Reykers, Yf, John Karlsrud, Malte Brosig, Stephanie Hofmann, Cristiana Maglia, and Pernille Rieker (2022), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Ad Hoc Coalitions in Global Governance: A Conceptual Framework"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Paper prepared for the ECPR Joint Sessions Workshop “Complex Global Governance: Actors, Institutions, and Strategies”, Edinburgh, 19–22 April 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Tull, Denis M. (2022), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Ad-hoc-Koalitionen in Europa. Der Sahel als Katalysator europäischer Sicherheitspolitik?"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", SWP Studie 8, Berlin: SWP."}]}]}}}],["38bb229e-d6f1-4f3b-b2a8-f3b165f6fd0a",{"sys":{"id":"38bb229e-d6f1-4f3b-b2a8-f3b165f6fd0a","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Crisis in the Andes: The Rise (and Fall?) of Two Women Leaders","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/crisis-in-the-andes-the-rise-and-fall-of-two-women-leaders/","dataTeaser":{"date":"6/2023","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfla-23062","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Frauen, oft als politische Außenseiterinnen gesehen, bringen in Krisen Erneuerung, stehen jedoch vor zusätzlichen Herausforderungen. Jeanine Añez und Dina Boluarte in Bolivien und Peru zeigen dies, mit möglichen Auswirkungen auf zukünftige weibliche politische Führungskräfte.","personUuids":["2ae5f798-faae-4248-ac76-e9e0ae84ca08","20069d5d-f4f0-4d49-8c98-f9a03f7314d8"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfla-23062"],"date":"12.2023","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Dezember 2023","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["2ae5f798-faae-4248-ac76-e9e0ae84ca08","20069d5d-f4f0-4d49-8c98-f9a03f7314d8"]}],"subtitle":"2023 | ISSN: 1862-3573","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2023","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e","920d7f1c-74c0-49d5-8839-00b833e607c5"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3573"],"personNames":["Daniela Osorio Michel","Johanna Pieper"],"personUuids":["2ae5f798-faae-4248-ac76-e9e0ae84ca08","20069d5d-f4f0-4d49-8c98-f9a03f7314d8"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"seriesNumber":["6"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":true,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"2XknkuYdrcUgHkPJLcWrYP","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2023_06 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2XknkuYdrcUgHkPJLcWrYP/3144daa2cd7048af94a9cfe8413dad9f/GIGA_Feb23_Anti-government_demonstrators_hold_a_puppet_mocking_Peru_s_President_Dina_Boluarte_REUTERS_Pilar_Olivares_RC2R7Z9.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Latin America","date":"2023-12-19T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["38bfe781-f7c0-4256-8468-1ceaf5b2c9e1",{"sys":{"id":"38bfe781-f7c0-4256-8468-1ceaf5b2c9e1","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"¿Cuál es la percepción de los colombianos sobre la paz?","dataTeaser":{"date":"01.11.2020","link":"https://www.elespectador.com/noticias/nacional/cual-es-la-percepcion-de-los-colombianos-sobre-la-paz/","type":"Zitat","tagline":["El Espectador","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"01.11.2020","type":"Zitat","links":[{"url":"https://www.elespectador.com/noticias/nacional/cual-es-la-percepcion-de-los-colombianos-sobre-la-paz/"}],"mediums":["El Espectador"],"keywords":{"free":["Colombia","Peace","Survey"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Druck"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"7INWM8pe8cm5LVVp5FNyEe","type":"Asset"},"title":"Presse Zuschnitt Intro A","file":"$36:37:1:fields:teaserImage:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2020-11-01T11:00:00.000Z"}}],["392907c8-0577-49b4-bf09-ded4cf6dfe6f",{"sys":{"id":"392907c8-0577-49b4-bf09-ded4cf6dfe6f","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Nicaragua 1990 bis 2022 - eine erfolgreiche Revolution zerstört ihre Erfolge","dataTeaser":{"date":"08.10.2022","type":"Sonstiges","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/consultancy/talk_or_presentation_at_knowledge_transfer_event","value":"Vortrag oder Präsentation auf einer Veranstaltung zur Wissensvermittlung"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"consultant","value":"Berater:in"},"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"„Lateinamerika und Karibik Herbstfestival“ 2022","teaserText":"Dokumentarische Fotoausstellung und Podiumsdiskussion","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"Dokumentarische Fotoausstellung und Podiumsdiskussion

Désirée Reder (Doktorandin und Wissenschaftlerin des GIGA Hamburg)
Isabell Nordhausen (Programmkoordinatorin Zentralamerika, INKOTA Berlin)
Dr. Ernesto Medina (Ex-Rektor der UNAN León und der Universidad Americana Managua; ZI Lateinamerika-Institut, Berlin)

Moderation: Dr. Stefan Chrobot
Übersetzung Karin Uhlenhaut
Begrüßung: Dr. Jürgen Steidinger (KITRA)
"},"personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"referencedEventUuid":"0b5b711f-119b-4388-97b9-969d7e1f95ee"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","type":"Sonstiges","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/consultancy/talk_or_presentation_at_knowledge_transfer_event","value":"Vortrag oder Präsentation auf einer Veranstaltung zur Wissensvermittlung"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":["Autoritarismus","Repression","Nicaragua","Democratic Backsliding"]},"expertUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"referencedEventUuid":"0b5b711f-119b-4388-97b9-969d7e1f95ee","date":"08.10.2022","eventName":"„Lateinamerika und Karibik Herbstfestival“ 2022","roleMaps":[{"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"role":{"key":"consultant","value":"Berater:in"}}],"personNames":["Désirée Reder"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Knowledge Transfer","date":"2022-10-08T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["396285e5-c8f0-475c-92b9-b2acc567351d",{"sys":{"id":"396285e5-c8f0-475c-92b9-b2acc567351d","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Ortega vacía de procesiones la Semana Santa en Nicaragua","dataTeaser":{"date":"06.04.2023","link":"https://www.dw.com/es/ortega-vac%C3%ADa-de-procesiones-la-semana-santa-en-nicaragua/a-65254423","type":"Zitat","tagline":["Deutsche Welle","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

El Gobierno de Daniel Ortega ha prohibido las procesiones de Semana Santa y Pascua en Nicaragua. Hay religiosos detenidos o expulsados del país, y la relación con la Iglesia atraviesa uno de sus momentos más bajos.

","personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"06.04.2023","type":"Zitat","links":[{"url":"https://www.dw.com/es/ortega-vac%C3%ADa-de-procesiones-la-semana-santa-en-nicaragua/a-65254423"}],"mediums":["Deutsche Welle"],"keywords":{"free":["repression","freedom of religion","feedom of assembly"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2023-04-06T12:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["397014b2-55a3-41b5-903e-936d501bc50e",{"sys":{"id":"397014b2-55a3-41b5-903e-936d501bc50e","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"60 Jahre Antarktisvertrag: Multilateralismus mit Zukunft","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/60-jahre-antarktisvertrag-multilateralismus-mit-zukunft/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"type":"GIGA Focus","date":"6/2019","personUuids":["e18a8f8d-676d-4c63-b660-cfedcbedf7c9"],"tagline":["GIGA Focus Global"],"link":"https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-65595-9"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"11.2019","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21579618/gf_global_1906.pdf","title":"Text (PDF-Deutsch)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"November 2019","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["e18a8f8d-676d-4c63-b660-cfedcbedf7c9"]}],"subtitle":"2019 | ISSN: 1862-3581","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-65595-9"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2019","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3581"],"personNames":["Patrick Flamm"],"personUuids":["e18a8f8d-676d-4c63-b660-cfedcbedf7c9"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Global"],"seriesNumber":["6"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"Am 1. Dezember 2019 wird der Antarktisvertrag 60 Jahre alt. Als eines der erfolgreichsten internationalen multilateralen Abkommen sieht er sich gegenwärtig jedoch neuen Herausforderungen gegenüber: Globale Machtverschiebungen, Klimawandel sowie zunehmender Tourismus testen die Anpassungsfähigkeit…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"5Ff71WgzfsB29MEeURUXXU","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Global 2019_06 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Global 2019_06 (Header)","altText":"Das Forschungsschiff \"Karpuj\" in der Antarktis.","copyright":"Reuters / Fabian Cambero","media":{"sys":{"id":"3YRkhyzUpsxVAXkvT9Zbs3","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Global 2019_06 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3YRkhyzUpsxVAXkvT9Zbs3/9698fa32ffeb86d8753718fa6b4d2c84/Bild_Focus_Global_2019_06__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1143}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3YRkhyzUpsxVAXkvT9Zbs3","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Global 2019_06 (Header)","file":"$36:193:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Global","date":"2019-11-01T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"60 Jahre Antarktisvertrag: Multilateralismus mit Zukunft"}}],["397272f1-f672-4839-af16-61cc347a6d1f",{"sys":{"id":"397272f1-f672-4839-af16-61cc347a6d1f","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Europe’s Quest for Critical Raw Materials in Latin America","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/europe-s-quest-for-critical-raw-materials-in-latin-america/","dataTeaser":{"date":"3/2026","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfla-26032","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Lateinamerika hat sich zu einem strategischen Partner der Europäischen Union bei der Diversifizierung der Importe kritischer Rohstoffe entwickelt, um die Energiewende zu sichern und strukturelle Abhängigkeiten in den Bereichen Digitalisierung, Verteidigung und Luft- und Raumfahrt zu verringern.","personUuids":["3e78d9e1-031b-43c2-8773-ffa8e38ae218"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfla-26032"],"date":"03.2026","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"März 2026","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/latin_america","title":"Lateinamerika"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/europe/eu","title":"EU"}]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["3e78d9e1-031b-43c2-8773-ffa8e38ae218"]}],"subtitle":"2026 | ISSN: 1862-3573","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2026","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3573"],"personNames":["Detlef Nolte"],"personUuids":["3e78d9e1-031b-43c2-8773-ffa8e38ae218"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"seriesNumber":["3"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":true,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3Zz0FVAtJfDvF53g7UD17P","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2026_03 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3Zz0FVAtJfDvF53g7UD17P/1b27fa21da084ece6696ff8dd6d48785/GIGA_Lithium_Abbau_Atacama_WÃ_ste_Chile_24102022.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1600,"height":900}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Latin America","date":"2026-03-20T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["3978969f-6eaf-4165-a0a7-a5fd08dd4e04",{"sys":{"id":"3978969f-6eaf-4165-a0a7-a5fd08dd4e04","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"El Salvador: Old Habits Die Hard","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/el-salvador-old-habits-die-hard/","dataTeaser":{"date":"05.2021","link":"https://www.rienner.com/title/Mobilizing_Force_Linking_Security_Threats_Militarization_and_Civilian_Control","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","tagline":["Kapitel in Sammelband"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"subtitle":"Kapitel in Sammelband | Lynne Rienner Publishers | 2021","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"05.2021","dateShort":"2021","status":"Veröffentlicht","personNames":["Désirée Reder","Sabine Kurtenbach"],"dateLong":"Mai 2021","hostEditorNames":["David Kuehn","Yagil Levy"],"hostTitle":"Mobilizing Force: Linking Security Threats, Militarization, and Civilian Control","isbns":["978-1-62637-939-8","978-1-62637-943-5"],"pages":"117-138","publicLinks":[{"url":"https://www.rienner.com/title/Mobilizing_Force_Linking_Security_Threats_Militarization_and_Civilian_Control"}],"publisher":"Lynne Rienner Publishers","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"7EL3PR1atPREGQCIAPrxYN","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:13:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Contributions","title":"Bild Contributions","media":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"},"altText":"Foto von Rand offener Buchseiten","copyright":"istock / FactoryTh"}}],"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2021-05-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["3DpcWa08Ild4wbRWMUvvY8",{"sys":{"id":"3DpcWa08Ild4wbRWMUvvY8","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik GIGA Focus Global_2016_02_2","title":"Grafik GIGA Focus Global_2016_02_2","altText":"Grafik Qualität von Frieden und Flüchtlinge nach Kriegsende","copyright":"Autoren","caption":"Grafik 2.\nQualität von Frieden und Flüchtlinge nach Kriegsende\nAnmerkung: Datenpunkte beziehen sich auf Länderjahre bis zu zehn Jahren nach Kriegsende. Die Daten der Political Terror Scale (Wood und Gibney 2015) reichen von eins (wenig politischer Terror) bis fünf (viel politischer Terror). ","media":{"sys":{"id":"5FX6ztNyMNph8Y9MNHer5x","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik GIGA Focus Global_2016_02_2","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5FX6ztNyMNph8Y9MNHer5x/c1f4d01d446d799840727925307f07a5/abb.2_focus-global-2016-2_web_de.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["3LlsH79WAwBq2EA56BM6cv",{"sys":{"id":"3LlsH79WAwBq2EA56BM6cv","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2023_01 (Header)","title":"GIGA_May22_Nicaragua_Nicaraguan bishop, alleging police harassment, takes refuge at a Catholic church in Managua_RTS7ZRMD_Reuters_Maynor Valenzuela1","media":{"sys":{"id":"4ULWXavtPaxXYnAifr4OHq","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2023_01 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4ULWXavtPaxXYnAifr4OHq/a0eda63e55b0f69aae49ec551be2c39d/Bild_GIGA_Focus_Lateinamerika_2023_01__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"altText":"National Police officers keep watch outside a Catholic church where Rolando Alvarez, bishop and critical of the Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega, is taking refuge alleging he had been targeted by the police, in Managua, Nicaragua May 20, 2022."}}],["3NfnbF59G9ag2geNSAdU3r",{"sys":{"id":"3NfnbF59G9ag2geNSAdU3r","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur GIGA Focus Latin America: Germany’s Indispensable Partner","headline":"Literatur","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"CDU/CSU/SPD (2025), ","nodeType":"text"},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"value":", accessed 16 April 2025.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Drezner, Daniel W., Henry Farrell, and Abraham L. Newman (eds) (2021), ","nodeType":"text"},{"value":"The Uses and Abuses of Weaponized Interdependence","nodeType":"text"},{"value":", Washington, DC: Brookings.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Ellis, Evan (2025), ","nodeType":"text"},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"value":", Statement before the Foreign Relations Committee Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere, Transnational Crime, Civilian Security, Democracy, Human Rights, and Global Women’s Issues, 18 March, Washington, DC, accessed 16 April 2025.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"European Commission (2024), ","nodeType":"text"},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"value":", 24 January, accessed 16 April 2025.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"GLOHRA (German Alliance for Global Health Research) (2025), ","nodeType":"text"},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"value":", accessed 3 April 2025.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Hoffmann, Bert, and Felix Drexler (with Antoní Plasència and Elizabet Diago Navarro) (2024), ","nodeType":"text"},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"value":", EU-LAC Policy Brief No 8, 13 December, Hamburg: EU-LAC Foundation, accessed 16 April 2025.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) (2024), ","nodeType":"text"},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"value":", 12 September 12, accessed 16 April 2025.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Ministério da Fazenda (2024), ","nodeType":"text"},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"value":", accessed 16 April 2025.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"OECD (2024), ","nodeType":"text"},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"value":", 9 December, OECD Publishing, Paris, accessed 16 April 2025.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"}}}],["3OAZxhNW0IMlOEtk409h7A",{"sys":{"id":"3OAZxhNW0IMlOEtk409h7A","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2021_01 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2021_01 (Header)","altText":"Ein kolumbianischer Migrant in einem Frisörsalon in Tapachula, Mexiko, sieht die Vereidigung von Joe Biden als Präsident der Vereinigten Staaten während der Arbeit.","copyright":"Reuters / Carlos Jasso","media":{"sys":{"id":"4MgjCpwZx07g05j8L5CddL","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2021_01 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4MgjCpwZx07g05j8L5CddL/5f86e7d176d4eb75d9b8cbdd24303300/Bild_Focus_Lateinamerika_2021_01__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1143}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["3QNIfA59kX9fxjyLmSBJbt",{"sys":{"id":"3QNIfA59kX9fxjyLmSBJbt","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text GIGA Focus Global_2017_05_1 [1]","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The data suggest that there is no obvious or linear relationship between violence indicators, the guarantee of civil and political rights, and political regime. For example, despite being the most violent country, El Salvador also scores highest with regard to political transformation. Timor Leste, seemingly the most promising example of liberal peace-building, has experienced increasing levels of violence and authoritarianism according to reports. Meanwhile, Mozambique is seemingly in danger of witnessing 20 years of peace come to an end following the Mozambican National Resistance’s (RENAMO) 2013 decision to quit the peace agreement because it did not see any chance of a democratic change of power. The data illustrate the fact that there are no cohesive patterns of post-war development that are in keeping with the liberal peace-building paradigm. The following section presents a global approach"},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-inline"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" to peace that focuses on violence reduction and non-violent conflict transformation. Such an approach may help to overcome analytical Eurocentrism and provide new insights for peace-building policies."}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"A Global Approach to Peace","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"heading-2"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Although made in the context of the Cold War, former German chancellor and Nobel Peace laureate (1971) Willy Brandt’s quote that “Peace is not everything. But without peace, everything is nothing” is still relevant today given the broad consensus on the vital importance of peace for development, economic growth, political participation, and social cohesion, among others. In a peaceful society it is not just the absence of war or collective armed conflict that matters; various other forms of direct physical violence also need to be reduced or eradicated.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"$60","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"$61","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Peace research has provided vast evidence that processes of change are contentious and very much prone to conflict. However, we know little about the variations in change-related conflict across the globe. Social change affects the structures of society and provokes realignments of the relations and the distribution of power between central actors. In the twenty-first century growing interdependence and a multitude of (state and non-state) actors influence and shape these processes. A comparative frame for the analysis of peace and conflict transformation needs to start with the analysis of these conflicts and their specific expressions. The following section will provide some empirical evidence on the major patterns of conflict and violence from a comparative area studies perspective.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"A Comparative Analysis of Conflicts and Violence","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"heading-2"},{"data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Comparing the most recent data on conflicts unveils some interesting regional variations as well as multiple patterns of peace-building worldwide."},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-inline"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Regarding violence, we can see that armed conflicts are most common in sub-Saharan Africa, followed by the Middle East and then Asia. State repression is most intense in South Asia, followed by the Middle East and North Africa and then sub-Saharan Africa. In terms of homicides, the Americas are the most violent, followed by sub-Saharan Africa, where as Asia has the lowest homicide rate. However, when it comes to environmental conflicts, Latin America has the highest numbers. Regarding mass mobilisation the highest level of protester violence (2000–2014) is documented for Ivory Coast in Africa, Bangladesh in Asia, Turkey in the Middle East, Brazil in South America, and Greece in Europe. A systematic review of these (and, potentially, other) data could provide evidence of regional and subregional patterns of conflict, violence, and peace-building opportunities."}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Nonetheless, the data also hide within-region variations. For example, the data on armed conflict in South East Asia for the period 1945–2016 are highly influenced by the violence in Myanmar, which accounts for nearly half of the conflict years; in the case of Latin America, the armed conflict data is highly biased by the violence in Colombia.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"$62","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"During the last decade, non-state violence received a lot of attention due to the debate on the “new wars.” This category transcends the state-centric definition of war because the state is not directly part of the conflict. Here, non-state armed actors fight for control of territory, resources, and people. Although most armed actors are labelled “criminals” due to their lack of an explicit political agenda, such conflicts resemble early state-formation experiences, and such actors are similar to Tilly’s (1985) “stationary bandits.”","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"We also need to take into account that each region hosts a small number of countries with very few or no incidents of armed conflict and low levels of repression and homicide. Botswana, Uruguay, and Bhutan are exceptional in regard to violence. However, our knowledge of the relevant factors (i.e. actors, structures, and institutions) is rather limited. It is quite surprising that economic development seems to be of less importance than regime stability (Ansorg and Schultze 2014). The Institute for Economics & Peace (2017) attempts to measure peacefulness across the globe with its Positive Peace Index, which includes eight pillars: (1) high levels of human capital, (2) equitable distribution of resources, (3) well-functioning government, (4) low levels of corruption, (5) acceptance of the rights of others, (6) good relations with neighbours, (7) free flow of information, and (8) a sound business environment.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"All of these are fundamental to the peaceful coexistence between and within societies. However, it is not possible to reverse engineer the findings of such studies in order to create roadmaps for action. Implementing peace-related policies is a contentious difficult process and could even produce violence. Policies related to resource distribution, well-functioning government, low levels of corruption, and the acceptance of the rights of others also generate conflict and are difficult to implement. Hence, it is essential to analyse the relevant conflicts, old and new.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"$63","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Peace-Building without Shortcuts","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"heading-2"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"$64","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"A global approach to peace could enable us to circumvent normative debates and make it possible to bridge narrow and broad peace concepts. Global peace-building strategies need to focus on the following elements:","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"nodeType":"unordered-list"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Policy Implications","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"heading-2"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"$65","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"In general, internal and external peace-builders need a roadmap to guide them along the extensive and difficult path from collective mass violence to broader concepts of peace. Reducing violence, delivering a minimum level of justice to the victims, and redistributing economic and social resources need to be included in context-specific variation of any such roadmap. It might be necessary to promote a somewhat narrow notion peace without losing sight of the requirements of a broader concept of peace.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"$66","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}]}}}],["3R6QzqbbODTdNVCwjEz4v9",{"sys":{"id":"3R6QzqbbODTdNVCwjEz4v9","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05_3a","title":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05_3a","altText":"Countries' Positions on the TPNW","copyright":"Authors’ own representation, based on data from the ICAN, the Freedom House, the World Bank, the Global Fire Power Index.","caption":"Figure 3 \nComparative Descriptive Data (Calibrated) \nLegend: Not = Abstainers; Rat = Ratifiers; Sig = Signatories; Sup = Supporters; Bot = Boycotters.","media":{"sys":{"id":"3G0vpEyjcN4rzERS6RX1m6","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05_3a","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3G0vpEyjcN4rzERS6RX1m6/7154cc1f0b493e1cc43e1afda536a884/Figure3a.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":746,"height":489}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["3RK703nLAyrVKnIXrkyVpN",{"sys":{"id":"3RK703nLAyrVKnIXrkyVpN","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2021_02_1","title":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2021_02_1","altText":"Karte der Kulturräume des Pazifiks","copyright":"CartoGIS Services, College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University","caption":"Figure 1 \nCultural Areas of the Pacific","media":{"sys":{"id":"2ST6TtjL550JUhm2ib1My1","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2021_02_1","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2ST6TtjL550JUhm2ib1My1/8283717eb07e26be9b591a1eb6c992e0/Figure1-Focus-Asia-2021-02-00-098_Micronesia_web.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["3S71ApzzCfHJzOMG2MRP0Q",{"sys":{"id":"3S71ApzzCfHJzOMG2MRP0Q","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Global 2021_05_1.Seite","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Mit dem Amtsantritt von Joe Biden reichen die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika ihren traditionellen Partnern erneut die Hand und treten in strategischen Wettbewerb mit Russland und China. Die Europäische Union sieht mehr Raum für eine Zusammenarbeit vor allem mit China, die jedoch langfristig mit hohen Kosten verbunden sein kann.\r"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Fazit\r"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Der Aufstieg Chinas wird die internationale Politik in den kommenden Jahrzehnten entscheidend prägen. Die Fortsetzung der Zusammenarbeit kann mit großen Risiken verbunden sein, da sie einem autoritären Regime hilft, den Status einer globalen Supermacht zu erlangen. Dies, obwohl sie die demokratischen Werte nicht teilt und das Völkerrecht missachtet. Die EU, aber auch andere Länder werden sich wohl entscheiden müssen, ob sie den Schwerpunkt auf einen wertebasierten oder einen allumfassenden Multilateralismus legen."},{"nodeType":"text","value":"\r\n\r"}],"data":{}}]}}}],["3TPahPgbD5KjU3N1nrucjI",{"sys":{"id":"3TPahPgbD5KjU3N1nrucjI","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2021_02 (Header)","title":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2021_02 (Header)","altText":"Mitglieder des PACIFIC ISLANDS FORUM TUVALU warten darauf, für das Familienfoto vor dem Leaders Retreat beim Pacific Islands Forum in Funafuti, Tuvalu, zu posieren","copyright":"IMAGO / Mick Tsikas","media":{"sys":{"id":"iEMAdgaTRzoI71jVIsVsi","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2021_02","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/iEMAdgaTRzoI71jVIsVsi/7c978f206fcd8fc8df1e13d466760eee/Bild_GIGA_Focus_Asien_2021_02-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["3XTiseojZQE8KOUzIIl00w",{"sys":{"id":"3XTiseojZQE8KOUzIIl00w","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Logo Projekte GIZ Weißraum","title":"Logo GIZ","media":{"sys":{"id":"4aAlEpmyhtMQVV8FteBA7o","type":"Asset"},"title":"giz-logo 0","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4aAlEpmyhtMQVV8FteBA7o/df5cc4e6f8513ec77ae29b4062a2fc20/giz_logo.png","details":{"image":{"width":7087,"height":2953}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Bild mit dem GIZ-Logo","copyright":"GIZ","linkUrl":"https://www.giz.de/de/html/index.html"}}],["3a03e944-c6c8-4ebf-9926-a0c11d1cb0c4",{"sys":{"id":"3a03e944-c6c8-4ebf-9926-a0c11d1cb0c4","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Child Labour Policies in the Americas: Why Progress Has Become Uncertain","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/child-labour-policies-in-the-americas-why-progress-has-become-uncertain/","dataTeaser":{"date":"3/2025","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfla-25032","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"In Amerika variieren die Politiken zur Kinderarbeit. Konservative fordern Legalisierung im Interesse der Wirtschaft, arbeitende Kinder verlangen Regulierung zum Schutz, die ILO plädiert für ein Verbot. Jedoch sind soziale Strategien und Kinderbeteiligung entscheidend für wirksame Maßnahmen.","personUuids":["20069d5d-f4f0-4d49-8c98-f9a03f7314d8"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfla-25032"],"date":"05.2025","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Mai 2025","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/andean_region","title":"Andenregion"}]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["20069d5d-f4f0-4d49-8c98-f9a03f7314d8"]}],"subtitle":"2025 | ISSN: 1862-3573","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2025","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3573"],"personNames":["Johanna Pieper"],"personUuids":["20069d5d-f4f0-4d49-8c98-f9a03f7314d8"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"seriesNumber":["3"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":true,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"6LvIPm2c9DSAGGQzaL40KC","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2025_03 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/6LvIPm2c9DSAGGQzaL40KC/fc45268f43f03286e0b836b0077f06e3/GIGA__Boy_Watching_Cattle_in_Sacred_Valley_Peru_IMAGO_Design_Pics_Editorial_0090226843.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Latin America","date":"2025-05-08T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["3a221a62-552d-4549-9e8c-ab8bac4f8c7b",{"sys":{"id":"3a221a62-552d-4549-9e8c-ab8bac4f8c7b","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"The Strategic Use of Law to Counter Autocratization","dataTeaser":{"date":"01.07.2024","type":"Workshop","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/paper_presentation","value":"Paperpräsentation"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"},"uuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"Social Science Approaches to Law and Courts","teaserText":"The workshop invited advanced doctoral students and ECRs from the field of social-legal studies; it was held at the Department of Political Science at University College London.","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"The workshop on the field of social-legal studies was held at the Department of Political Science at University College London."},"personUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"referencedEventUuid":"3185ebec-763f-4553-9cd4-b44ea817e186"},"dataDetail":{"date":"01.07.2024","type":"Workshop","keywords":{"free":["Law","Lega Mobilization","Empirical Legal Studies","Comparative Politics","Courts","Resistance","Autocratization"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/paper_presentation","value":"Paperpräsentation"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"},"uuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"Social Science Approaches to Law and Courts","expertUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"personNames":["Alina Ripplinger"],"referencedEventUuid":"3185ebec-763f-4553-9cd4-b44ea817e186"},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2024-07-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["3a65bac2-d038-49bb-97e1-8613f7b2a1eb",{"sys":{"id":"3a65bac2-d038-49bb-97e1-8613f7b2a1eb","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"How Gender Shapes the Experience of Running for Office: A Comparative Study of Women and Men Candidates from Bolivia's Local and National Elections (2020−2021)","path":"/de/publikationen/referierte-aufsaetze/gender-shapes-experience-running-office-comparative-study-women-candidates-bolivias-local-national-elections-2020-2021/","dataTeaser":{"date":"04.2023","link":"https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2023.102736","type":"Artikel","tagline":["Women's Studies International Forum"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"This article examines how the gender of the candidates affects their experiences of running for political office in Latin America.","personUuids":["2ae5f798-faae-4248-ac76-e9e0ae84ca08"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2023.102736"],"date":"04.2023","type":"Artikel","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","volume":"98","journal":"Women's Studies International Forum","dateLong":"April 2023","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["2ae5f798-faae-4248-ac76-e9e0ae84ca08"]}],"subtitle":"Artikel | 2023","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2023","unitUuids":["b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e","adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b"],"personNames":["Daniela Osorio Michel"],"personUuids":["2ae5f798-faae-4248-ac76-e9e0ae84ca08"],"isForthcoming":false,"relatedProjectUuids":["1f7d13d6-b4c9-4681-a079-a724a9726f0e"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"58gLxEVoWqRtB1oLyPi0ZS","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Oct20 Bolivia Luis Arce, Presidential candidate of the Movement to Socialism party (MAS) votes during Bolivia-s presidential election in La Paz RTX838L1 Reuters Ueslei Marcelino1","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/58gLxEVoWqRtB1oLyPi0ZS/f993865513bdc8c00863017bdc23a07c/GIGA_Oct20_Bolivia_Luis_Arce__Presidential_candidate_of_the_Movement_to_Socialism_party__MAS__votes_during_Bolivia-s_preside.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Articles","date":"2023-04-24T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["3a6a4ef2-cfb5-44f9-ae01-7f77c12d7a6d",{"sys":{"id":"3a6a4ef2-cfb5-44f9-ae01-7f77c12d7a6d","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Die verfehlte Sanktionspolitik des Westens gegen Simbabwe","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/die-verfehlte-sanktionspolitik-des-westens-gegen-simbabwe/","dataTeaser":{"date":"2/2015","link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-422538","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["5c705718-e96f-4625-8045-c056da9c93ac","f69733cc-4ec2-44f7-bd25-3fdf05c4eb91"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"03.2015","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/24403778/gf_afrika_1502.pdf","title":"Text (pdf Deutsch)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"März 2015","keywords":{"free":["Simbabwe","Europäische Union","Vereinigte Staaten","Internationale Beziehungen","Sanktionen","innenpolitische Lage/Entwicklung","Zimbabwe","European Union","United States","International Relation","Sanctions","domestic political situation/development"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["5c705718-e96f-4625-8045-c056da9c93ac","f69733cc-4ec2-44f7-bd25-3fdf05c4eb91"]}],"subtitle":"2015 | ISSN: 1862-3603","urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-422538"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2015","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3603"],"personNames":["Julia Grauvogel","Christian von Soest"],"personUuids":["5c705718-e96f-4625-8045-c056da9c93ac","f69733cc-4ec2-44f7-bd25-3fdf05c4eb91"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"seriesNumber":["2"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"numberOfPages":8,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","relatedProjectUuids":["ec9d14fc-9870-456d-9290-48ec88d34975"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"Am 20. Februar 2015 verlängerte die Europäische Union (EU) ihre Sanktionen gegen Simbabwes Machthaber Robert Mugabe und seine Frau Grace. Die Nachbarstaaten Simbabwes hatten sich schon immer gegen die westliche Sanktionspolitik gewandt. Reaktion auf Menschenrechtsverletzungen in Simbabwe hatten die…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"4fsRfzD3sM0g0Aq3tQ9RiT","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Grafik Logo Focus Afrika alt","title":"Bild Grafik Logo Focus Afrika alt","altText":"Grafik Logo Focus Afrika","copyright":"GIGA","media":{"sys":{"id":"7slkSrPSKpxre6REUCfAa0","type":"Asset"},"title":"Logo_GIGA_Focus_Afrika","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/7slkSrPSKpxre6REUCfAa0/47f0e61a041dfe0fcbdcb047e06998d7/1_GIGA_Focus_Afrika.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"7slkSrPSKpxre6REUCfAa0","type":"Asset"},"title":"Logo_GIGA_Focus_Afrika","file":"$36:209:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Africa","date":"2015-03-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["3a9afd1b-e065-4354-ac55-e0e29a1c19a5",{"sys":{"id":"3a9afd1b-e065-4354-ac55-e0e29a1c19a5","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Пощёчина Путину: Режим Асада в Сирии пал – что дальше? \"Геофактор\"","dataTeaser":{"date":"12.12.2024","link":"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P9XFWvneMIY","type":"Interview","tagline":["Deutsche Welle \"Geofaktor\"","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Nach dem Ende Assads, wer sind die neuen Herrscher HTS und was sind die geopolitischen Interessen externer Akteure? Dr. André Bank vom GIGA im Interview.

","personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"12.12.2024","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P9XFWvneMIY"}],"mediums":["Deutsche Welle \"Geofaktor\""],"keywords":{"free":["Syrien","HTS","Russland","Türkei","Rebellen","Transition","USA","Iran"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"],"mediaFormats":["Fernsehen"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2024-12-12T11:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["3bAeAC2Z2eAPOal7mEXJiu",{"sys":{"id":"3bAeAC2Z2eAPOal7mEXJiu","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text The War in Ukraine and Latin America: Reluctant Support","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The War in Ukraine has highlighted the divisions within and between Latin American countries. Although the Russian invasion of Ukraine goes against international norms endorsed by Latin American countries, the conflict seems remote and evokes long-standing rejection of United States policies. Notably, both regional powers, Mexico and Brazil, were reluctant to join the Western condemnation of Russia."}]},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Policy Implications"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Those interested in maintaining relations with Latin America should take note of the divide among the region’s governments, many showing only reluctant support for the West’s anti-Vladimir Putin policies. The insistence on foreign policy autonomy here cannot be understood as an articulated regional project but rather serves as a discursive framework which allows each government international room for manoeuvre, favouring relations with multiple external actors."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The War has Reaffirmed Well-Known Divides"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"As in much of the Global South, the War in Ukraine has caught the attention of governments and societies in Latin America too. The impact of a conventional war of such magnitude and the direct and indirect involvement of great military powers has put the region on alert. However, the remoteness of the conflict, the political differences resulting in polarisation, and pressing domestic issues have generated diverse reactions and a widespread lack of interest in the causes and development of the war."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Since it is difficult to pigeonhole societies, we must look at government decisions to elucidate national positions on the war. The first global multilateral reaction to the war was the United Nations General Assembly Resolution of 3 March 2022. This received majority support with abstentions by 35 states, including four Latin American ones: Bolivia, Cuba, El Salvador, and Nicaragua (it could have been five as Venezuela maintains a very close relationship with Moscow; however, the country cannot vote at the UN as it is still suspended for non-payment to the organisation)."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"However, the boldest official positions were shown later in the vote on 7 April, when the UNGA decided to suspend Russia from the UN Human Rights Council. In this, we find three different groupings: of the 33 members of the Group of Latin America and the Caribbean (GRULAC), 20 voted in favour of the motion, nine abstained, three voted against (Venezuela again could not vote) (see Table 1 below). This vote is widely considered the most obvious indicator of the official position of the respective governments on the War in Ukraine, and especially towards Russia."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"\rTable 1. UNGA Votes to Suspend Russia’s Membership in the UNHRC – Latin America and the Caribbean States"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"6rr8pMZ1FVYLwMlOjYfZa9","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik Focus Lateinamerika 2022_02_Table1","title":"UNGA Votes to Suspend Russia’s Membership in the UNHRC – Latin America and the Caribbean States","media":{"sys":{"id":"5A2y7yF6MSoCEqRJsdyjAC","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Focus Lateinamerika 2022_02_Table1","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5A2y7yF6MSoCEqRJsdyjAC/d710a9461800b4349c7fc9718573b68d/Focus-LA-2022-02-Table1.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"UNGA Votes to Suspend Russia’s Membership in the UNHRC – Latin America and the Caribbean States"}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source"},{"nodeType":"text","value":": "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Note"},{"nodeType":"text","value":": * Suspended due to lack of UN membership payment, but explicitly Russia’s supporter."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"\rA closer look shows that in terms of votes in favour, Latin America and the Caribbean exceeds the rest of the world – including the NATO powers and their closest allies – by 15 percentage points. For abstentions, the difference is 3.3 per cent less than for the rest of the UN member states. Regarding votes against, GRULAC is also below average with 5.3 per cent fewer votes than the rest of the world (see Figure 1 below)."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Figure 1. The Latin American and the Caribbean Group and the Rest of the UNGA Voting"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"7teT3iwSVmZcOQqjRAcNc4","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik Focus Lateinamerika 2022_02_Figure1","title":"The Latin American and the Caribbean Group and the Rest of the UNGA Voting","media":{"sys":{"id":"21xAASpuNDQcbUPB1QyBo0","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Focus Lateinamerika 2022_02_Figure1","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/21xAASpuNDQcbUPB1QyBo0/b9a23132f0bb839f79fe03cd1b2ac5c9/Focus-LA-2022-02-Figure1-Edit1PB.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"The Latin American and the Caribbean Group and the Rest of the UNGA Voting"}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source"},{"nodeType":"text","value":": "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The data confirms two Latin American facts: the external behaviour of the region is more complex than generally believed, and it is in a phase of marked divisions between governments. This is evident when contrasting those who have reacted against Moscow versus those who have sided with it. Despite the differences, as a general rule, this heterogeneity in political response has its roots in matters of domestic politics. Thus, the countries with which Vladimir Putin’s Russia has built the best relations are those whose regimes are among the most authoritarian in the region and the most opposed to Western institutions, practices, and policies. These relations are more political than economic since Russia barely exported 1.55 per cent of its products to Latin America and the Caribbean in 2020. Of this, 0.27 and 0.22 per cent corresponded to the markets of Bolivia and Nicaragua respectively, while exports to Cuba and Venezuela were even lower besides ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":")."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Those governments that condemned the “special military operation” are a much larger and more diverse grouping meanwhile. Among them are countries with high rates of democracy and individual freedoms, such as Chile, Costa Rica, and Uruguay. Also, the only NATO global partner in the region, Colombia – whose support, along with also Argentina’s backing, means two of the United States’ Latin American three “major non-NATO allies” are on-board. These countries are characterised not only by having better relations with the West, especially with the US, but with a better democratic performance too."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"However, despite the official government alignments, the unofficial reactions are striking. Two notable cases are Argentina and Venezuela. In the days that followed the vote on 7 April, the hashtags #PerdónRusia and #PerdónPutin (#SorryRussia and #SorryPutin) trended on Twitter, triggering an angry debate about what the position of Buenos Aires should have been before the invasion of Ukraine. The Argentine president, Alberto Fernández, visited Putin on 3 February, three weeks before the invasion, and offered to be Russia’s “gateway to Latin America” – which is remarkable. This ambivalence received a mixed reaction from Argentine society, at least as reflected on social media networks ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). Conversely, Venezuela’s “interim president” Juan Guaidó, formally recognized as legitimate by most of the West, holds a position against Putin’s Russia – an important partner for Nicolás Maduro."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"There are two types of governments that stand out from those that abstained: small states and regional powers. The latter deserve separate treatment and will be dealt with in the next section. In the first group are six of the 15 full members of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) – Barbados, Belize, Guyana, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Suriname, Trinidad and Tobago – plus the Central American state of El Salvador. In the case of CARICOM, its division is striking. However, this does not imply a rupture in the fundamental agreements of the organisation’s overarching strategy since it tends to cooperate to create platforms of bargaining power in the international arena. Recent studies show that the external incentives that these CARICOM states have received from hemispheric and Caribbean powers, such as the US and Venezuela, have not been enough to undermine their desire for autonomy. As such, it would be inaccurate to think that they simply vote together in crucial aspects of world politics."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Meanwhile, El Salvador has become a focus of attention for its heterodox authoritarian drift under President Nayib Bukele. His government has tried to maintain political equidistance in international security matters. It is unclear whether this is due to an autonomous aspiration, empathy with the Russian authoritarian government, or mere disinterest in world affairs."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Russian Invasion and the Regional Powers’ Neutrality"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The second group of abstentionists is remarkable. It comprises the two largest Latin American powers, Brazil and Mexico, who paradoxically have ideologically opposed governments. Regarding the War in Ukraine, the foreign policy positions of the Jair Bolsonaro and Andrés Manuel López Obrador governments have been to adhere to the doctrine of non-intervention in the internal affairs of other states to ensure an aura of international autonomy. This has been the historical position of both countries, and in recent research and works of dissemination Latin American scholars have highlighted it being part of a long tradition of Latin American republicanism ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"; "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"), of adherence to regional legal traditions ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"), and an aspect also of a regional response to a changing and geopolitically uncertain world ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"; "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":")."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"As already mentioned, Brazil and Mexico are the two current Latin American and Caribbean members of the UN Security Council, meaning they can maintain and strengthen a position of equidistance from the conflict. However, this does not reflect the interest of the majority of the states in the region. Moreover, Bolsonaro was, aside from Argentine president Fernández, the other Latin American head of state to recently visit the Kremlin. That meeting, on 16 February, was just over a week before the start of the invasion. Furthermore, even in recent days, President Bolsonaro has reaffirmed his country’s neutrality and asserted that he has no intention of affecting Brazil’s business with Russia ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). López Obrador has been less vocal but more forceful in the Mexican case, affirming that his country “is not a colony of Russia, or China, or the United States” ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":")."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"These positions would be expected since a power like Brazil has continued to play the autonomy card as an essential part of its grand strategy while Mexico, in turn, has been a champion of non-intervention through its traditional “Estrada Doctrine”. However, autonomy and non-intervention are open to interpretation. In the case of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, some Latin American arguments aimed at questioning NATO’s expansion to the east are close to the offensive realist thesis of the American scholar "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":". According to this, the West and Ukraine itself is responsible for having encouraged a military reaction by Russia in the face of the threat posed to its sphere of influence and the security of its borders. This has transcended social media debate in Latin America to also become an argument made by relevant political leaders, including some who do not represent governments. For example, one of the tweets with the greatest reach by the Latin American branch of the official media outlet Russia Today, the highly influential RT en Español, reproduces Mearsheimer’s argument in Spanish – with it finding a significant reception in the Spanish-speaking Twittersphere ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). Another example comes from Bolsonaro’s main opponent and ideological rival, former Brazilian president Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva. Without direct reference to Mearsheimer, but following his spirit, Lula – who could return to the Brazilian presidency in January 2023 – said in an interview with "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" magazine in May 2022 that:"}]},{"nodeType":"blockquote","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"And he added:"}]},{"nodeType":"blockquote","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The official position of the Brazilian and Mexican presidents and a regionally influential leader like Lula denote that the two major Latin American powers follow the path of autonomy by way of neutrality. The War in Ukraine seems to them to be a European – or, at most, a North Atlantic – affair, and they prefer to keep their distance from it. However, a paradox appears, and it is that in this realist reasoning there is justification given for the old geopolitical theory of the spheres of influence. When it is claimed that NATO went too far in penetrating Russia’s security perimeter, it asserts that the great powers enjoy geopolitical prerogatives in their “near abroad.” This could not be more contrary to the autonomist theories, the rationality behind the historical Latin American international political behaviour – especially when facing up to US power. After all, why should Ukrainian autonomy aspirations be less legitimate – or less dangerous – than Latin American ones?"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"By taking a comparative and expanded perspective on the situation, it is possible to detect flaws in the logic of the Brazilian and Mexican leaders. The at least partial opposition to the West by the Brazilian and Mexican governments and leaders shows that perhaps the general principles of the Latin American diplomatic tradition can be helpful, but maybe as an ideological cover to justify opposition to values that could undermine their powers within and beyond their countries. Arguments about autonomy as a grand strategy, international legalism, or republicanism as a substratum of diplomatic action are helpful general approaches. However, we cannot lose sight of the fact that populist foreign policy plays an important role here. When it comes to foreign policy, populists base their arguments on external threats to the people. Just as national elites would undermine the power of the people, international elites would diminish their room for manoeuvre ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":")."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Distant Crisis Is Shifting a Neighbouring Relationship"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$67"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$68"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"However, important changes resulting from the war have appeared on the horizon. In the wake of sanctions on Russian hydrocarbons, which are expected to escalate and take crude and natural gas out of Western markets, the US economy is seeing rising fuel prices. This is occurring at a particularly adverse moment for the Joe Biden administration, since his presidency has low popularity ratings and mid-term elections are coming up in November. The impact of rising fuel prices led even more conservative American opinion-makers to emphasise that the most realistic thing to do was to reduce tensions with Venezuela, lift oil sanctions, and reactivate trade in the name of American energy security ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). The first attempts took place a little less than two weeks after the Russian invasion, when a delegation, led by the US diplomatic chief for Venezuela, James Story, who, due to tensions, had located his operations in Bogotá, travelled to Caracas and met with Maduro delegates at the seat of the Venezuelan government, the Miraflores Palace."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"It is important to note that leading oil experts have pointed out that expecting Venezuela to compensate for declining Russian supplies in international energy markets would be to believe in a mirage. Indeed, once powerful in the Western Hemisphere, the Venezuelan oil industry has declined enormously due to the politicisation Chavismo subjected it to. By turning it into the petty-cash generator for the Revolution, Chávez condemned the state-owned PDVSA and indeed the economy of the entire Venezuelan petrostate. However, with the help of Iranian partners and the Russians themselves, Venezuela has been reactivating its production. Yielding about 700,000 barrels of oil daily, Venezuela is close to Colombian production, which reaches about 750,000 itself. The difference, however, is that these values are in the low range for Venezuelan output and the high range for Colombia, and that in terms of Venezuelan crude reserves they are 150 times bigger than those of Colombia ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":")."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In parallel, Chavismo under Maduro has expressed an interest in economic opening, although with a questionable framework regarding the (defective) rule of law. However, this has not limited the country’s and PDVSA’s bondholders from being compensated in a timely manner; meanwhile, foreign oil companies – among which the American Chevron stands out – continue to operate in the country with the fragile but continuous legal certainty granted a predator. Colombia’s oil industry, in contrast, has a more solid legal and institutional basis. Still, it also has strong social and environmental movements that advocate stopping oil exploration and which have managed to stop the most important pilot trials for fracking."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The rapprochement between Washington and Caracas came before the war. In September 2021, there was an attempt to establish a dialogue table between the Venezuelan government and the opposition in Mexico under the auspices of Norway. From the beginning, it was known that the opposition had the backing of the US and that the Colombian government of Duque was aware of it. Nevertheless, these pragmatic approaches motivated by geopolitics and energy security issues following the War in Ukraine and the sanctions against Russia were not discussed with Bogotá. In a realistic manoeuvre of pure and simple national interest, the Biden administration privileged direct contact with the Maduro government – leaving out the one country which most strongly supported the diplomatic siege and, indeed, absorbed the greatest impact from Venezuelan out-migration."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"This embarrassing situation occurs amid an electoral campaign for the presidency of Colombia in which the left-wing candidate, Gustavo Petro. Petro, an experienced politician who began his public life in the urban guerrilla movement of M-19, is the clearest antagonist of Uribismo. His position in foreign policy, long before the War in Ukraine, had been to re-establish relations with Maduro’s Venezuela. In addition, the other candidate, Rodolfo Hernández, a populist without a clear ideological identity, affirmed that among his first diplomatic decisions would be to reinstate the ambassadors and consuls in Colombia and Venezuela. The effects of the war have not changed that, but these new circumstances have supported those decisions at least – making it clear that the Colombian government was left alone in the failed manoeuvre to isolate the Maduro regime."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In sum, Latin American reactions to the Russian invasion of Ukraine are far from being homogeneous or even completely coherent. While most of the region has tended to condemn Russia, Moscow continues to have regional supporters based on affinities between authoritarian regimes. In addition, the two largest regional powers, Brazil and Mexico, have bowed to neutrality under arguments of moral relativism that, although disguised as an autonomist doctrine of foreign policy, end up being contradictory to societies and governments that have historically opposed regional hegemonic impositions. Finally, sanctions against Russia are unintendedly helping to counter Venezuela’s partial regional isolation in the face of the US’s energy-security needs, opening a new round of formal and informal negotiations on the status quo in the Caribbean basin."}]}]}}}],["3bCtmyiKkVVRJ2A5e6P4QU",{"sys":{"id":"3bCtmyiKkVVRJ2A5e6P4QU","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik Focus Global 2021_01_3","title":"Grafik Focus Global 2021_01_3","altText":"Grafische Darstellung Art des Konflikts 1990-2018 in verschiedenen Regionen.","copyright":"Authors’ own compilation, based on data by Gleditsch et al. (2002), Sundberg, Eck, and Kreutz (2012), Pettersson and Öberg (2020). ","caption":"Figure 3 \nType of Conflict 1990–2018 (Frequency per Region)\nNote: MENA = Middle East and North Africa.","media":{"sys":{"id":"1clAM5Vg4F346tIsqqVTVq","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Focus Global 2021_01_3","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1clAM5Vg4F346tIsqqVTVq/aa0eb083759577f9369a98a8062b5e0c/Figure3-Focus-Global-2021-01-en.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["3be21d58-94d1-4941-8177-53cc9d70e53f",{"sys":{"id":"3be21d58-94d1-4941-8177-53cc9d70e53f","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"The Return of the Military","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/das-militaer-kehrt-zurueck/","dataTeaser":{"date":"7/2018","link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-60632-9","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","ab60acc3-ccb4-4240-88cb-21cc60d4fd66"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2018 | ISSN: 1862-3573","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"12.2018","dateShort":"2018","links":[{"title":"Text (PDF-Deutsch)","url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21580006/web_LA_2018_07_dt.pdf"},{"title":"Text (PDF-English)","url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21580008/gf_lateinamerika_1807_en.pdf"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":[],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach","Adam Scharpf"],"dateLong":"Dezember 2018","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-60632-9"],"unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesNumber":["7"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3573"],"useDynamicPdf":false,"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","ab60acc3-ccb4-4240-88cb-21cc60d4fd66"],"relatedProjectUuids":["02740f7e-3857-427b-b1ca-bac41774a117"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","ab60acc3-ccb4-4240-88cb-21cc60d4fd66"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}],"abstractSnippet":"In Brasilien ein Präsident, der die Militärdiktatur verherrlicht, und ein General als Vizepräsident; in Guatemala Offiziere als Drohkulisse, als die Regierung das Aus für die internationale Kommission gegen die Straflosigkeit verkündet; in Argentinien Pläne, die Streitkräfte wieder bei Konflikten…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"TGKPUbO1QuelU5NND1dKA","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2018_07 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2018_07 (Header)","altText":"Soldaten patrouillieren in San Salvador.","copyright":"Reuters / Jose Cabezas","media":{"sys":{"id":"pfbgVoTOKzgm2R3F4sD3P","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2018_07 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/pfbgVoTOKzgm2R3F4sD3P/d1539ce1e59baea6ad43a16f3dbb9b98/GIGA_ELSalvador_Mar2017_soldiers-patrolling-in-SanSalvador_Reuters_JoseCabezas.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2625,"height":1500}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"pfbgVoTOKzgm2R3F4sD3P","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2018_07 (Header)","file":"$36:213:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Latin America","date":"2018-12-01T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Das Militär kehrt zurück"}}],["3bfc2d8d-ddb1-48fd-9357-e6b2e456a351",{"sys":{"id":"3bfc2d8d-ddb1-48fd-9357-e6b2e456a351","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Serie de Análisis Nicaragua: El Caso de Nicaragua y la Necesaria Resiliencia Democrática","dataTeaser":{"date":"09.2021","link":"https://agendaestadodederecho.com/como-controlar-el-desequilibrio-del-poder/","type":"Blogbeitrag","tagline":["Blogbeitrag"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/blog_article","value":"Blogbeitrag"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"Can democratic resilience persist amidst the (systematic) violation of fundamental and democratic rights? This question is the starting point for a symposium on the crisis in Nicaragua.

The series of analyses are carried out by the Academic Network for Nicaragua in the framework of an academic exchange with Agenda Estado de Derecho. The Academic Network for Nicaragua was created in 2021. The Network is dedicated to the academic monitoring of the situation in Nicaragua concerning democracy, human rights, and the Rule of Law.
","personUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050","4dfaa2c6-efa6-4daf-a868-bb384f070037"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Blogbeitrag","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/blog_article","value":"Blogbeitrag"},"subtitle":"Blogbeitrag | Agenda Estado de Derecho | 2021","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":["Nicaragua"]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"d799e849-0eac-4d6d-8ab5-d171721e7124","isForthcoming":false,"date":"09.2021","dateShort":"2021","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":[],"personNames":["Alina Ripplinger","Florian Kriener"],"dateLong":"September 2021","isbns":[],"publisher":"Agenda Estado de Derecho","urnLinks":["https://agendaestadodederecho.com/como-controlar-el-desequilibrio-del-poder/"],"unitUuids":[],"personUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050","4dfaa2c6-efa6-4daf-a868-bb384f070037"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050","4dfaa2c6-efa6-4daf-a868-bb384f070037"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions [NON-GIGA]","date":"2021-09-23T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["3caab851-797b-40e2-b60f-52fbcdbc71e1",{"sys":{"id":"3caab851-797b-40e2-b60f-52fbcdbc71e1","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Sicherheit, Gewalt und Repression in Lateinamerika: Aktuelle Entwicklungen und Herausforderungen","dataTeaser":{"date":"08.06.2023","link":"https://www.dgvn-nord.de/2023/05/23/lateinamerika/","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/consultancy/talk_or_presentation_at_knowledge_transfer_event","value":"Vortrag oder Präsentation auf einer Veranstaltung zur Wissensvermittlung"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"consultant","value":"Berater:in"},"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","teaserText":"Die Vorträge mit Podiumsdiskussion mit Andrés González und Désirée Reder bieten eine Plattform, um die spezifischen Auswirkungen der Sicherheitslage auf die dort lebenden Menschen sowie die Fluchtbewegungen in Lateinamerika zu analysieren. Wir untersuchen, welche Maßnahmen zu einer sichereren Region beitragen können.","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"$69"},"personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"externalOrganisationUuid":"c86fff7c-db71-4cdf-968f-28079f868fa5"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/consultancy/talk_or_presentation_at_knowledge_transfer_event","value":"Vortrag oder Präsentation auf einer Veranstaltung zur Wissensvermittlung"},"keywords":{"structured":[{"uri":"subjectarea/asjc/3300/3320","title":"Politikwissenschaften und internationale Beziehungen"},{"uri":"subjectarea/asjc/3300/3312","title":"Soziologie und Politikwissenschaften"},{"uri":"subjectarea/asjc/3300/3311","title":"Sicherheitsforschung"}],"free":["repression","Stability","Violence","elections","Security","Human Rights"]},"expertUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"externalOrganisationUuid":"c86fff7c-db71-4cdf-968f-28079f868fa5","date":"08.06.2023","links":[{"url":"https://www.dgvn-nord.de/2023/05/23/lateinamerika/"},{"url":"https://dgvn.de/aktivitaeten/einzelansicht/sicherheit-gewalt-und-repression-in-lateinamerika-aktuelle-entwicklungen-und-herausforderungen"},{"url":"https://www.politikumecuador.com/event-details/sicherheit-gewalt-und-repression-in-lateinamerika-aktuelle-entwicklungen-und-herausforderungen"}],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"role":{"key":"consultant","value":"Berater:in"}}],"personNames":["Désirée Reder"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Knowledge Transfer","date":"2023-06-08T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["3cq6rwnDnDqAbWfZBUPVoQ",{"sys":{"id":"3cq6rwnDnDqAbWfZBUPVoQ","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Lateinamerika 2019_07_1.Seite","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Lateinamerika und die Karibik gelten als natürliche Verbündete der deutschen Außenpolitik, wenn es darum geht, den liberalen Multilateralismus zu stärken. Eine Analyse regionaler Zusammenarbeit in der Region zeigt allerdings ein ambivalentes Bild. Insbesondere bei den Kernelementen des liberalen Wertekanons wie Demokratie und Menschenrechte folgen die lateinamerikanischen Regierungen überwiegend den politischen Eigeninteressen."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-3","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Fazit"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Verlässliche Partnerschaft im liberalen Multilateralismus hängt sowohl in Lateinamerika und der Karibik als auch anderswo davon ab, dass Demokratie und Menschenrechte in den Ländern selbst geschützt und umgesetzt sind. Lippenbekenntnisse reichen hier nicht aus. Dies sollte im Vordergrund der deutschen und europäischen Außenpolitik stehen. Nur wenn die Maßstäbe zwischen Innen- und Außenpolitik im Gleichklang stehen, entstehen stabile Partnerschaften."}],"data":{}}]}}}],["3d2b042d-f41b-417c-887b-4cb5bb943366",{"sys":{"id":"3d2b042d-f41b-417c-887b-4cb5bb943366","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Venezuela: la protección regional multilateral de la democracia","path":"/de/publikationen/referierte-aufsaetze/venezuela-la-proteccion-regional-multilateral-de-la-democracia/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"type":"Artikel","date":"2019","personUuids":["5b4cb6b5-bea3-41a5-8b90-3a4f7f71ca66","3e78d9e1-031b-43c2-8773-ffa8e38ae218"],"tagline":["Foreign Affairs Latinoamérica"],"link":"http://revistafal.com/fal-19-2/"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"2019","type":"Artikel","isbns":[],"links":[],"pages":"43-51","status":"Veröffentlicht","volume":"19","journal":"Foreign Affairs Latinoamérica","dateLong":"2019","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["5b4cb6b5-bea3-41a5-8b90-3a4f7f71ca66","3e78d9e1-031b-43c2-8773-ffa8e38ae218"]}],"subtitle":"Artikel | 2019","urnLinks":["http://revistafal.com/fal-19-2/"],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2019","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b"],"issueNumber":"2","personNames":["Thomas Legler","Detlef Nolte"],"personUuids":["5b4cb6b5-bea3-41a5-8b90-3a4f7f71ca66","3e78d9e1-031b-43c2-8773-ffa8e38ae218"],"isForthcoming":false,"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"79Iw2W1y5I439nIQKWTblO","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild referierte Artikel","title":"Bild referierte Artikel","altText":"Ein Stapel Zeitschriften","copyright":"iStock.com/ pinkomelet","media":{"sys":{"id":"3MVDYqgKxq8a8ZuszO7pV9","type":"Asset"},"title":"iStock-831942476","file":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3MVDYqgKxq8a8ZuszO7pV9","type":"Asset"},"title":"iStock-831942476","file":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Articles","date":"2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["3d992bf1-9b16-4c20-8426-9c8ec761d902",{"sys":{"id":"3d992bf1-9b16-4c20-8426-9c8ec761d902","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Buying Peace? The Political Economy of Power-Sharing","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/buying-peace-the-political-economy-of-power-sharing/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"type":"GIGA Focus","date":"9/2015","personUuids":["17afe8c9-9a21-4ebb-8afd-b149f96bb697","9c394a2a-188e-41a6-9550-17be6108d747"],"tagline":["GIGA Focus International Edition English"],"link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-453152"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"11.2015","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/24403526/gf_international_1509.pdf","title":"Text (pdf English)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"November 2015","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["17afe8c9-9a21-4ebb-8afd-b149f96bb697","9c394a2a-188e-41a6-9550-17be6108d747"]}],"subtitle":"2015 | ISSN: 1862-3581","urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-453152"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2015","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3581"],"personNames":["Felix Haaß","Martin Ottmann"],"personUuids":["17afe8c9-9a21-4ebb-8afd-b149f96bb697","9c394a2a-188e-41a6-9550-17be6108d747"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus International Edition English"],"seriesNumber":["9"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"Using a power-sharing arrangement to integrate insurgents into a country’s political system, either by granting them government cabinet posts or greater territorial autonomy, has become an increasingly common method by which to pacify violent conflicts. However, power-sharing reinforces patterns of…"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus International","date":"2015-11-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-giga-focus-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Giga Focus All","description":"(c) GIGA","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/default-placeholder-publications-giga-focus-all/dbba328624f80762d10b2d1974085ac5/Placeholder_Publications_Giga_Focus_All-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1000}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["3dZrsktHnb7UHZGIpn2bwJ",{"sys":{"id":"3dZrsktHnb7UHZGIpn2bwJ","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2024_01_02","title":"Central America Participatory Democracy Index","media":{"sys":{"id":"1YmUjQFDYEnSjg3TKfnArD","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2024_01_02","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1YmUjQFDYEnSjg3TKfnArD/fd3f29ec0b6f7fa4e2301f46c7dd6544/web-Focus-LA-2024-01-Figure2.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Central America Participatory Democracy Index"}}],["3e08774b-b329-437d-b96d-87c182f2e2e1",{"sys":{"id":"3e08774b-b329-437d-b96d-87c182f2e2e1","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Suriye'de bir devrin sonu: Esad 10 günde nasil devrildi?","dataTeaser":{"date":"09.12.2024","link":"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RGQXbfbTz-Q&t=306s","type":"Interview","tagline":["BBC Türkce","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Why did Assad fell so quickly? Dr. André Bank sees a combination of the strength and cohesion of the rebels with a massive weakness of the Assad regime and its international and regional allies.

","personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"09.12.2024","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RGQXbfbTz-Q&t=306s"}],"mediums":["BBC Türkce"],"keywords":{"free":["Syria","Assad","Regime Change","Turkey","Iran","Russia","HTS"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2024-12-09T11:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["3e134410-c0a5-4f6e-91f1-cfcceb404033",{"sys":{"id":"3e134410-c0a5-4f6e-91f1-cfcceb404033","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Venezuela: Proteste gegen Amtsantritt von Maduro","dataTeaser":{"date":"10.01.2025","link":"https://www.giga-hamburg.de/tracked/assets/media/jlhgjubhhjuo/27D06J0QFtPRjWG0HYTWtQ/d022ac4e4c3217fe0f8d1a002f26617d/KuMo_10.1._-_Gespr_ch_KurtenbachVenezuela.MP3","type":"Interview","tagline":["SWR Kultur","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Trotz gefälschter Wahlen im Juli 2024 und massiver Proteste plant Nicolás Maduro, sich am 10. Januar erneut als Präsident Venezuelas vereidigen zu lassen. GIGA-Expertin Prof. Dr. Sabine Kurtenbach spricht im Interview mit SWR Kultur über die aktuellen Entwicklungen und deren Hintergründe. ©SWR

","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"10.01.2025","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.giga-hamburg.de/tracked/assets/media/jlhgjubhhjuo/27D06J0QFtPRjWG0HYTWtQ/d022ac4e4c3217fe0f8d1a002f26617d/KuMo_10.1._-_Gespr_ch_KurtenbachVenezuela.MP3"}],"mediums":["SWR Kultur"],"keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/venezuela","title":"Venezuela"}]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Radio"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2025-01-10T11:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["3e16b3d0-f7fa-4fcc-a875-571d21f65060",{"sys":{"id":"3e16b3d0-f7fa-4fcc-a875-571d21f65060","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"\"Es gibt keine Region in Syrien, die sicher ist - nirgends\": Nahost-Experte Bank hält Abschiebungen für unmöglich","dataTeaser":{"date":"28.08.2024","link":"https://www.deutschlandfunk.de/es-gibt-keine-region-in-syrien-die-sicher-ist-nirgends-nahost-experte-bank-haelt-abschiebungen-fuer--100.html","type":"Erwähnung","tagline":["Deutschlandfunk","Erwähnung"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/mention","value":"Erwähnung"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

\"Es gibt keine Region in Syrien, die sicher ist - nirgends\": Nahost-Experte Dr. André Bank hält Abschiebungen für unmöglich.

","personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"28.08.2024","type":"Erwähnung","links":[{"url":"https://www.deutschlandfunk.de/es-gibt-keine-region-in-syrien-die-sicher-ist-nirgends-nahost-experte-bank-haelt-abschiebungen-fuer--100.html"}],"mediums":["Deutschlandfunk"],"keywords":{"free":["Syrien","Krieg","Diktatur","Flüchtlinge","Geflüchtete","Abschiebung"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/mention","value":"Erwähnung"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Mention","date":"2024-08-28T10:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["3f3f6347-8801-450a-ac42-a3e34e5ed433",{"sys":{"id":"3f3f6347-8801-450a-ac42-a3e34e5ed433","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Iran: ein neues pragmatisches Experiment","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/iran-ein-neues-pragmatisches-experiment/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","date":"2015","personUuids":["59929eaf-acde-4e78-aaef-e19d22a5ab1e"],"tagline":["Jahrbuch Internationale Politik"],"link":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110346572.101"},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110346572.101"],"date":"2015","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","isbns":["978-3-11-034643-5","978-3-11-034657-2"],"links":[],"pages":"101-111","status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"2015","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["59929eaf-acde-4e78-aaef-e19d22a5ab1e"]}],"subtitle":"Kapitel in Sammelband | DeGruyter Oldenbourg | 2015","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2015","hostTitle":"Außenpolitik mit Autokratien","publisher":"DeGruyter Oldenbourg","unitUuids":["ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d"],"seriesIssn":[],"personNames":["Henner Fürtig"],"personUuids":["59929eaf-acde-4e78-aaef-e19d22a5ab1e"],"seriesTitle":["Jahrbuch Internationale Politik"],"seriesNumber":["30"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"hostEditorNames":["Josef Braml","Wolfgang Merkel","Eberhard Sandschneider"],"publicationLocation":"München","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2015-01-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["3f7cdca4-f94d-4c90-a6a5-2c4ccb238d81",{"sys":{"id":"3f7cdca4-f94d-4c90-a6a5-2c4ccb238d81","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Fleeing the Peace? Determinants of Outward Migration after Civil War","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-working-papers/fleeing-the-peace-determinants-of-outward-migration-after-civil-war/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/giga_working_paper","value":"GIGA Working Papers"},"type":"GIGA Working Papers","date":"08.2016","personUuids":["17afe8c9-9a21-4ebb-8afd-b149f96bb697","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"],"tagline":["GIGA Working Papers"],"link":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21197830/wp_289_migrationaftercivilwar.pdf"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"08.2016","type":"GIGA Working Papers","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21197830/wp_289_migrationaftercivilwar.pdf","title":"GIGA WP 289"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"August 2016","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/giga_working_paper","value":"GIGA Working Papers"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["17afe8c9-9a21-4ebb-8afd-b149f96bb697","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"]}],"subtitle":"GIGA Working Papers | German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) | 2016","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2016","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b","adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b"],"seriesIssn":[],"personNames":["Felix Haaß","Sabine Kurtenbach","Julia Strasheim"],"personUuids":["17afe8c9-9a21-4ebb-8afd-b149f96bb697","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Working Papers"],"seriesNumber":["289"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"numberOfPages":36,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","relatedProjectUuids":["b1648337-ae8a-4e42-81d2-d55c3bc5cd2f","043bc741-f665-4473-8966-302e313b1998"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"In countries where civil war has formally ended, not all refugees return. Nor does emigration come to a halt. Why? We argue that three specific features of post‐war situations explain the varying levels of outward migration: the quality of peace, the quality of political institutions, and the…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"28fHV0BclGzDYRED9X86dM","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:116:1:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Working Paper 289 (Header)","title":"Bild Working Paper 289 (Header)","altText":"Nepalesische Flüchtlingskinder sitzen nach dem Bürgerkrieg auf den Habseligkeiten der Familie auf der Straße.","copyright":"Reuters / Navesh Chitrakar","media":{"sys":{"id":"29zCwit2MTrfLmQbmRgqAB","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Working Paper 289 (Header)","file":"$36:116:1:fields:media:file"}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"29zCwit2MTrfLmQbmRgqAB","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Working Paper 289 (Header)","file":"$36:116:1:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Working Papers","date":"2016-08-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["3hEQ4DMqLPMNGvPsoMjQqH",{"sys":{"id":"3hEQ4DMqLPMNGvPsoMjQqH","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Closing Spaces: The Last Bulwark of Nicaraguan Civil Society under Attack","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Since 2018, the Daniel Ortega regime has led a systematic campaign of repression against Nicaragua’s once-vibrant civil society. Now it is attacking the last sanctuary of dissent: the Catholic Church. The latest arrests of clerics in Nicaragua resulted in international outrage. Pope Francis, who had long remained silent on the situation in Nicaragua, expressed his sincere concerns."}]},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Policy Implications"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Catholic Church needs to live up to its values and stand up to the Ortega regime. The European Union has imposed sanctions; however, it should pressure international organisations such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund to end loans to the regime that help stabilise its power. With universities having been closed, the EU should facilitate exiled Nicaraguan students finishing their degrees in Europe."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"From Social Unrest to Mass Repression"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In 2018, two seemingly minor incidents sparked a spiral of dissent. A handful of environmental and indigenous activists gathered in the Nicaraguan capital Managua in early April to protest against the government’s mishandling of a wildfire in the nature reserve Indio Maíz. A few days later, a group of retirees expressed their disagreement with the government’s social security reform (INSS) plans that would cut their pensions significantly. Both peaceful protests were small in size, limited to specific social groups, and without clear leadership – factors which in most cases speak to such demonstrations’ short life span as well as to modest both domestic and international attention being paid to them."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"However, disproportionate and violent repression by paramilitary groups linked to the government and, a bit later, by the country’s police forces caused widespread indignation. People mobilised in solidarity across social groups and broadened the demands being made, coming to include explicitly political ones such as early elections. Instead of inhibiting further protest, the repression witnessed backfired ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"): the nationwide, large-scale peaceful protests, which were broadcast live via social media, put the spotlight on the crackdown taking place and exposed the regime’s wrongdoings as much nationally as internationally."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$6a"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The government’s campaign of repression not only impacted Nicaraguan society. It also put the Ortega regime in the spotlight vis-à-vis the international community. As a result, many countries condemned the state-driven violence, and different rounds of sanctions, especially by the United States, the European Union, and Canada, would follow."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Targeted Repression – Eliminating (Potential) Threats"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Despite being outlawed, protests continued throughout 2019 and 2020 in different forms. Aiming to avoid the political costs of arbitrary repression, Ortega and Murillo turned to a more refined strategy. Cracking down on dissent evolved from indiscriminate violence to more targeted forms of repression, focusing on those sectors and persons who dared to criticise the government and/or could represent a potential threat to the presidential couple’s grip on power. Especially critical media and non-governmental organisations became targets of the state apparatus, deepening the process of autocratisation playing out in the Central American country."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"For the year 2021 alone, 1,520 attacks against the freedom of the press were reported, including 16 arbitrary detentions (eight of those concerned remain in prison to this day). Others were subject to threats against their families and own persons, while editorial offices were besieged, ransacked, and essential working equipment confiscated. As a result, all independent print media (e.g. "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Confidencial"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"La Prensa"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"El Nuevo Diario"},{"nodeType":"text","value":") were closed ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":") and at least 160 journalists had to go into exile ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). The few remaining independent outlets operate under self-censorship and focus on innocuous topics, helping the regime to control the narrative. Meanwhile, some journalists and media houses try to continue their work by informing the Nicaraguan people from outside of the country via online outlets and social media platforms – which the regime does not yet have control over."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Simultaneously, the latter has attempted to keep up the façade of democracy, passing laws legalising its acts of repression and criminalising the freedom of expression, association, movement, and political participation ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). The so-called Foreign Agents Law of 2000 would be used to de facto ban 43 per cent of NGOs present in the country by December 2022. Therewith, the operating licences of more than 3,000 international and domestic such entities were cancelled ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":")."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In the run-up to the elections of November 2021, the ruling couple sought to eliminate all potential opponents and presidential hopefuls. The above-mentioned law requires all institutions receiving funds from foreign sources to register as foreign agents and strips their employees and members of their passive electoral rights. More than 50 prominent people were imprisoned and many opposition leaders condemned to sentences of up to 13 years based on either the “Cybercrime” Law defining critical online opinions as hate crimes or on the “Sovereignty” Law (both of December 2020) that framed opposition parties and opposition politicians as traitors and terrorists."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"These laws can be used against any kind of critic. In consequence, court hearings are increasingly being orchestrated and the number of political prisoners is growing steadily. Jail conditions have been criticised as inhumane for the lack of medical care offered as well as use of solitary confinement and torture, further to the harassment also of inmates’ family members when rare visits are allowed ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":")."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"As a result, in the presidential elections of 2021 Ortega ran practically without competition. The organisation "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" calculated a national voter abstention rate of 81.5 per cent and denounced the elections as neither fair nor free in being accompanied by political violence, intimidation, and electoral fraud. On the inauguration of his current term in office, Ortega suggested “to wipe the slate clean” and “[to] continue the good path we were on until April 2018” – that is, before the eruption of protests. However, those interpreting his speech as a call for “a new beginning” have since been disappointed. Not only did state violence and repression continue but also the 2022 municipality elections would prove no less of a farce, as marked by electoral fraud and with 82.67 per cent of Nicaraguans abstaining according to "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Figure 1. Cancellation of NGOs since 2018"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"2QqCZugMxaZz2GJghRNkc4","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2023_01_01","title":"Cancellation of NGOs since 2018","media":{"sys":{"id":"7AL6qklEb7cqMs87AirKxY","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2023_01_01","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/7AL6qklEb7cqMs87AirKxY/c2c3854fe7e63f35aea64d9ba6ea7a21/web-Focus-LA-2023-01-Figure1.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Graphic showing Cancellation of NGOs since 2018"}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source"},{"nodeType":"text","value":": Author‘s own elaboration based legislative decrees of the Ministry of the Interior (Migob) published in the Legislative Gazette and news reports."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Figure 2. Political Prisoners"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"6rsh8SCHfSaF9J03CYwccR","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2023_01_02","title":"Political Prisoners","media":{"sys":{"id":"6poW6yQQVcT3b8lvgSL0WF","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2023_01_02","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/6poW6yQQVcT3b8lvgSL0WF/033ce761f5291ac717c771c3232a0c50/web-Focus-LA-2023-01-Figure2.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Graphic showing political prisoners from 2019 to 2023."}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source"},{"nodeType":"text","value":": Author‘s own elaboration based on data of "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Attacking the Last Sanctuaries of Social Protest"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"After entering a fourth consecutive term in office, the autocratic regime of Ortega and Murillo launched its attack on the education sector in closing 22 non-state university organisations across the country – including 12 universities. The latter’s resources were confiscated, and their existence replaced by three new universities under party control. Among them is the Universidad Politécnica de Nicaragua (UPOLI), a key focal point during the protests of April 2018. In addition, the Central American University (UCA), another cradle of the 2018 protests, suffered attacks as the regime cut its budget and stripped it of all public funds ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":")."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"At least 14,000 students would be affected by these measures. Many sought to continue their studies at Nicaragua’s private universities after being expelled from public ones for their participation in the protests. When this alternative was also closed off, it left them without the possibility of finishing their degrees – a similar fate to fellow students who earlier had to flee the country. Additional measures curtailed academic freedom and the right to education. One example is the reform in 2022 of the Law on the Autonomy of Higher Education of 1990, now requiring the academic programmes of all universities to undergo a politically motivated approval process by a central state body ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":")."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"These measures can be seen as revenge for the universities’ high-profile role in the protests. But they are also as an intended deterrent. The Ortega-Murillo regime has become aware that educational spaces where critical discussions are encouraged threaten its illegitimate grip on power."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The closing of civic space did not stop with the country’s universities. The next institution on the regime’s radar was the Catholic Church. Already during the protests, the Church had suffered some individual attacks; in 2022, however, the Catholic Church as an institution was now targeted. In March, the Vatican’s ambassador, Apostolic Nuncio Stanislaw Sommertag, saw his diplomatic approval withdrawn and was expelled from the country. Likewise, the Missionaries of Charity, founded by Mother Teresa of Calcutta, were driven out of the country, while at least 11 clerics have been denied re-entry when returning from abroad. Also, religious rituals were impeded, processions forbidden, and Church services disturbed by police and riot groups. Some 20 radio and television outlets overseen by the Church saw their operations cease."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In raiding the media outlet of the Divina Misericordia Church in Matagalpa, the sanctuary itself, with seven people inside without food or electricity, was besieged by police and anti-riot troops. When the bishop of the respective dioceses started a hunger strike in protest at police harassment, his Curia was also besieged and he was prevented from celebrating mass. Bishop Rolando Álvarez (one of the bishops that, together with Silvio Báez, had mediated the National Dialogue in 2018), as well as five priests and six lay people were detained under the accusation of “organising violent groups” and encouraging them “to carry out acts of hate against the population” ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). Ever since, Bishop Álvarez has remained incommunicado under house arrest accused of “conspiracy” and “spreading false information.” He is scheduled to have a court hearing on 10 January 2023. Other clerics would be arrested under the criminal code, on the basis of accusations that appeared clearly orchestrated."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"While some observers were unsurprised by the move, for others it was unexpected – primarily because of the potentially high costs ensuing for the government. The regime might not have foreseen the extent to which this move could potentially backfire. In a predominantly Christian society, the attacks on the Church caused indignation – even among the ruling party’s own rank and file."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The sequence of events shows a systematic, step-by-step crackdown on all those who have opposed or voiced criticism against Ortega and Murillo since 2018. The frontal attack against the Church is particularly remarkable considering that the re-election of Ortega in 2006 depended to a considerable extent on the former’s support. To better understand the regime’s rationale, it is necessary to take a look not only at the role of the Church in Nicaragua in the protests of April 2018 but also the historic relationship between it and the state there."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Figure 3. Evolvement of Rights and Freedoms"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"7w3TH8ZUvPk0pr2zHgaQFN","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2023_01_03","title":"Evolvement of Rights and Freedoms","media":{"sys":{"id":"26rZC4VT4xRZufhFruJtI8","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2023_01_03","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/26rZC4VT4xRZufhFruJtI8/1d5c4e592c1138c15ad7f32493730ca1/web-Focus-LA-2023-01-Figure3.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Graphic showing evolvement of rights and freedoms."}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source"},{"nodeType":"text","value":": University of Gothenburg, Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Project."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Figure 4. Closing Civic Spaces"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"4MlsaaYprgMlFPnGBBsEEj","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2023_01_04","title":"Closing Civic Spaces","media":{"sys":{"id":"7dbx2nwlFRKomJHTLhGZGa","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2023_01_04","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/7dbx2nwlFRKomJHTLhGZGa/d1cdad5d9dbc1ba5da46126530f4d56c/web-Focus-LA-2023-01-Figure4.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Graphic showing closing civic spaces 1989-2021."}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source"},{"nodeType":"text","value":": University of Gothenburg, Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Project."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Historic Link between the Church and Politics"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"During the 43-year autocratic dynasty of the Somoza family (1936–1979), as characterised by corruption, oppression, and the brutal persecution of opponents, the Church was for the most part an opportunistic ally of the incumbent regime. In the last six months alone before the overthrow of Anastasio Somoza by the Sandinista Revolution in 1979, the Church celebrated 200 masses for the dictator’s long life ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). Starting in 1970, a part of the Church distanced itself from Somoza. This process correlated with the naming of Cardinal Miguel Obando y Bravo as Archbishop of Managua, an individual who had gained much respect among the population as an outspoken critic of Somoza."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$6b"},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":")."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"After the fall of Somoza in 1979, the FSLN established a revolutionary military government, the Junta Government of National Reconstruction, composed of five leaders, among them Ortega. In 1985, he became Nicaragua’s first elected president. Meanwhile, the civil war between the FSLN and its US-backed opponents, the so-called Contras, continued unabated. Despite their alliance during the revolutionary struggle and the prominence of Liberation Theology priests like Ernesto Cardenal, over time the Church hierarchy became a fierce opponent of the Sandinista leadership and thus subject to repression. In this sense, essentially two churches existed in Nicaragua ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). Similarly, the FSLN was divided in its opinion on the Church and on religion in general. A statement by the FSLN’s National Directorate in 1980 indicates that some FSLN leaders saw religion as a means of oppression and of justification for class hierarchies ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":")."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"After the peace agreement of 1990, mediated by Cardinal Obando y Bravo on behalf of the Church, the FSLN lost in the country’s next three rounds of elections (1990, 1996, and 2001). In this period, Cardinal Obando y Bravo used his authority to rally against the FSLN. This, however, changed with Ortega’s campaign during the run-up to the 2006 presidential elections he would eventually win."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Four factors contributed to Ortega’s victory. First, constitutional changes resulting from a pact with his predecessor, Liberal Party leader Arnoldo Alemán, which lowered the percentage needed to win the elections (the Liberal Party had lost the public’s trust due to repeated corruption scandals). Second, the support of the Church. Third, the reconciliation with the business sector. Fourth and finally, the new image the electoral campaign crafted of Ortega."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-3","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"When the Church sold its principles, and Ortega’s Christian rebirth"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In a remarkable break with the past, the 2006 campaign, managed by Ortega’s wife Murillo, presented him as business-friendly, a man of peace instead of protagonist of the civil war, and as a good Christian. As such, he could reconcile with the business sector and some members of the Contras, giving them political power. In addition, he publicly asked the Church and its representatives for forgiveness. This reconciliation was symbolised in the Christian marriage between Ortega and his long-term companion Murillo, overseen and blessed by Cardinal Obando y Bravo. Furthermore, they adapted their public discourse – adding Christian rhetoric and symbols to all their activities and language henceforth ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":")."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In the run-up to the 2006 elections the National Assembly, dominated by the FSLN and its allies, passed a bill banning abortion – a measure the Church had long pressed for. This law was promoted by Ortega, who, in the 1980s, had strongly supported abortion rights. To secure the Church’s continued backing, in a similar vein Ortega guaranteed that same-sex marriage would not be legalised, strengthening the concept of the traditional family. The regime further distributed perks among the religious authorities. Ortega was aware that he relied on the Church’s support to win the elections and knew how to make full use of it. Being aware of the Church’s reverence among the Nicaraguan population, Ortega and Murillo were prudent to maintain good relations with it and its representatives in the years that followed. The Church thus let itself be instrumentalised for small gains or to push through its “heart topics.”"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"While in the past almost all Nicaraguans had been Catholic, the country’s religious landscape would become more diverse with the passing of time. Nonetheless, Christianity – particularly the Catholic Church – remains deeply rooted in Nicaraguan society. Also, the FSLN’s rank and file are overwhelmingly Christian: more than half are Catholic, while around 40 per cent adhere to the mushrooming evangelical churches. Hence, certain Church representatives speaking out against the regime or aligning themselves with the protests would constitute a major problem for the Ortega-Murillo government."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Church in Turmoil"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Since April 2018, the Catholic Church and its members have taken different roles in the protests and positions towards the government. However, it is necessary to distinguish between the Church hierarchy and its institutions and individual priests. Already in that month, some church leaders would support and protect the protesters ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). Monsignor Báez and Cardinal Leopoldo Brenes immediately called for an end to the violence, while Monsignor Álvarez declared that he would stand by the protesters and their cause. Priest Enrique Martinez Gamboa of Leónhad accompanied the civic protests during Mother’s Day 2018, publicly encouraging those involved and denouncing the state-driven violence (he has been in prison since October 2022). During these events, some churches opened their gates to wounded protesters or relatives of political prisoners on hunger strike. Such public gestures of support bestowed the movement with legitimacy vis-à-vis both the Nicaraguan people and the international community."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The CEN mediated the National Dialogue in 2018 at the request of the Ortega government. However, after the failure of these negotiations the CEN withdrew from the political and public scene and abstained from the National Dialogue of 2019. This stepping back may be explained by fear of repression, with an increase in harassment and threats against clerics – in particular Monsignor Báez, who fled the country."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In the following years, the institutionalised Church remained silent while individual religious leaders continued to speak out against repression and to support the opposition. In August 2022, when repression against its representatives escalated, the CEN and the Vatican found their voice again but remained hesitant in making their declarations. As a consequence, the Church has been sharply criticised by Nicaraguan civil society organisations and human rights activists."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Some individual clerics, in particular Bishop Báez, immediately denounced the arrest of their colleagues and condemned “the acts of the dictatorship” in the strongest possible terms. On the contrary Cardinal Brenes, currently the highest representative of the Catholic Church in Nicaragua, has remained reticent about speaking out. After his encounter with Pope Francis at the Vatican, they jointly declared their hope for a peaceful solution to the situation and announced that dialogue should continue. Recently it became known to the public that the Church and the regime are in conversation, which might be the reasoning behind the chosen stance of Cardinal Brenes and the Pope. The Nicaraguan Human Rights Center strongly denounces that there is dialogue taking place with the regime without the country’s civil society or population knowing about either the fact or the contents of these talks ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":")."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Perspectives and Outlook"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Regime repression shows a horrifying state of affairs to exist. Independent media outlets were besieged, ransacked, and shut down, and their journalists attacked and arrested; in the run-up to the 2021 presidential elections, every potential rival candidate was persecuted; tailor-made laws gave justification to silencing any critical voice emerging in the country. To date, 355 people have been killed (with impunity), there are 220 political prisoners, 3,000 NGOs have closed down, the regime has staged two fraudulent elections, and an estimated 604,485 Nicaraguans have fled the country between 2018 and 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Since 2018, the international community has tried to pressure the regime into abandoning its authoritarian path. The Organization of American States has issued a number of resolutions (the latest were unanimous) condemning the human rights violations and undemocratic conduct of the Ortega-Murillo regime. Various initiatives at negotiation have failed, for instance that by the Civic Alliance in 2019 or by Colombian President Gustavo Petro (himself a former guerrilla member) for the release of 14 political prisoners in 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Additionally, various rounds of sanctions, especially by the US and the EU, have increased the pressure. These measures were mostly targeted against the regime’s inner circle as well as against key industries (e.g. gold mining), with little impact on broader Nicaraguan society. The US has not yet enforced the RENACER Act, which, among other measures, would exclude Nicaragua from the free trade agreement CAFTA."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A negotiated solution to the crisis, ending the repression and freeing the country’s political prisoners, would doubtlessly be the preferable approach. History shows that the Catholic Church might have a role to play in such negotiations even despite recent developments. So far, however, the regime’s actions raise doubts that it is prepared to make any concessions. In this sense, Monsignor Baéz suggested that dialogue with the regime might be of little use as Ortega “does not respect anyone.” One of his latest declarations appear to underline this assumption: Ortega called the Catholic Church a “perfect dictatorship” and Pope Francis the “Holy Tyrant” in reaction to condemnations of his regime style."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Although not closing the door to a negotiated solution is prudent, other factors are ultimately more likely to be successful. One of these is an internal implosion provoked by a combination of keeping the spotlight on the regime’s wrongdoings and more consequent sanctions – the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and the Central American Bank for Economic Integration (CABEI) are still de facto funding the regime – that would deprive the government of the necessary funds to pay their coercive forces. It would also make even loyalists come to doubt the state apparatus and leadership."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Besides that, Nicaraguan society is still deeply divided – not only as a result of developments since the protests of April 2018 but already as a legacy from the Sandinista Revolution and Contra War indeed. The cruelties and injustice of the 1970s and 1980s have never been dealt with, remaining taboo to speak of. The events of 2018 resulted in additional divisions. Thus, a profound process of transitional justice is also necessary.Reconciliation does not mean forgetting like happened after the civil war, but rather coming to terms with events – nurturing remembrance, justice, and the grounds for compromise."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The future of the country can only be shaped by Nicaraguan society itself. Therefore, it is crucial that the Nicaraguan youth – many of whom had mobilised against the regime in 2018 and are now in exile – get a chance to pursue their education and finish their degrees. At this point, European countries should take responsibility and dismantle the bureaucratic barriers preventing Nicaraguan students from entering European universities."}]}]}}}],["3kK9CxFC4448c5vgC7zcpS",{"sys":{"id":"3kK9CxFC4448c5vgC7zcpS","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text GIGA Focus Global_2017_05_1","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Concepts of Peace"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Peace is a complex concept and has a variety of definitions and indicators. A minimum criterion is the absence of war – that is, organised political violence between at least two actors. The current war in Syria has produced more than 400,000 casualties and thus shows how important war termination is or can be for those affected. However, concepts of peace must go beyond such a narrow understanding and take into account other forms of collective violence. Otherwise, countries not at war but with high levels of other forms of violence would formally be at peace. Examples are Myanmar, where the massive displacement of Rohingya is widely regarded as one-sided violence by government forces; Mexico, where organised violence by drug cartels is generally framed as criminal violence; and Burundi, which has seen more than 300,000 people flee since 2015 according to the United Nations High Commissioner on Refugees (UNHCR)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$6c"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Even if we agree that peace is more than the absence of war or other manifestations of violence, the pathway to peace remains long, complicated, and non-linear. This became evident following the Cold War, when international peace-building strategies defined peace as the absence of external and internal war in politically democratic and market-oriented societies; this was known as the liberal peace-building concept. It was based on the experiences of Western developed countries, state centred, and highly normative. There are very serious doubts about whether this can be reproduced in other world regions and whether it can be done in a short period of time. Achieving peace cost Europe many centuries and millions of victims. Today, Europe continues to witness many manifestations of violence (e.g. against women, migrants, and other marginalised groups), and it is far from certain that post–World War II peace is irreversible."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Experiences with the liberal peace-building suggest that there is no shortcut to peace using a Western template. In El Salvador and Guatemala in Central America, Mozambique and Angola in Southern Africa, and Cambodia and Timor Leste in Southeast Asia, the United Nations and other international actors supported liberal peace-building in the early 1990s. Although none of these countries has experienced war recurrence, the data on violence and democratic reforms (state repression, homicide, political and civil rights, the political regime), show that they have only enjoyed mixed success with liberal peace-building (see Table 1)."}],"data":{}}]}}}],["3pSOAyDYKmymZOYrFAxTIE",{"sys":{"id":"3pSOAyDYKmymZOYrFAxTIE","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus LA 2024_02 (Header)","title":"GIGA_Jan24_Rally of the candidate Maria Corina Machado, Venezuelan opposition leader_IMAGO_ZUMA Wire_0391675986","media":{"sys":{"id":"20QyFgJJEh6R8KkvmMsALg","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus LA 2024_02 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/20QyFgJJEh6R8KkvmMsALg/b6e42c738784e2afe99d27d7241eb8fa/Bild_GIGA_Focus_LA_2024_02__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"altText":"Rally of the candidate Maria Corina Machado, Venezuelan opposition leader, at Plaza Francia de Altamira in Caracas, on January 23, 2024."}}],["3rJFzNC0DzbVIBiSvTxnC7",{"sys":{"id":"3rJFzNC0DzbVIBiSvTxnC7","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text GIGA Focus From Ending War to Building Peace – Lessons from Latin America","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"While the recent Taliban takeover in Afghanistan sparked new debate about peacebuilding, Latin American experiences have largely been ignored in such discussions. These could be instructive, particularly in their shortcomings, missed opportunities, and violent backsliding. Colombia five years into the peace agreement and Central America more than 25 years after the end of war hold important lessons."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Policy Implications"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Latin America and other post-war societies tend to receive decreasing international attention after wars have ended and initial post-war elections have taken place. At the same time, there has been a shift in emphasis from peacebuilding to stabilisation at the international level. But peacebuilding requires long-term international support beyond short-term interventions. Latin American experiences show how short-term success can be forfeited through the re-creation of path-dependent developments, which reproduce old problems in new forms. Neither peace nor democracy is feasible without transformative reforms and an inclusive social basis."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"hr","content":[],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"After the end of the Cold War international actors such as the United Nations and the European Union became active supporters of negotiated ways of war termination. Over the last three decades peacebuilding policies have expanded to include democratisation, state-building, and fundamental institutional reforms. The retreat of the international mission from Afghanistan and the return to power of the Taliban raised a set of thorny questions about both the feasibility of external interventions and the international peacebuilding agenda. Although Latin American experiences provide important lessons on shortcomings in international approaches, missed opportunities, and persistently high levels of violence after the end of war, they have been widely neglected in this debate."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Liberal Peace in Central America"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"During the 1980s Central America, like Southern Africa and Southeast Asia, was a global hotspot in the confrontations of the Cold War. Washington, Moscow, and Havana each perceived the civil wars in Nicaragua (since 1977), El Salvador (since 1980), and Guatemala (since 1982) as a battleground to increase or maintain its own influence in the region. When in 1983 Central America came close to a regional war, this danger led to an intensification of the initiatives for mediation and good services that were already underway. Neighbouring countries – Mexico, Panama, Colombia, and Venezuela – established the so-called Contadora Group. While this did not end the internal wars it shifted the focus to their root causes: a lack of political participation, widespread repression by the state security apparatus and aligned paramilitary forces, and high levels of social inequality. On 8 August 1987 the presidents of five Central American countries signed the Arias Peace Plan ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). This opened the door to internal dialogue in Nicaragua and to mediation processes in El Salvador and Guatemala, first led by the Bishop’s Conferences, subsequently taken up by the United Nations."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$6d"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"hr","content":[],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","content":[],"data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"6RqIDPGb4Fcf6e0cuoNAbD","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Tabelle Focus Lateinamerika 2022_01_1","title":"Tabelle Focus Lateinamerika 2022_01_1","media":{"sys":{"id":"27Wr3Ciie0r9r1QhzgGR2g","type":"Asset"},"title":"Tabelle Focus Lateinamerika 2022_01_1","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/27Wr3Ciie0r9r1QhzgGR2g/94732ddee4b7fc8a3cd0a45221ef1f9e/Table1.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}}}}}},{"nodeType":"heading-4","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Table 1. Transitions out of War"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-5","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source"},{"nodeType":"text","value":": Author’s compilation."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"hr","content":[],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$6e"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$6f"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"As this brief overview shows, despite variation, none of the countries has tackled the structural root causes of violent conflict. Democracy manifests mainly in elections, civil liberties are endangered, and the rule of law is in decline (see Figure 1). Poverty and social inequality remain high, and what progress has been achieved in reducing it is being acutely endangered by the COVID-19 pandemic in the form of shrinking economies and rising levels of unemployment, especially for youth and women (Figure 2 and 3)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"hr","content":[],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","content":[],"data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"2uOBAgJ4kDK3l6jPHFxXD1","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik Focus Lateinamerika 2022_01_1","title":"Grafik Focus Lateinamerika 2022_01_1","media":{"sys":{"id":"3RN0d2YArbd7cmJa9bO4FD","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Focus Lateinamerika 2022_01_1","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3RN0d2YArbd7cmJa9bO4FD/3b62db730a79aab52e966fdb28030685/Figure1.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}}}}}},{"nodeType":"heading-4","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Figure 1. Key Democracy Data, 1990–2020"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-5","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source"},{"nodeType":"text","value":": All data in Figure 1 from V-Dem 29 December 2021 (Coppege et al. 2021)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"hr","content":[],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","content":[],"data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"tvdJrltyCBqTIpT9z4wjI","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik Focus Lateinamerika 2022_01_2","title":"Grafik Focus Lateinamerika 2022_01_2","media":{"sys":{"id":"20zobphV5MagpJL6KHXb3s","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Focus Lateinamerika 2022_01_2","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/20zobphV5MagpJL6KHXb3s/e9413b5dc6d00907b3f00c319bf16473/Figure2-PovertyRate.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}}}}}},{"nodeType":"heading-4","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Figure 2. Poverty Rate in Per Cent (USD 5.5 2011 PPP)"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-5","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source"},{"nodeType":"text","value":": "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"hr","content":[],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","content":[],"data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"2mmBlMgjgvFwcD1FBNzmFB","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik Focus Lateinamerika 2022_01_3","title":"Grafik Focus Lateinamerika 2022_01_3","media":{"sys":{"id":"XwZc3Afd4clXX7zHpr7Mp","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Focus Lateinamerika 2022_01_3","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/XwZc3Afd4clXX7zHpr7Mp/9eed4478c21d842c2fb902acbbb8bd2f/Figure3-Gini.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}}}}}},{"nodeType":"heading-4","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Figure 3. Inequality (Gini Index)"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-5","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source"},{"nodeType":"text","value":": "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"hr","content":[],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Colombia’s Entangled Peace Process"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Colombia’s experiences in peacebuilding evince similarities but also important differences vis-à-vis those witnessed in Central America. Like Guatemala and El Salvador, the war between the Colombian government and Latin America’s oldest guerrilla group, the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, FARC), ended with a comprehensive peace agreement following a multi-year negotiation process in Havana. However, differences with Central America can be observed regarding at least four elements:"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Five years after signing the peace agreement, three years into the government of Iván Duque, and almost two years since the pandemic hit, Colombia’s peace is in limbo. The current government of the Centro Democrático led the “no” campaign in the referendum on the peace accord in 2016 but could not overhaul the agreement. Nevertheless, implementation of planned measures significantly slowed. This applies most of all to the provisions regarding the modest agrarian reform and the voluntary eradication of coca crops. The most dramatic development is the increase of violence, with a growing number of assassinations of social leaders, human rights defenders, and ex-FARC combatants in some regions. The unit for the analysis of the Special Jurisdiction of Peace has documented 904 assassinations of social leaders and 292 of former FARC members since the signing of the peace accord ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). The NGO Instituto des Estudios para el Desarrollo y la Paz (Institute of Studies for Development and Peace, INDEPAZ) documents a return to war-time practices with a growing number of massacres – 90, with 320 victims, in 2021 alone (until December 13) ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":")."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$70"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Latin American experiences clearly show that the window of opportunity for profound transformation closes rapidly after the end of war. In Guatemala the lost referendum on constitutional change in 1999 (three years after the signing of a peace agreement) was a turning point. In El Salvador it was the broad amnesty law in 1993 that rendered other reforms impossible. In Colombia the lost referendum in 2016 cast its shadow even before the signing of the revised and final agreement. On the positive side a rights-oriented legal framework and constitution in Colombia seem to be enabling important civil society advocacy that favours change and peace agreement implementation. What does this mean for international peacebuilding agendas?"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"International Actors’ Focus on War Termination"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Since UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali published the Agenda for Peace in 1992, the United Nations and the European Union have actively supported the negotiated termination of many civil wars in the Global South. El Salvador served as a blueprint for the liberal peace paradigm not only in Latin America but also in many other regions such as Southern Africa, Southeast Asia, or the Balkans. Although there have been variations related to the specific local conflicts and contexts, the main assumption was that war termination serves as a first step, and democratisation should follow, as a democratic regime would serve as the main mechanism of conflict transformation. In the ideal case people would vote for parties and representatives according to their interests and needs, and the democratic governments would then pursue policies to transform the underlying grievances and problems."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"However, empirical evidence of this working is scarce in Latin America. According to the sixth regional report on human development in Central America ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"), the region is currently facing its worst economic, political, and social crisis of recent decades. The progress made has been too scattered or too little to overcome the historically engrained problems and reverse the negative developments of recent years. Politics and institutions are part of the problem and not the solution, as surveys on regime preferences and trust in institutions show. While the majority of people in the Central American post-war countries and Colombia still prefer a democratic government, the percentage of respondents that do not care or would rather see an authoritarian government solve their problems has increased; those with little or no trust in the government comprise a majority today ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). This could prove a breeding ground for the reproduction of various forms of violence, exclusion, and emigration."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Similar developments can be observed in other regions. In the Balkans, the Dayton Peace Agreement of 1995 ended the war with a power-sharing agreement. While accommodating the most relevant actors the agreement lacked a transformative perspective and cemented ethnic identities. In a recent report on the peace agreement’s implementation, the international high representative, Christian Schmidt, stated that the country faces “its greatest existential threat of the post-war period” as the Bosnian Serbs strive for independence and Bosniaks and Croats have not been able to agree upon electoral system reforms ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). Mozambique, where armed conflict restarted 20 years after the end of war in 2013, and Northern Ireland, where Brexit gave new importance to the border between the UK and Ireland, are other examples showing the fragility of peace agreements even if war does not resume."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In the face of the evident problems on the ground the United Nations, in a review of international peacebuilding architecture, broadened its agenda from a focus on post-war countries towards sustaining peace and called for an integrated approach “uniting the peace and security, human rights, and development ‘pillars’ of the UN” ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). Similar approaches can be observed at the bilateral level that promote “whole-of-government” or “network” approaches. While this signals some progress, traditional preferences persist on the ground, favouring sequential approaches (stability first) and emphasising military and heavy-footprint interventions. Why is this problematic?"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Academic and political criticism of the liberal peacebuilding approach problematised early on the lack of local ownership in top-down approaches to war termination and in Western blueprints for reform ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). Others provided evidence that peacebuilding can also be a product of military victory and/or illiberal practices (Lewis, Heathershaw, and Megoran 2018). But neither defines what peace means or what the essential, core elements of peace should be."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$71"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Military interventions might be able to end wars but tend to fail in the middle or long term. Afghanistan demonstrates that even war termination might not be viable when armed actors are able to hold on to their power via illegal crops, sympathetic neighbouring countries, and the local population lacking stable livelihoods. A similar argument can be made for repressive security policies prioritising military responses to problems of public security. In the end these policies lead to renewed surges of violence. These strategies have high financial and political costs, as they destroy trust and reproduce grievances."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Peacebuilding Is a Permanent and Long-Term Endeavour"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Peacebuilding efforts need to be context-specific. First, strategies to contain violence need to adjust to realities on the ground. Some actors might be willing to negotiate an end to violent action even if they are classified as “criminal.” El Salvador and Colombia provide evidence for a negotiated reduction of direct physical violence with the criminalised youth gangs and the paramilitaries. These pacts and negotiations have been criticised heavily for their lack of transparency, legitimacy, and accountability for grave human rights violations. This does not invalidate the violence reduction resulting from these attempts but rather advocates taking a broader approach to these negotiations ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). Other actors might not be willing to lay down arms but can be isolated or marginalised by active policies of social control either by the state or by civil society. The variation of violence at the subnational and local level even in extremely violent contexts provides evidence of this. Violence is neither omnipresent nor static but changes according to conditions such as the viability of non-violent livelihoods, social cohesion, and trust in institutions as well as between persons."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Second, peacebuilding depends on the specific political context. Even in a defective democracy civil society and non-violent actors have room for non-armed action and advocacy for change. The possibilities in authoritarian and illiberal contexts differ but even here conflict transformation is necessary. Here, too, peace must go beyond the end of armed conflict. Transitions to a regime providing political participation and citizenship – that is, democracy – may take longer but might also be more sustainable if accomplished without the use of violence ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). It is the political context that structures citizenship and the access to political, social, and economic rights. Elections are important but by themselves may not lead to sustainable conflict transformation, as Central American experiences show."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Third, neither peacebuilding nor democratisation is sustainable without a peace dividend and a solid social foundation. Across the globe, the COVID-19 pandemic brought to the fore the structural inequalities between and within countries. At the end of 2021 the International Crisis Group concluded: “The economic hurt COVID-19 is unleashing could strain some countries to a breaking point. Although it’s a leap from discontent to protest, from protest to crisis, and from crisis to conflict, the pandemic’s worst symptoms may yet lie ahead” ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). Taking these complexities of peacebuilding seriously means that social inclusion must stand at the core of policies for violence prevention and democratic participation. Otherwise, political polarisation will likely lead to further severe democratic backsliding and renewed cycles of violence in Latin America and elsewhere."}],"data":{}}]}}}],["3uZcJrkV1nsz44cnqQRmoD",{"sys":{"id":"3uZcJrkV1nsz44cnqQRmoD","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05_3c","title":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05_3c","altText":"Countries' Positions on the TPNW.","copyright":"Authors’ own representation, based on data from the ICAN, the Freedom House, the World Bank, the Global Fire Power Index.","caption":"Figure 3\nComparative Descriptive Data (Calibrated)\nLegend: Not = Abstainers; Rat = Ratifiers; Sig = Signatories; Sup = Supporters; Bot = Boycotters.","media":{"sys":{"id":"3a9Vfw870FWFNWMkgiNYe7","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05_3c","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3a9Vfw870FWFNWMkgiNYe7/aa8cc3585d0de5d5fc975d040774ee4e/Figure3c.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":746,"height":489}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["3umThXQwWKLmb9iVyChJtE",{"sys":{"id":"3umThXQwWKLmb9iVyChJtE","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05_3b","title":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05_3b","altText":"Countries' Position on the TPNW.","copyright":"Authors’ own representation, based on data from the ICAN, the Freedom House, the World Bank, the Global Fire Power Index.","caption":"Figure 3 \nComparative Descriptive Data (Calibrated) \nLegend: Not = Abstainers; Rat = Ratifiers; Sig = Signatories; Sup = Supporters; Bot = Boycotters.","media":{"sys":{"id":"1fgUYyxFlB8OJ1g7KoK415","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05_3b","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1fgUYyxFlB8OJ1g7KoK415/dbb8f723a4bbbbae04f50e824789c5fd/Figure3b.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":746,"height":489}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["3vfhjsvx4s1Z2eCOFdJZU0",{"sys":{"id":"3vfhjsvx4s1Z2eCOFdJZU0","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2025_04 (Header)","title":"Visual Focus LA 4 25","media":{"sys":{"id":"2Alo7nfr3zDGPTCKiZIy6U","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2025_04 (Header)","description":"","file":"$36:6:1:fields:teaserImage:file"},"altText":"Left: A supporter holds an image depicting Bolivia's presidential candidate PDC, Rodrigo Paz. Right: A supporter of Alianza Libre candidate and former Bolivian President Jorge \"Tuto\" Quiroga wears a cap with pins featuring the candidate's face.","textWrappingAlignment":"Left","textWrappingImageWidth":50,"withZoom":false}}],["3zHw1mLLN0uuitljrpfTvN",{"sys":{"id":"3zHw1mLLN0uuitljrpfTvN","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Global 2020_02_1.Seite","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Am 1. Januar 2019 begann die zweijährige Amtszeit Deutschlands als nichtständiges Mitglied im Sicherheitsrat der Vereinten Nationen. Zu Beginn der zweiten Halbzeit wird in diesem GIGA Focus Bilanz darüber gezogen, was Deutschland bislang erreicht hat. Es werden Herausforderungen aufgezeigt und daraufhin Strategien vorgeschlagen, mit denen Deutschland die Reichweite und Wirkung seiner Arbeit steigern kann."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-3","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Fazit"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Deutschland müsste a) die Werte, die seiner eigenen Außenpolitik zugrunde liegen (sollten), grundsätzlich neu denken und prüfen, wie sich diese mit den Bestrebungen zur Reform des Multilateralismus verbinden lassen, b) ein gewinnendes und nachhaltiges Narrativ für den Multilateralismus entwickeln und c) sich unter Berücksichtigung geoökonomischer Erwägungen mit Ideen für eine grundlegende Reform multilateraler Organisationen auseinandersetzen."}],"data":{}}]}}}],["3zmy7j18yl9WpTxweiAGTf",{"sys":{"id":"3zmy7j18yl9WpTxweiAGTf","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Lateinamerika 2019_01_2","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Während die Zustimmung zum Chavismus schon zu Chávez’ Lebzeiten schwand, verminderte sie sich unter seinem Nachfolger Maduro dramatisch. Francine Jácome (2018: 23) datiert den Wendepunkt für die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit des Chavismus an den Urnen auf 2012/2013: Chávez Tod erforderte Neuwahlen, bei denen Nicolás Maduro offiziellen Ergebnissen zufolge knapp gewann, und bei denen es massive Unregelmäßigkeiten gab. In der Folge dominierten drei Strategien des Machterhalts (Jácome 2018; Mijares 2014):"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"ordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$72"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Zentrale Institutionen der zivilen Konfliktbearbeitung, vor allem die Justiz und die Wahlbehörde, wurden in den vergangenen zehn Jahren derart politisiert, dass sie mittlerweile Teil des Konflikts zwischen Regierung und Opposition sind. Staatliche Repression ersetzt die fehlende Legitimität, und das Militär erhielt die Schlüsselrolle für die weitere Entwicklung. Die aktuelle Krise steuert auf eine Entscheidung zu, wer die Macht im Land behält bzw. erhält. Anfang Januar 2019 wählte die Nationalversammlung Juan Guaidó zu ihrem Präsidenten und erklärte, die Präsidentschaft aufgrund der nicht demokratischen Wahl des Vorjahres für vakant. Am 23. Januar 2019 rief sich Juan Guaidó gemäß Artikel 233 der venezolanischen Verfassung zum Interimspräsidenten aus."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Petropolitik und geostrategische Interessen"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Die Außenpolitik der Regierung Chávez unterstützte die Bestrebungen der regionalen Kooperation lateinamerikanischer und karibischer Staaten ohne die USA nicht nur, sondern trieb sie massiv voran. Höhepunkt war die Gründung der Union Südamerikanischer Staaten (UNASUR) im Jahr 2008. Mit der eskalierenden Krise in Venezuela seit dem Jahr 2014 war die UNASUR allerdings überfordert (Hoffmann, Mijares und Schenoni 2015), intern blockiert und zerfiel im Jahr 2018 schließlich. Ein zweites Element der aktiven Außenpolitik bestand in der Gründung der ALBA (Alianza Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América) 2004. Zunächst nur mit Kuba, schlossen sich in den Folgejahren andere ideologisch gleichgesinnte Staaten wie Nicaragua und Bolivien an. Auch zahlreiche Karibikstaaten nahmen teil und profitierten von der Lieferung günstigen Erdöls (Petrocaribe)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$73"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In den vergangenen Jahren war es vor allem die OAS, die versuchte das Maduro-Regime durch Sanktionen zur Kursänderung zu bewegen. Im Mai 2016 veröffentlichte die OAS (2016) einen umfassenden Bericht, der begründete, warum Caracas gegen die OAS-Demokratiecharta von 2001 verstieß. Im April 2017 berief die Organisation eine Sitzung zur Beratung der Situation in Venezuela ein. Noch vor der Sitzung erklärte Venezuela seinen Austritt, der allerdings erst mit zweijähriger Verzögerung, d.h. im Mai 2019, wirksam werden wird."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Außerhalb der Region haben Russland und China Interesse am Fortbestand des Maduro-Regimes. China dürfte es vor allem um die Rückzahlung von Krediten gehen, während Russland zusätzlich geostrategische Ziele hat. Nach dem Ende des Kalten Krieges spielte Russland in der westlichen Hemisphäre nur noch eine untergeordnete Rolle und hatte – mit Ausnahme Kubas – kaum Verbündete. Mit Chavéz’ „Sozialismus des 21. Jahrhunderts“ und dem stärker werdenden Konflikt mit den USA eröffneten sich hier neue Möglichkeiten. Nicht nur liefert die staatliche russische Rosneft Venezuela Technologie im Erdölsektor, auch die militärische Zusammenarbeit mit Waffenlieferungen, gemeinsamen Militärübungen und russischer Marinepräsenz ist wichtig. Im Fall der Türkei spielt neben ökonomischen Interessen vor allem im Goldbergbau auch die Solidarität der venezolanischen Regierung nach dem Putschversuch im Juli 2016 eine Rolle. Für den Iran ist Venezuela im Konflikt mit den USA ein wichtiger Verbündeter."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Der Konflikt in Venezuela spaltet Lateinamerika: Die Mehrheit der lateinamerikanischen Regierungen erkannte Juan Guaidó an, während Nicaragua, Kuba und Bolivien Maduro unterstützen. Mexiko und Uruguay versuchen sich in der aktuellen Krise nicht klar zu positionieren, um als Vermittler zwischen Opposition und Regierung agieren zu können. Im Falle Mexikos hat dies eine lange Tradition und die Regierung von Andrés Manuel López Obrador (seit 1.12.2018), beruft sich auf die Estrada-Doktrin der Nichteinmischung in interne Angelegenheiten. Der Fall Uruguay ist etwas komplizierter. Hier dürfte eine Rolle spielen, dass sich die Regierung der Frente Amplio von OAS-Generalsekretär Luis Amagro, der aus den eigenen Reihen kommt, absetzen möchte."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Mit der Wahl zahlreicher rechter Regierungen in der Region – vorneweg die rechtspopulistische Regierung Bolsonaro in Brasilien (Flemes 2018) – hoffen diese Kreise, dass der Chavismus Geschichte wird. Das verkennt allerdings, dass die Krise in Venezuela letztendlich die strukturellen Problemlagen und Konflikte in der gesamten Region spiegelt. Zwei Themen stehen dabei im Mittelpunkt:"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Erstens, die extrem große soziale Ungleichheit in allen Ländern der Region, die weder 30 Jahre Demokratie noch sozialistische Politik dauerhaft verändern konnten. Zwar gab es beispielsweise in Brasilien unter der Regierung der Arbeiterpartei Fortschritte bei der Reduzierung der absoluten Armut, die aber vor allem dem Rohstoffboom zu verdanken war. In Zeiten der Wirtschaftskrise zeigt sich überall, wie prekär diese Fortschritte sind."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Zweitens, die Stärkung von Institutionen der zivilen Konfliktbearbeitung, insbesondere eine unabhängige Justiz und die Gültigkeit rechtsstaatlicher Grundsätze für alle, d.h. auch für die politischen, wirtschaftlichen und militärischen Eliten. Linke wie rechte Populisten meinen gleichermaßen, sie stünden über dem Gesetz. Das gilt für Nicolás Maduro genauso wie für Guatemalas Jimmy Morales oder Nicaraguas Daniel Ortega. Dies öffnet der organisierten Kriminalität Tür und Tor, die in vielen Ländern der Region direkt und indirekt mit den Eliten verbündet ist (InSightCrime 2019; Pearce 2018)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Die Bundesregierung und einige andere EU-Staaten (u.a. Spanien, Frankreich und Großbritannien) forderten Nicolás Maduro am 26.1.2019 ultimativ auf, innerhalb von acht Tagen freie und faire Präsidentschaftswahlen auszurufen. Maduro lehnte dies ab und kündigte dagegen an, das Parlament, in dem die Opposition über eine breite Mehrheit verfügt, im Laufe des Jahres neu wählen zu lassen. Die Bundesregierung erkannte daraufhin, wie die anderen am Ultimatum beteiligten EU-Staaten auch, Juan Guaidó am 4.2.2019 als Interimspräsident gemäß Artikel 233 der venezolanischen Verfassung an. Ob weitere Sanktionen folgen, bleibt bisher unklar."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Auswege aus der Krise – Neuwahlen reichen nicht"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Die von der EU und einigen lateinamerikanischen Staaten Ende Januar 2019 gegründete internationale Kontaktgruppe will versuchen, demokratische und friedliche Wege aus der Krise aufzuzeigen. Ob dies Erfolg haben kann, oder von einer Eskalation der Krise überrollt wird, ist gegenwärtig (5.2.2019) offen. Unterschiedliche Szenarien sind vorstellbar, einen Königsweg gibt es nicht und die Entwicklung in Venezuela wird auch jenseits der aktuellen Krise in hohem Maße konfliktbeladen bleiben."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Der für die Menschen in Venezuela sicher schlechteste Weg wäre eine Eskalation der Auseinandersetzung durch massive Repression der Regierung, die in einen internen Krieg mit militärischer Intervention externer Akteure mündet. Daran wären dann nicht nur die staatlichen Sicherheitskräfte (oder zumindest Teile davon), sondern auch zahlreiche andere bewaffnete Akteure beteiligt. Neben dem kolumbianischen ELN (Ejército de Liberación Nacional), das vor allem entlang der gemeinsamen Grenze agiert, sind die von der Regierung Chávez im Jahr 2002 gegründeten Milizen, die sogenannten "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"colectivos"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", ein wichtiger Gewaltakteur, der den Machterhalt des Regimes sichern soll. Auch Gruppen der organisierten Kriminalität, die eng mit dem Militär verbunden sind (InSightCrime 2018), haben ein Interesse am Fortbestand des Regimes. Venezuela ist mittlerweile ein wichtiges Transitland für Drogen aus Kolumbien und im Kontext der wachsenden Flucht aus Venezuela ist auch der Menschenhandel ein lukratives Geschäft geworden."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$74"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$75"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Am 7. Februar 2019 trifft sich die internationale Kontaktgruppe in Montevideo, Uruguay. Verhandlungen zwischen den Lagern scheinen nur noch über die Art des geordneten Übergangs möglich. Denn die Dialoge der vergangenen Jahre nutzte das Regime als taktisches Mittel des Zeitgewinns, ohne Zugeständnisse an die Opposition zu machen. Mit Verweis auf diese Erfahrungen hat Juan Guaidó Verhandlungen mit Maduro abgelehnt. Sowohl Gespräche als auch Neuwahlen sind bestenfalls ein erster Schritt zur Deeskalation. Beides macht nur dann Sinn, wenn grundlegende Fragen geklärt werden. Welches Ziel sollen Gespräche haben? Wer nimmt teil? Wer überwacht die Einhaltung von Vereinbarungen? Auch Neuwahlen sind kompliziert. Wer soll sie angesichts der fehlenden Unabhängigkeit des Wahlrats organisieren? Welches Wahlrecht soll gelten? Wer regiert in der Übergangszeit? Mit welchen Kompetenzen?"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$76"}],"data":{}}]}}}],["401511d9-16d0-4b67-9c77-dafec8a7677c",{"sys":{"id":"401511d9-16d0-4b67-9c77-dafec8a7677c","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Why the Release of Political Prisoners in Nicaragua does not mean the Dictator is Softening his Tone","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/release-political-prisoners-nicaragua-dictator-softening-tone/","dataTeaser":{"date":"03.2023","link":"https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/latamcaribbean/2023/03/16/nicaragua-dictator-is-not-softening-his-tone/","type":"Blogbeitrag","tagline":["Blogbeitrag"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/blog_article","value":"Blogbeitrag"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"After the release of 222 political prisoners in Nicaragua, Désirée Reder contextualises this event in the context of the regime’s repressive path since 2018. ","personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"03.2023","type":"Blogbeitrag","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"März 2023","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/blog_article","value":"Blogbeitrag"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]}],"subtitle":"Blogbeitrag | LSE blog of the London School of Economics and Political Science | 2023","urnLinks":["https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/latamcaribbean/2023/03/16/nicaragua-dictator-is-not-softening-his-tone/"],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2023","publisher":"LSE blog of the London School of Economics and Political Science","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"personNames":["Désirée Reder"],"personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"isForthcoming":false,"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"4TiYr3GoU5cNsVFhbpqRBe","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Feb23 USA Nicaraguan prisoners arrive at Washington RTSG218O Kevin Lamarque1","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4TiYr3GoU5cNsVFhbpqRBe/2fe6ffb417d5ba4758742e4e8e37e9f6/GIGA_Feb23_USA_Nicaraguan_prisoners_arrive_at_Washington_RTSG218O_Kevin_Lamarque1-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1105}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2023-03-16T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["4067dcd6-002b-4340-a397-9c6b0eced2d2",{"sys":{"id":"4067dcd6-002b-4340-a397-9c6b0eced2d2","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Joe Biden and a New Era of Multilateralism","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/joe-biden-und-eine-neue-aera-des-multilateralismus/","dataTeaser":{"date":"5/2021","link":"https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-75137-8","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Global"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["d75d9ee9-0c40-4ecf-a181-f79e57f58b10"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2021 | ISSN: 1862-3581","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"09.2021","dateShort":"2021","links":[{"title":"Text (pdf Deutsch)","url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/28478959/gf_web_global_2021_05_D_Greve.pdf"},{"title":"Text (pdf English)","url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/28478961/gf_web_global_2021_05_E_Greve.pdf"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":[],"personNames":["Hannes Greve"],"dateLong":"September 2021","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Global"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-75133-8","https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-75137-8"],"unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","1b9d3c92-63ad-49fe-bb02-119e2a17eef4"],"seriesNumber":["5"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3581"],"useDynamicPdf":false,"personUuids":["d75d9ee9-0c40-4ecf-a181-f79e57f58b10"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["d75d9ee9-0c40-4ecf-a181-f79e57f58b10"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"4klDkuTXlv0QACBbhjGMqJ","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Global 2021_05 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Global 2021_05 (Header)","altText":"Bildschirmfoto zeigt den amerikanischen Präsidenten Joe Biden","copyright":"imago images/ Xinhua","media":{"sys":{"id":"1bYmmEEOBqK7vyuDMcpLLG","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA_Praesident-Biden_Aug2021_ID-0131458434h_imago-images_Xinhua","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1bYmmEEOBqK7vyuDMcpLLG/da0efdb0e8ff1f575e2649f3e38d5a2f/GIGA_Praesident-Biden_Aug2021_ID-0131458434h_imago-images_Xinhua-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserText":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Mit dem Amtsantritt von Joe Biden reichen die USA ihren traditionellen Partnern erneut die Hand und setzen auf das Konzept des strategischen Wettbewerbs mit Russland und China. Der neue Präsident läutet damit eine neue Ära des Multilateralismus ein, schreibt GIGA-Forscher Hannes Greve im GIGA Focus Global.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"1bYmmEEOBqK7vyuDMcpLLG","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA_Praesident-Biden_Aug2021_ID-0131458434h_imago-images_Xinhua","description":"","file":"$36:235:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Global","date":"2021-09-03T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Joe Biden und eine neue Ära des Multilateralismus"}}],["406f18d9-d0af-4abf-96b0-604f1bbd1732",{"sys":{"id":"406f18d9-d0af-4abf-96b0-604f1bbd1732","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"How El Salvador became the murder capital of the world","dataTeaser":{"date":"05.10.2016","link":"https://theconversation.com/how-el-salvador-became-the-murder-capital-of-the-world-64196","type":"Artikel","tagline":["The Conversation","Artikel"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"05.10.2016","type":"Artikel","links":[{"url":"https://theconversation.com/how-el-salvador-became-the-murder-capital-of-the-world-64196"}],"mediums":["The Conversation"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":[]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Article","date":"2016-10-05T10:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["408f3067-8cf8-4b0b-959f-ddeb9e7a5e9d",{"sys":{"id":"408f3067-8cf8-4b0b-959f-ddeb9e7a5e9d","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Guatemala: A Vote for Turning the Tide","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/guatemala-a-vote-for-turning-the-tide/","dataTeaser":{"date":"1/2024","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfla-24012","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Am 15. Januar 2024 trat Guatemalas Präsident Bernardo Arévalo sein Amt an. Mit ihm steigt die Hoffnung auf demokratische Reformen. Gleichzeitig besteht eine etablierte Elite, die die Unabhängigkeit der Justiz beeinträchtigt – weit über die Wahlen hinaus. Kann Guatemala die Trendwende schaffen?","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab","45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"16PHHdMkqeMIvBR7iH5X84","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2024_01 (Header)","description":"","file":"$36:90:1:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Latin America","date":"2024-02-09T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["411130c6-d150-4be6-b2cf-5b13312afa27",{"sys":{"id":"411130c6-d150-4be6-b2cf-5b13312afa27","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Venezuela: A Revolutionary Petrostate Under Stress","dataTeaser":{"date":"2022","link":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003223351-16","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","tagline":["Kapitel in Sammelband"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"Events since 1999 in Venezuela have drawn international attention to the Bolivarian Revolution. Repression, hyperinflation, economic collapse, authoritarianism, and massive emigration are symptoms of a crisis that became the new normal.","personUuids":["909e47be-8fa6-4db1-a60a-090e80257422"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003223351-16"],"date":"2022","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","isbns":[" 978-1-032-12158-1 ","978-1-032-12156-7","978-1-003-22335-1 "],"links":[],"pages":"223-246","status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"2022","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["909e47be-8fa6-4db1-a60a-090e80257422"]}],"subtitle":"Kapitel in Sammelband | Routledge | 2022","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2022","hostTitle":"Latin American Politics and Development","publisher":"Routledge","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b"],"personNames":["Victor Mijares"],"personUuids":["909e47be-8fa6-4db1-a60a-090e80257422"],"isForthcoming":false,"publicationLocation":"New York","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"d799e849-0eac-4d6d-8ab5-d171721e7124"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions [NON-GIGA]","date":"2022-01-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["41b25e91-115c-49e1-85f1-027acdf20ed6",{"sys":{"id":"41b25e91-115c-49e1-85f1-027acdf20ed6","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"La política de seguridad en El Salvador: la construcción del enemigo y sus efectos en la violencia y el orden social","path":"/de/publikationen/referierte-aufsaetze/politica-seguridad-en-el-salvador-construccion-del-enemigo-sus-efectos-en-violencia-el-orden-social/","dataTeaser":{"date":"07.2020","link":"https://doi.org/10.7440/res73.2020.08","type":"Artikel","tagline":["Revista de Estudios Sociales"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["5cfc68bc-4992-4a45-849f-bbdae6067e4b","4e8fd912-c409-47fc-8495-372f0176e2f7"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Artikel","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"subtitle":"Artikel | 2020","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":["democracy","El Salvador","Gangs","Security discourses","security policies","violence"]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"07.2020","dateShort":"2020","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.7440/res73.2020.08"],"personNames":["Viviana García Pinzón","Erika Rojas Ospina"],"dateLong":"Juli 2020","isbns":[],"journal":"Revista de Estudios Sociales","pages":"96-108","urnLinks":["https://journals.openedition.org/revestudsoc/48313","https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-74413-7"],"volume":"73","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"personUuids":["5cfc68bc-4992-4a45-849f-bbdae6067e4b","4e8fd912-c409-47fc-8495-372f0176e2f7"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["5cfc68bc-4992-4a45-849f-bbdae6067e4b","4e8fd912-c409-47fc-8495-372f0176e2f7"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}],"abstractSnippet":"Despite the end of the civil war and the democratic transition, El Salvador remains one of the most violent countries in the world. Post-war Salvadoran governments have struggled to implement security policies that emphasize repression and heavy-handed measures, despite their inefficiency and the…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"7M8WSm403jHfAd11FfcKPi","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:91:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild referierte Artikel (Banner)","title":"Bild referierte Artikel (Banner)","altText":"Ein Stapel Zeitschriften","copyright":"iStock.com/ pinkomelet","media":{"sys":{"id":"6G3WSuMvJiBw9DHzR12Vu8","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA iStock-831942476 Banner referierte Artikel","file":"$36:91:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"6G3WSuMvJiBw9DHzR12Vu8","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA iStock-831942476 Banner referierte Artikel","file":"$36:91:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Articles","date":"2020-07-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["420fc1f6-1169-43ab-87f6-8a0d0d00682c",{"sys":{"id":"420fc1f6-1169-43ab-87f6-8a0d0d00682c","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Kolumbien: der Kongress und die Friedensverhandlungen","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/kolumbien-der-kongress-und-die-friedensverhandlungen/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"type":"GIGA Focus","date":"6/2014","personUuids":["75fb44fb-52f6-41b3-8c0c-c213c0952a23","ce227682-1f42-4fcf-bbc8-895fedf3c7f6"],"tagline":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-394718"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"2014","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/24454379/web_la_06_2014_0.pdf","title":"Text (pdf Deutsch)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"2014","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["75fb44fb-52f6-41b3-8c0c-c213c0952a23","ce227682-1f42-4fcf-bbc8-895fedf3c7f6"]}],"subtitle":"2014 | ISSN: 1862-3573","urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-394718"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2014","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3573"],"personNames":["Angelika Rettberg","Daniel Quiroga"],"personUuids":["75fb44fb-52f6-41b3-8c0c-c213c0952a23","ce227682-1f42-4fcf-bbc8-895fedf3c7f6"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"seriesNumber":["6"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"Am 7. August 2014 beginnt die zweite Amtszeit des kolumbianischen Präsidenten Juan Manuel Santos, der sich in einer Stichwahl gegen Oscar Iván Zuluaga durchsetzen konnte. Konträre Positionen zu den anstehenden Friedensverhandlungen dominierten den Wahlkampf, vor allem vor der Stichwahl.Die…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"54x5cMQWph1qrHqWks4xkK","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:21:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Grafik Logo Focus Lateinamerika alt","title":"Bild Grafik Logo Focus Lateinamerika alt","altText":"Grafik Logo Focus Lateinamerika alt","copyright":"GIGA","media":{"sys":{"id":"4JdQbyWYynp4Z995GD6CUv","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Logo GIGA_Focus_Lateinamerika","file":"$36:21:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"4JdQbyWYynp4Z995GD6CUv","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Logo GIGA_Focus_Lateinamerika","file":"$36:21:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Latin America","date":"2014-01-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["421406f6-1e52-4022-8fa6-4435941bc951",{"sys":{"id":"421406f6-1e52-4022-8fa6-4435941bc951","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"„The Bigger Picture“: Mali, Dschihadismus und der Rückzug des Westens","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/the-bigger-picture-mali-jihadism-and-the-withdrawl-of-the-west/","dataTeaser":{"date":"3/2022","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfaf-22031","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Ende Mai 2022 läuft das Mandat für den Bundeswehreinsatz in Mali aus. Die Entscheidung über eine Verlängerung sollte vor dem Hintergrund zweier Trends in Afrika getroffen werden: der Ausbreitung dschihadistischer Gewalt und dem wachsenden Einfluss nicht-westlicher externer Mächte.","personUuids":["6a5605cd-d456-430b-9fe8-19714c79a8ab"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfaf-22031"],"date":"04.2022","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"April 2022","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["6a5605cd-d456-430b-9fe8-19714c79a8ab"]}],"subtitle":"2022 | ISSN: 1862-3603","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-80936-1"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2022","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3603"],"personNames":["Matthias Basedau"],"personUuids":["6a5605cd-d456-430b-9fe8-19714c79a8ab"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"seriesNumber":["3"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":true,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","relatedProjectUuids":["c5b0828d-7d0c-478a-bc47-927d5039bded"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"h9nMqjtGCRpGaq5PLQ7B5","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Mali Jan2021 Gourma Barkhane Force Desert FAMa Soldiers 0111165163 Imago Hans Lucas","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/h9nMqjtGCRpGaq5PLQ7B5/cdd6f05b6d162dba6e907b2383e58267/GIGA_Mali_Jan2021_Gourma_Barkhane_Force_Desert_FAMa_Soldiers_0111165163_Imago_Hans_Lucas-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Africa","date":"2022-04-21T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"„The Bigger Picture“: Mali, Dschihadismus und der Rückzug des Westens"}}],["439528df-8281-49fe-9bae-6f2e0f61d70a",{"sys":{"id":"439528df-8281-49fe-9bae-6f2e0f61d70a","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Fresh Wind Out of the South: What to Expect from a Binding Nuclear Ban Treaty","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/frischer-wind-aus-dem-sueden-der-atomwaffenverbotsvertrag-tritt-in-kraft/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"type":"GIGA Focus","date":"5/2020","personUuids":["c2485d83-8c32-4ead-9dd0-da02dcd61426"],"tagline":["GIGA Focus Global"],"link":"https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-70399-7"},"dataDetail":{"abstractSnippet":"Am 75. Jahrestags des Atombombenabwurfs auf Hiroshima und Nagasaki hat ein unbeachtetes Ereignis die internationale Nuklearpolitik erschüttert. Mit seiner 50. Ratifizierung tritt der Atomwaffenverbotsvertrag (TPNW) verbindlich in Kraft. Sowohl die Vor- und Nachteile dieses Vertrages als auch…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"48kdjJTgIo9zcrp6q8FyTk","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05 (Header)","altText":"Eine Frau hält ein Schild mit The Ban is here in die Höhe.","copyright":"ICAN","media":{"sys":{"id":"30WlmNExiQBdAGC3awwS4u","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/30WlmNExiQBdAGC3awwS4u/b45f70a1eba70aa58da26181665fc2a5/GIGA_Anti_Atom_weapons_Ban-is-here__ICAN.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2625,"height":1500}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"30WlmNExiQBdAGC3awwS4u","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05 (Header)","file":"$36:242:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Global","date":"2020-11-06T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Frischer Wind aus dem Süden: Der Atomwaffenverbotsvertrag tritt in Kraft"}}],["43cbc304-7f61-4652-8c22-f9ac71bcb0b3",{"sys":{"id":"43cbc304-7f61-4652-8c22-f9ac71bcb0b3","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Easier In Than Out: The Protracted Process of Ending Sanctions","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/einfacher-verhaengen-aufzuheben-langwierige-beendigung-sanktionen/","dataTeaser":{"date":"5/2019","link":"https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-65205-3","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Global"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["5c705718-e96f-4625-8045-c056da9c93ac","015cd579-8327-4400-8f6e-b32a0eeebe57"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"10.2019","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21579623/gf_global_1905_en.pdf","title":"Text (PDF-English)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Oktober 2019","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["5c705718-e96f-4625-8045-c056da9c93ac","015cd579-8327-4400-8f6e-b32a0eeebe57"]}],"subtitle":"2019 | ISSN: 1862-3581","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-65205-3"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2019","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b","df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3581"],"personNames":["Julia Grauvogel","Hana Attia"],"personUuids":["5c705718-e96f-4625-8045-c056da9c93ac","015cd579-8327-4400-8f6e-b32a0eeebe57"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Global"],"seriesNumber":["5"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","relatedProjectUuids":["6f572d0a-5174-4395-b215-5e060e4192f8"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"3qupLsS5hqGga8JZFzjRdl","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Global 2019_05 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Global 2019_05 (Header)","altText":"Verhandlungen über die Verhängung von Sanktionen im Iran.","copyright":"Reuters / Leonhard Foeger","media":{"sys":{"id":"3Dclf81RhwT2caalXhzuZY","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Global 2019_05 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3Dclf81RhwT2caalXhzuZY/49f605c4a208f97bc46dc754d69ca593/GIGASanktionen_Iran_Verhandlungen_REUTERS_Leonhard_Foeger_Juli2015_RTX1K9XC.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2625,"height":1500}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserText":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Seit dem Ende des Kalten Krieges ist nicht nur die Verhängung, sondern auch die Aufhebung von Sanktionen zu einem allgegenwärtigen Phänomen in der internationalen Politik avanciert. Dieser GIGA Focus Global diskutiert die langwierige Beendigung von Sanktionen. ","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3Dclf81RhwT2caalXhzuZY","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Global 2019_05 (Header)","file":"$36:243:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Global","date":"2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Einfacher zu verhängen als aufzuheben: Die langwierige Beendigung von Sanktionen"}}],["4475d5db-8002-4265-abdd-6210eed37286",{"sys":{"id":"4475d5db-8002-4265-abdd-6210eed37286","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"El duro golpe de Estados Unidos al oro nicaragüense","dataTeaser":{"date":"28.10.2022","link":"https://p.dw.com/p/4IoI0","type":"Zitat","tagline":["Deutsche Welle","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Tras las nuevas sanciones a la industria del oro del país centroamericano, Nicaragua se enfrenta a un complejo escenario económico. Asimismo, se prevé que las restricciones al régimen de Daniel Ortega sigan en aumento.

","personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"CLIPPING","type":"Zitat","pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":["sanctions","repression","authoritarianism","protest","human rights"]},"expertUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"links":[{"url":"https://p.dw.com/p/4IoI0"}],"date":"28.10.2022","mediums":["Deutsche Welle"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"6oGgExMBaDuHmvQqhOibRa","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Lateinamerika Januar2018 Goldbarren iStock-912000338 brightstars","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/6oGgExMBaDuHmvQqhOibRa/0821c436f7179a8a74433ebf36957995/GIGA_Lateinamerika_Januar2018_Goldbarren_iStock-912000338_brightstars.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2022-10-28T12:00:00.000Z"}}],["44add4d8-1ff5-403c-94c9-db1c5c8baf88",{"sys":{"id":"44add4d8-1ff5-403c-94c9-db1c5c8baf88","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Taiwan’s New President: Priorities and Challenges","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/taiwan-s-new-president-priorities-and-challenges/","dataTeaser":{"date":"4/2024","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-24042","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Taiwans neuer Präsident William Lai hat versprochen, einen stabilen Kurs in der Innen-, China- und Außenpolitik zu verfolgen. Dieser GIGA Focus Asien bewertet die Herausforderungen, die sich dafür aus einer gespaltenen Regierung, dem Druck Chinas und einer unsicheren globalen Lage ergeben.","personUuids":["716069c5-8f61-49b7-b745-a3625f62f5b5","c50c1ab6-e838-436e-b828-518b56e00f92","60e0712d-2eb4-4fe6-857d-f953759614a6"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2024 | ISSN: 1862-359X","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"05.2024","dateShort":"2024","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-24042"],"personNames":["Adhiraaj Anand","Mahima Duggal","David Kuehn"],"dateLong":"Mai 2024","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":[],"unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","920d7f1c-74c0-49d5-8839-00b833e607c5","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesNumber":["4"],"seriesIssn":["1862-359X"],"useDynamicPdf":true,"personUuids":["716069c5-8f61-49b7-b745-a3625f62f5b5","c50c1ab6-e838-436e-b828-518b56e00f92","60e0712d-2eb4-4fe6-857d-f953759614a6"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["716069c5-8f61-49b7-b745-a3625f62f5b5","c50c1ab6-e838-436e-b828-518b56e00f92","60e0712d-2eb4-4fe6-857d-f953759614a6"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"40u4t0ortu293qMOKAiY9c","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2024_04 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/40u4t0ortu293qMOKAiY9c/e3b3c188bfe810d1e815ba3c3658b9eb/GIGA_Mai20_Taiwan-s_new_president_Lai_Ching-te-s_inauguration_ceremony_at_the_Presidential_office_building_in_Taipei_Reuters.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Asia","date":"2024-05-28T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["45c30975-5592-4139-a703-b89cd5af21ca",{"sys":{"id":"45c30975-5592-4139-a703-b89cd5af21ca","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"When Repression Backfires: The Management of Political Costs in Nicaragua","dataTeaser":{"date":"18.06.2021","link":"https://research.uni-leipzig.de/~celle/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/2021-6-17-19-Transitions_-Schedule-AC.pdf","type":"Konferenz","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/paper_presentation","value":"Paperpräsentation"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"},"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"Transiciones en Latinoamérica. Disrupciones de las democracias latinoamericanas","personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"referencedEventUuid":"1848045c-c6b9-44f7-8fbb-5cf622508e88"},"dataDetail":{"date":"18.06.2021","type":"Konferenz","links":[{"url":"https://research.uni-leipzig.de/~celle/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/2021-6-17-19-Transitions_-Schedule-AC.pdf"}],"pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/paper_presentation","value":"Paperpräsentation"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"},"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"Transiciones en Latinoamérica. Disrupciones de las democracias latinoamericanas","expertUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"personNames":["Désirée Reder"],"referencedEventUuid":"1848045c-c6b9-44f7-8fbb-5cf622508e88"},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2021-06-18T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["45f9d1b1-eda0-45f9-9b61-d44ecf2e1a11",{"sys":{"id":"45f9d1b1-eda0-45f9-9b61-d44ecf2e1a11","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"ISP Network Conference","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/attendance/participating","value":"Beteiligung"},"type":"Konferenz","eventName":"ISP Network Conference","date":"06.09.2012 - 07.09.2012","link":"https://www.giga-hamburg.de/de/veranstaltungen/11292347-isp-network-conference/","personUuids":["6a5605cd-d456-430b-9fe8-19714c79a8ab","cb4cdf04-08ca-430b-9337-84f2cd467ea6","63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["6a5605cd-d456-430b-9fe8-19714c79a8ab","cb4cdf04-08ca-430b-9337-84f2cd467ea6","63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"role":{"key":"panelist","value":"Panelbeitragende:r"}}],"referencedEventUuid":"ea1d6b27-f48a-421e-8986-e952aa7738e9","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"Institutions for Sustainable Peace. From Research Gaps to New Frontiers"}},"dataDetail":{"date":"06.09.2012 - 07.09.2012","type":"Konferenz","links":[{"url":"https://www.giga-hamburg.de/de/veranstaltungen/11292347-isp-network-conference/"}],"pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/attendance/participating","value":"Beteiligung"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"panelist","value":"Panelbeitragende:r"},"uuids":["6a5605cd-d456-430b-9fe8-19714c79a8ab","cb4cdf04-08ca-430b-9337-84f2cd467ea6","63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"ISP Network Conference","expertUuids":["6a5605cd-d456-430b-9fe8-19714c79a8ab","cb4cdf04-08ca-430b-9337-84f2cd467ea6","63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"personNames":["Matthias Basedau","Andreas Mehler","Nadine Ansorg","Julia Strasheim","Sabine Kurtenbach"],"referencedEventUuid":"ea1d6b27-f48a-421e-8986-e952aa7738e9"},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2012-09-06T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["45oTEn3pPGoU7X9xt3TYkC",{"sys":{"id":"45oTEn3pPGoU7X9xt3TYkC","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur Focus Lateinamerika 2019_07","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"headline":"Literatur","contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":""}],"data":{}}]}}}],["463d3ce7-5024-46a4-b748-8eddacf70991",{"sys":{"id":"463d3ce7-5024-46a4-b748-8eddacf70991","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Acht Kinder an den Schalthebeln der Macht","dataTeaser":{"date":"23.07.2021","link":"https://www.welt.de/politik/ausland/article232671925/Nicaragua-der-Selbstbedienungsladen-der-Praesidenten-Clique.html","type":"Zitat","tagline":["Welt am Sonntag","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"23.07.2021","type":"Zitat","links":[{"url":"https://www.welt.de/politik/ausland/article232671925/Nicaragua-der-Selbstbedienungsladen-der-Praesidenten-Clique.html"}],"mediums":["Welt am Sonntag"],"keywords":{"free":["Nicaragua","repression","Cuba","state violence","Protest"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2021-07-23T12:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["4704ff70-ed2a-4a03-8ad9-ee53b5854e15",{"sys":{"id":"4704ff70-ed2a-4a03-8ad9-ee53b5854e15","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"(K)eine freie Wahl? - Nicaragua vor den Präsidentschaftswahlen","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/consultancy/talk_or_presentation_at_knowledge_transfer_event","value":"Vortrag oder Präsentation auf einer Veranstaltung zur Wissensvermittlung"},"date":"21.10.2021","link":"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0CcsKhCGVoo","personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"role":{"key":"consultant","value":"Berater:in"}}],"externalOrganisationUuid":"520ccdbe-bf87-4e10-be01-6190a810adf6","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"Am 7. November 2021 finden die Präsidentschaftswahlen in Nicaragua statt. Der Amtsinhaber Daniel Ortega stellt sich dabei nicht nur selbst zum dritten Mal zu Wiederwahl. Für das Vizepräsidentenamt kandidiert auch wieder die derzeitige Vizepräsidentin - Ortegas Frau. Die internationale Staatengemeinschaft blickt nicht nur deshalb mit Sorge auf die Wahlen in diesem mittelamerikanischen Land zwischen Atlantik, Pazifik, Honduras und Costa Rica. Mit Hilfe von Parlament und Sicherheitsbehörden ließen Ortega und seine Partei FNSL zahlreiche potenzielle Präsidentschaftskandidaten festnehmen und gehen auch ansonsten mit harter Hand gegen die Opposition vor. Wie ist also die Lage im Land? Welche Rolle spielt Ortegas Gegenkandidat Oscar Sobalvarro? Und was bedeuten die Wahlen für die Region? Darüber spricht Christoph Giesa mit Desirée Reder vom Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien (GIGA) und Elisabeth Maigler Kluesserath, Projektleiterin Zentralamerika der Friedrich-Naumann-Stiftung."}},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/consultancy/talk_or_presentation_at_knowledge_transfer_event","value":"Vortrag oder Präsentation auf einer Veranstaltung zur Wissensvermittlung"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":["Nicaragua","Wahlen","Repression","Demokratie","democracy","Nicaragua","elections","democratic erosion","repression","state violence"]},"expertUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"externalOrganisationUuid":"520ccdbe-bf87-4e10-be01-6190a810adf6","date":"21.10.2021","links":[{"url":"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0CcsKhCGVoo"}],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"role":{"key":"consultant","value":"Berater:in"}}],"personNames":["Désirée Reder"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Knowledge Transfer","date":"2021-10-21T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["4718d6a0-5d01-45c0-a11a-26d6175efac1",{"sys":{"id":"4718d6a0-5d01-45c0-a11a-26d6175efac1","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Lateinamerika: Neustart in der Drogenpolitik?","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/lateinamerika-neustart-in-der-drogenpolitik/","dataTeaser":{"date":"8/2014","link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-400857","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"10.2014","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/24454446/gf_lateinamerika_1408.pdf","title":"Text (pdf Deutsch)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Oktober 2014","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]}],"subtitle":"2014 | ISSN: 1862-3573","urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-400857"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2014","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3573"],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach"],"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"seriesNumber":["8"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"Gibt es eine Kehrtwende im \"Krieg gegen die Drogen\"? Statt Repression sollen künftig Prävention und staatlich kontrollierter Handel im Vordergrund stehen. Die Organisation Amerikanischer Staaten (OAS) diskutierte auf ihrer außerordentlichen Generalversammlung in Guatemala-Stadt am 19. September 2014…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"54x5cMQWph1qrHqWks4xkK","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:21:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Grafik Logo Focus Lateinamerika alt","title":"Bild Grafik Logo Focus Lateinamerika alt","altText":"Grafik Logo Focus Lateinamerika alt","copyright":"GIGA","media":{"sys":{"id":"4JdQbyWYynp4Z995GD6CUv","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Logo GIGA_Focus_Lateinamerika","file":"$36:21:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"4JdQbyWYynp4Z995GD6CUv","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Logo GIGA_Focus_Lateinamerika","file":"$36:21:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Latin America","date":"2014-10-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["4741c187-225d-4f25-8da1-7b632a9aea6f",{"sys":{"id":"4741c187-225d-4f25-8da1-7b632a9aea6f","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Frieden - universelles Ziel, empirische Vielfalt","dataTeaser":{"date":"17.01.2019","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/invited_talk","value":"Geladener Gastvortrag"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"Im Schatten des Krieges - Wie gewaltsame Konflikte Gesellschaften verändern "},"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"externalOrganisationUuid":"44a0d733-87dd-4239-a067-e1486d95e66c"},"dataDetail":{"date":"17.01.2019","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/invited_talk","value":"Geladener Gastvortrag"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach"],"externalOrganisationUuid":"44a0d733-87dd-4239-a067-e1486d95e66c"},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2019-01-17T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["477b38a4-265f-4f39-b72c-a4554526db08",{"sys":{"id":"477b38a4-265f-4f39-b72c-a4554526db08","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Bangladesh’s Democratic Transition: Revolution and Its Discontents","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/bangladesh-s-democratic-transition-revolution-and-its-discontents/","dataTeaser":{"date":"4/2025","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-25042","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Zehn Monate nach dem Sturz von Sheikh Hasina drängt die Zeit für die Übergangsregierung von Bangladesch wichtige Reformen vor den für Juni 2026 anberaumten Wahlen durchzuführen. Der intensive Wettbewerb zwischen den Akteuren droht die für den demokratischen Übergang erforderlichen Veränderungen zu behindern. ","personUuids":["ef3c3c21-69a6-4b6d-b413-0d63ca0f24af"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-25042"],"date":"06.2025","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Juni 2025","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["ef3c3c21-69a6-4b6d-b413-0d63ca0f24af"]}],"subtitle":"2025 | ISSN: 1862-359X","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2025","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e"],"seriesIssn":["1862-359X"],"personNames":["Ishrat Hossain"],"personUuids":["ef3c3c21-69a6-4b6d-b413-0d63ca0f24af"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"seriesNumber":["4"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":true,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"1VLusoRvB671YhjpdnAEIs","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Bangladesh’s Democratic Transition: Revolution and Its Discontents","title":"Bangladesh’s Democratic Transition: Revolution and Its Discontents","media":{"sys":{"id":"3NShZBWtGCmxQQQvOvqWZk","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Bangladeshi interim government-s Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus pa 528774680","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3NShZBWtGCmxQQQvOvqWZk/c74d24497eece41eb2a4b9c58d4973e7/GIGA_Bangladeshi_interim_government-s_Chief_Adviser_Muhammad_Yunus_pa_528774680.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"textWrappingAlignment":"Left","textWrappingImageWidth":50,"withZoom":false}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3NShZBWtGCmxQQQvOvqWZk","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Bangladeshi interim government-s Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus pa 528774680","description":"","file":"$36:253:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Asia","date":"2025-06-18T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["47dc4666-7641-4514-8199-9aeb69640aed",{"sys":{"id":"47dc4666-7641-4514-8199-9aeb69640aed","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Paradox of Autonomy: Explaining Flaws in South American Security Regionalism ","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/paradox-autonomy-explaining-flaws-south-american-security-regionalism/","dataTeaser":{"date":"04.2020","link":"https://doi.org/10.5752/P.2317-773X.2020v8n1p89-106","type":"Artikel","tagline":["Estudos Internacionais"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["909e47be-8fa6-4db1-a60a-090e80257422"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Artikel","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"subtitle":"Artikel | 2020","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"04.2020","dateShort":"2020","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.5752/P.2317-773X.2020v8n1p89-106"],"personNames":["Víctor M. Mijares"],"dateLong":"April 2020","isbns":[],"issueNumber":"1","journal":"Estudos Internacionais","pages":"89-106","urnLinks":[],"volume":"8","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"personUuids":["909e47be-8fa6-4db1-a60a-090e80257422"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["909e47be-8fa6-4db1-a60a-090e80257422"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"7EL3PR1atPREGQCIAPrxYN","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:13:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Contributions","title":"Bild Contributions","media":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"},"altText":"Foto von Rand offener Buchseiten","copyright":"istock / FactoryTh"}}],"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2020-04-24T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["4815c2ed-4fa0-46b6-8abe-b50d3e23139d",{"sys":{"id":"4815c2ed-4fa0-46b6-8abe-b50d3e23139d","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"United States–China Decoupling: Time for European Tech Sovereignty","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/entflechtung-us-china-beziehungen-europa-braucht-technologische-souveraenitaet/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"type":"GIGA Focus","date":"7/2020","personUuids":["397122e7-a9be-4476-aeb3-3e7180ac77d5","cd0600bc-379d-42e5-857e-5e39793d847a"],"tagline":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"link":"https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-71026-4"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"12.2020","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/22520689/gf_asien_2007_en.pdf","title":"gf_asien_2007_en"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Dezember 2020","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["397122e7-a9be-4476-aeb3-3e7180ac77d5","cd0600bc-379d-42e5-857e-5e39793d847a"]}],"subtitle":"2020 | ISSN: 1862-359X","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-71026-4"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2020","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","1b9d3c92-63ad-49fe-bb02-119e2a17eef4"],"seriesIssn":["1862-359X"],"personNames":["Margot Schüller","Yun Schüler-Zhou"],"personUuids":["397122e7-a9be-4476-aeb3-3e7180ac77d5","cd0600bc-379d-42e5-857e-5e39793d847a"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"seriesNumber":["7"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"Chinas Aufstieg als globale Technologiemacht fordert die Vormachtstellung der USA auf vielfältige Weise heraus. War die Beziehung zwischen den beiden Mächten seit Längerem wechselhaft, setzte sich seit dem Jahr 2017 eine konfrontative Haltung der USA gegenüber China durch. Auch unter der…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"6jQManuGvYnjJle8S6xXc7","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Asien_2020_07 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Asien_2020_07 (Header)","altText":"Heads USA and China strike against each other","copyright":"iStock.com / Just_Super ","media":{"sys":{"id":"5I92oYUexrS08B931Pm6Ab","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Asien_2020_07","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5I92oYUexrS08B931Pm6Ab/21ac08537b48faf392bd9bb2bee9237e/GIGA_iStock-1191165994_zersplitterte_Koepfe_USA-China_Just_Super-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"5I92oYUexrS08B931Pm6Ab","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Asien_2020_07","file":"$36:255:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Asia","date":"2020-12-16T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Entflechtung der US-China-Beziehungen: Europa braucht technologische Souveränität "}}],["4824f091-ef29-465c-91d4-bd39ed0634c9",{"sys":{"id":"4824f091-ef29-465c-91d4-bd39ed0634c9","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"The \"Victor’s Peace\" in Syria and the Limits of Multilateral Policies","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/der-siegfrieden-in-syrien-und-die-grenzen-multilateraler-politik/","dataTeaser":{"date":"7/2019","link":"https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-65850-1","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Zum Jahresende 2019 kontrolliert das Regime unter Präsident Bashar al-Assad zusammen mit Russland und Iran fast drei Viertel des syrischen Staatsgebietes. Trotz andauernder Kämpfe um die letzte Rebellenhochburg Idlib sowie der fragmentierten Gebietskontrolle im Nordosten ist der Krieg in Syrien militärisch entschieden.","personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"12.2019","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21579728/gf_nahost_1907_en.pdf","title":"Text (PDF-English)"},{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21579730/gf_nahost_1907.pdf","title":"Text (PDF-Deutsch)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Dezember 2019","keywords":{"free":["Syria"],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/mena/Syria","title":"Syrien"}]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"]}],"subtitle":"2019 | ISSN: 1862-3611","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-65850-1"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2019","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3611"],"personNames":["André Bank"],"personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"seriesNumber":["7"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"vhr7q0MxrzLxa6fcSYLJb","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Nahost 2019_07 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Nahost 2019_07 (Header)","altText":"Palästinensisches Camp in Syrien","copyright":"Reuters / Omar Sanadiki","media":{"sys":{"id":"7jD5jf36kPNBO6Vm76UIka","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Nahost 2019_07 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/7jD5jf36kPNBO6Vm76UIka/dc808c6d683640b3c4e005177b2d8e71/Bild_Focus_Nahost_2019_07__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1143}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"7jD5jf36kPNBO6Vm76UIka","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Nahost 2019_07 (Header)","file":"$36:256:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Middle East","date":"2019-12-01T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Der „Siegfrieden“ in Syrien und die Grenzen multilateraler Politik"}}],["486f6769-788b-4465-8c8f-cb9477f0dba5",{"sys":{"id":"486f6769-788b-4465-8c8f-cb9477f0dba5","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Sustaining Civic Space in Times of COVID-19: Global Trends","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-working-papers/sustaining-civic-space-in-times-of-covid-19-global-trends-2022/","dataTeaser":{"date":"09.2022","link":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/32423433/GIGA_WP_332.pdf","type":"GIGA Working Papers","tagline":["GIGA Working Papers"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/giga_working_paper","value":"GIGA Working Papers"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"Welchen Einfluss hatte COVID-19 auf zivilgesellschaftliche Handlungsspielräume? Entgegen gängiger Annahmen zeigt unsere Betrachtung von fünf Weltregionen im Globalen Süden und Nicht-OECD-Staaten in Europa und im Kaukasus, dass zivilgesellschaftliche Akteure ihre Handlungsspielräume oft erhalten konnten.","personUuids":["ab6b49a2-1a74-44db-9657-5bba2e123a69","3f269388-06a2-4fba-a895-7e9ae853c6a4","f148dbf1-d542-43bb-afb6-3f7a324ebae8"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"09.2022","type":"GIGA Working Papers","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/32423433/GIGA_WP_332.pdf","title":"GIGA WP 332"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"September 2022","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/giga_working_paper","value":"GIGA Working Papers"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["ab6b49a2-1a74-44db-9657-5bba2e123a69","3f269388-06a2-4fba-a895-7e9ae853c6a4","f148dbf1-d542-43bb-afb6-3f7a324ebae8"]}],"subtitle":"GIGA Working Papers | German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) | 2022","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2022","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e"],"seriesIssn":[],"personNames":["Jasmin Lorch","Monika Onken","Janjira Sombatpoonsiri"],"personUuids":["ab6b49a2-1a74-44db-9657-5bba2e123a69","3f269388-06a2-4fba-a895-7e9ae853c6a4","f148dbf1-d542-43bb-afb6-3f7a324ebae8"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Working Papers"],"seriesNumber":["332"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"numberOfPages":55,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","relatedProjectUuids":["d20254bd-e1b3-4edd-a964-59d93b2ca42f"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"2O9Rnyv3jarM6YzkFO0ToK","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA WP 332 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2O9Rnyv3jarM6YzkFO0ToK/7a37cb9fb39c679568acf8202ef5cb7b/Bild_GIGA_WP_332__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Working Papers","date":"2022-09-08T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["48dJDxXPrwRcvaEa4EPvbd",{"sys":{"id":"48dJDxXPrwRcvaEa4EPvbd","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Logo Projekte London School of Economics and Political Science LSE weißraum","title":"Logo Projekte London School of Economics and Political Science LSE weißraum","media":{"sys":{"id":"1DBAJmcQLZtCQ5tRSw6gV7","type":"Asset"},"title":"London school of economics logo with name.svg","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1DBAJmcQLZtCQ5tRSw6gV7/f1807c6c5d6a8eab09c15fcb169ba1f4/London_school_of_economics_logo_with_name.svg.png","details":{"image":{"width":2560,"height":912}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"textWrappingAlignment":"Left","textWrappingImageWidth":50,"linkUrl":"https://www.lse.ac.uk/","withZoom":false}}],["48kdjJTgIo9zcrp6q8FyTk",{"sys":{"id":"48kdjJTgIo9zcrp6q8FyTk","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:242:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05 (Header)","altText":"Eine Frau hält ein Schild mit The Ban is here in die Höhe.","copyright":"ICAN","media":{"sys":{"id":"30WlmNExiQBdAGC3awwS4u","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05 (Header)","file":"$36:242:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],["49158b61-ae33-4795-be98-cc9072a64bed",{"sys":{"id":"49158b61-ae33-4795-be98-cc9072a64bed","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Conditions for Democratic Transitions: Venezuela’s 2024 Elections","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/conditions-for-democratic-transitions-venezuela-s-2024-elections/","dataTeaser":{"date":"2/2024","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfla-24022","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Die Einheit der Opposition unter Maria Corina Machado stellt eine unbekannte Herausforderung für das Regime von Nicolas Maduro dar. Um Kandidaten auszuschließen und die Opposition zu spalten, instrumentalisiert das Regime die Justiz und verfolgt politische Gegner. Freie und faire Wahlen sind unwahrscheinlich.","personUuids":["cc484da1-5bb3-4d59-97e6-d26c0cc3f51e"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2024 | ISSN: 1862-3573","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"04.2024","dateShort":"2024","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfla-24022"],"personNames":["Jesus Renzullo"],"dateLong":"April 2024","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":[],"unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesNumber":["2"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3573"],"useDynamicPdf":true,"personUuids":["cc484da1-5bb3-4d59-97e6-d26c0cc3f51e"],"relatedProjectUuids":["ecd841c7-280a-4957-a5d8-3f6e23814b11","1f7d13d6-b4c9-4681-a079-a724a9726f0e","6292f9c3-08b9-4377-8a59-6653742b22a7"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["cc484da1-5bb3-4d59-97e6-d26c0cc3f51e"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"20QyFgJJEh6R8KkvmMsALg","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus LA 2024_02 (Header)","description":"","file":"$36:227:1:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Latin America","date":"2024-04-05T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["491c95a0-cdae-412b-9c69-9795e7a3e527",{"sys":{"id":"491c95a0-cdae-412b-9c69-9795e7a3e527","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Government Changeover without a Majority – Latin American Presidents’ Executive Strategies","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/politikwechsel-mehrheit-strategischen-optionen-lateinamerikanischer-praesidenten/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"type":"GIGA Focus","date":"4/2017","personUuids":["5c038f0f-efcf-40a3-9fb3-ddb12e3deda4","382d31b0-c326-4b9d-9487-73012fba911d"],"tagline":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-52468-8"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"07.2017","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21685903/web_LA_04_2017.pdf","title":"Text (PDF-English)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Juli 2017","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["5c038f0f-efcf-40a3-9fb3-ddb12e3deda4","382d31b0-c326-4b9d-9487-73012fba911d"]}],"subtitle":"2017 | ISSN: 1862-3573","urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-52468-8"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2017","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3573"],"personNames":["Mariana Llanos","Magna Inácio"],"personUuids":["5c038f0f-efcf-40a3-9fb3-ddb12e3deda4","382d31b0-c326-4b9d-9487-73012fba911d"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"seriesNumber":["4"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","relatedProjectUuids":["fafc0db9-ba4c-49d9-b015-2e28f0b7b73e"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"Die kürzlich ins Amt gekommenen Präsidenten Argentiniens, Brasiliens und Perus versuchen Regierungsprogramme umzusetzen, die im Vergleich zu denen der Vorgängerregierungen einen Politikwechsel bedeuten. Dabei sind sie mit politischen und sozialen Widerständen konfrontiert. Geeignete Instrumente, um…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"3oT626bC2CULTGsjny4E85","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2017_04 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2017_04 (Header)","altText":"Der argentinische Präsident Macri mit Teilen seines Kabinetts.","copyright":"Reuters / Enrique Marcarian","media":{"sys":{"id":"1B6U2kqkY6SCqYvu5BcYvZ","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2017_04 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1B6U2kqkY6SCqYvu5BcYvZ/a2ba1bb2aeebdcddda4484d3fc40a174/Bild_Focus_Lateinamerika_2017_04__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1143}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"1B6U2kqkY6SCqYvu5BcYvZ","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2017_04 (Header)","file":"$36:261:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Latin America","date":"2017-07-01T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Politikwechsel ohne Mehrheit – die strategischen Optionen lateinamerikanischer Präsidenten"}}],["494809db-a774-4d98-9e80-08ab25e64901",{"sys":{"id":"494809db-a774-4d98-9e80-08ab25e64901","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Envisioning Peace | Transforming Conflict","path":"/de/forschung-und-transfer/projekte/envisioning-peace-transforming-conflict/","dataTeaser":{"date":"01.01.2016 - 01.12.2019","type":"Forschung","pureType":{"key":"upmproject/upmprojecttypes/upmproject/research","value":"Forschung"},"blueprint":"PROJECT","teaserText":"Peace and conflict transformation are core topics in the social sciences and humanities. At the same time, theories, methods and data are shaped to an overwhelming degree by the experience of Western industrial democracies or the ‘objects’ of their intervention. This project provides a change in perspective by including the multifaceted experiences of the Global South and applying a global approach to peace.
GIGA, LSE, CCDP, University of Marburg, 2016-2019","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849","5cfc68bc-4992-4a45-849f-bbdae6067e4b","fc9dbd6a-712b-4a95-befa-cfb67416239f","dd55a57c-ba24-4028-957c-cf16ff86cac7","877735fb-8f08-4c06-9542-32dec36debcb","412bf4b1-8d50-48bd-842c-3c4490e7e207","bf2d8da9-f4ce-4ff8-a1e1-8b34d6061e86","cf5a01c2-ec91-43be-9ebf-15e83dcffae8","bf1b8e5e-a9e4-4756-acf4-d4e55adfd740","bd06fd0a-9cac-43b4-9415-99c49993dea7"]},"dataDetail":{"type":"Forschung","period":"01.01.2016 - 01.12.2019","pureType":{"key":"upmproject/upmprojecttypes/upmproject/research","value":"Forschung"},"blueprint":"PROJECT","headUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"teamUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849","5cfc68bc-4992-4a45-849f-bbdae6067e4b","fc9dbd6a-712b-4a95-befa-cfb67416239f","dd55a57c-ba24-4028-957c-cf16ff86cac7","877735fb-8f08-4c06-9542-32dec36debcb","412bf4b1-8d50-48bd-842c-3c4490e7e207","bf2d8da9-f4ce-4ff8-a1e1-8b34d6061e86","cf5a01c2-ec91-43be-9ebf-15e83dcffae8","bf1b8e5e-a9e4-4756-acf4-d4e55adfd740","bd06fd0a-9cac-43b4-9415-99c49993dea7"],"associateUuids":[],"teamExternUuids":["dd55a57c-ba24-4028-957c-cf16ff86cac7","877735fb-8f08-4c06-9542-32dec36debcb","412bf4b1-8d50-48bd-842c-3c4490e7e207","bf2d8da9-f4ce-4ff8-a1e1-8b34d6061e86","cf5a01c2-ec91-43be-9ebf-15e83dcffae8","bf1b8e5e-a9e4-4756-acf4-d4e55adfd740","bd06fd0a-9cac-43b4-9415-99c49993dea7"],"coordinatorUuids":[],"cooperationPersonUuids":["dd55a57c-ba24-4028-957c-cf16ff86cac7","877735fb-8f08-4c06-9542-32dec36debcb","412bf4b1-8d50-48bd-842c-3c4490e7e207","bf2d8da9-f4ce-4ff8-a1e1-8b34d6061e86","cf5a01c2-ec91-43be-9ebf-15e83dcffae8","bf1b8e5e-a9e4-4756-acf4-d4e55adfd740","bd06fd0a-9cac-43b4-9415-99c49993dea7"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Projects","date":"2016-01-01T11:00:00.000Z"}}],["49gp5ESXkAbmm5S6PJFWeW",{"sys":{"id":"49gp5ESXkAbmm5S6PJFWeW","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"slider"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Slider Context Matters Infografiken","headline":"Trendanalysen","anchor":"Trendanalysen","topicsPerSlide":1,"backgroundColour":"Grey","topics":[{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"dceab30b-5bd9-4920-9882-7ff164134864"}},{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"63de6801-1662-4323-a04a-62dd231afb44"}},{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"e638fdf0-3529-4af4-afba-ac86d4be7121"}},{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"5a25e8f3-a09f-4cc3-a625-8e59c985bfb6"}},{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"bf47b718-c411-478a-8714-bb2f07a4a914"}},{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"7d5a322f-6d1a-441f-a20d-41fc5db87a90"}}]}}],["49lhPSd6dNBCwbDnrSyAZh",{"sys":{"id":"49lhPSd6dNBCwbDnrSyAZh","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Afrika 2019_06_1","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Erfolge und Herausforderungen multilateraler Friedenssicherung"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$77"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$78"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Auch wenn Friedenssicherungseinsätze die Gewalt im Gefecht reduzieren können, sind PKO-Stationierungen für die Gastländer nicht immer und überall vorteilhaft. Berichte über sexuelle Übergriffe durch Friedenssicherungstruppen, aber auch wirtschaftliche Abhängigkeiten, die dem Zustrom ausländischer Truppen geschuldet sind, schaden nicht nur dem Ruf von Blauhelmeinsätzen, sondern auch der Zivilbevölkerung in den Gastländern. Dieses Problem wird durch die mangelnde Rechenschaftspflicht vieler Friedenssicherungskräfte sowohl im Zuständigkeitsbereich der Vereinten Nationen als auch in ihren Heimatländern noch weiter verschärft."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Diese drei Probleme der gegenwärtigen Friedenssicherung – der Mangel an hochwertigen Truppen, die Kapazitätsengpässe innerhalb der afrikanischen Friedenssicherungsstrukturen und die Verfehlungen von PKO – machen es multilateralen Friedensmissionen sehr schwer, ihr Potenzial zur Friedenskonsolidierung voll auszuschöpfen. In seiner Rolle als nichtständiges Mitglied des UN-Sicherheitsrates kann Deutschland aktiv werden, um gegen diese Probleme anzugehen. Dies ist besonders wichtig für eine engagierte deutsche Außenpolitik, die weiterhin an UN-Friedenseinsätzen mitwirkt und für eine regelgestützte internationale Ordnung eintritt – eine Ordnung, die durch das Fehlverhalten von UN-Friedenssicherungskräften in Gefahr ist."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Um zu verdeutlichen, wie Deutschland aktiv auf eine sinnvolle Veränderung der UN-Friedenssicherung hinwirken kann, diskutieren wir in den folgenden Abschnitten die drei aktuellen Probleme der Friedensmissionen."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Warum hochwertige Truppen für die Friedenssicherung wichtig sind"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Das wichtigste Merkmal einer Friedensoperation, die die Zivilbevölkerung während und nach einem Bürgerkrieg vor Schaden bewahren soll, ist ihre Größe. Nur wenn genügend Truppen zur Überwachung von Waffenstillständen, Truppenbewegungen und Abrüstungsprozessen anwesend sind, können sie erfolgreich eingreifen, wenn Zivilisten gefährdet sind (Fjelde, Hultman und Nilsson 2019; Hultman, Kathman und Shannon 2013). Daher ist es ein zentrales Anliegen der internationalen Gemeinschaft, dafür zu sorgen, dass für neu mandatierte Friedensoperationen genügend Truppen zur Verfügung stehen (Smith und Boutellis 2013). Doch die Größe einer Mission allein ist noch kein Garant für deren Erfolg."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Betrachten wir die Missionen in der Zentralafrikanischen Republik (CAF) und in Mali. Die Multidimensionale Integrierte Stabilisierungsmission der Vereinten Nationen in der CAF (MINUSCA) umfasste im September 2015 9.000 Einsatzkräfte. Doch trotz ihrer Größe konnte MINUSCA nicht verhindern, dass in diesem Monat 75 Zivilisten getötet wurden. Die Multidimensionale Integrierte Stabilisierungsmission in Mali (MINUSMA) hingegen umfasste nur 5.000 Einsatzkräfte. Obwohl das Land, in dem MINUSMA operierte, doppelt so groß war wie die CAF und die UN-Mission über wesentlich weniger Einsatzkräfte verfügte, konnte sie die Situation in Mali erfolgreich stabilisieren und die Präsidentschaftswahlen im August 2013 beobachten. Warum war MINUSMA erfolgreicher als die UN-Mission in der CAF?"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Ein Bericht von Amnesty International (AI) aus der CAF liefert uns einen ersten Hinweis. Der Bericht spricht von erheblichen Ausbildungs- und Ausrüstungsdefiziten bei den MINUSCA-Truppen. AI zitiert einen MINUSCA-Angehörigen mit der Aussage: „Bei Schießereien können wir unsere Leute nur in gepanzerten Fahrzeugen losschicken. Aber etliche von denen sind derzeit nicht einsatzbereit. [...] Dadurch sind unsere Interventionsmöglichkeiten beschränkt“ (Amnesty International 2016). Durch diese Qualitätsmängel wurde die Fähigkeit von MINUSCA, ihren Schutzauftrag gegenüber der Zivilbevölkerung zu erfüllen, erheblich beeinträchtigt."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"MINUSMA in Mali hatte weitaus weniger Probleme mit der Qualität, Ausbildung und Ausrüstung der Truppen. Die Mission verfügte unter anderem über hoch qualifizierte Truppen aus Staaten mit modernen Streitkräften, beispielsweise den Niederlanden, Deutschland, Norwegen und Finnland. Durch diese hochwertigen Kräfte war MINUSMA viel besser in der Lage, die Zivilbevölkerung vor Schaden zu bewahren. Die unterschiedlichen Erfahrungen mit den Missionen in der CAF und in Mali deuten darauf hin, dass es nicht nur auf die Größe der Friedensmissionen ankommt, sondern auch auf die Qualität der eingesetzten Truppen. Tatsächlich stellen wir große Unterschiede fest, was die durchschnittliche Qualität von UN-Friedensmissionen in Afrika betrifft (siehe Abbildung 1)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In einem Artikel, der vor Kurzem im "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Journal of Peace Research"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"$79"}],"data":{}}]}}}],["4BZFqRCR7uKbV6QjHssl9F",{"sys":{"id":"4BZFqRCR7uKbV6QjHssl9F","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur GIGA Focus Global_2017_05","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"headline":"Literatur","contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":""}],"data":{}}]}}}],["4CCHVbHJz7DtSFFltECrz",{"sys":{"id":"4CCHVbHJz7DtSFFltECrz","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:102:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2019_07 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2019_07 (Header)","altText":"OAS-Delegiertensitze","copyright":"Reuters / Yuri Gripas","media":{"sys":{"id":"6CUMGGd1WZWmrO8sWfn756","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Lateinamerika 2019_07 (Header)","file":"$36:102:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],["4FUCEBxeBBb49G146UzgPa",{"sys":{"id":"4FUCEBxeBBb49G146UzgPa","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"columnContent"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Gesamtredaktion GIGA Focus (bis 2022)","headline":"Gesamtredaktion GIGA Focus","showHeadlineLeft":true,"anchor":"Redaktion","backgroundColour":"White","columnCount":3,"topics":[{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"}}]}}],["4IQ7HRm54tlIe4Yt2FuOHB",{"sys":{"id":"4IQ7HRm54tlIe4Yt2FuOHB","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2022_02 (Header)","title":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2022_02 (Header)","media":{"sys":{"id":"7sLsacBuJ1LuADopGyluy4","type":"Asset"},"title":"Norway_Mar2022_Afghan-Women’s-Network-Representative-Mahbouba-Seraj_Reuters_Stian_Lysberg.jpg","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/7sLsacBuJ1LuADopGyluy4/93b59a3ec995c21860770c3f163de7a1/Norway_Mar2022_Afghan-Women_s-Network-Representative-Mahbouba-Seraj_Reuters_Stian_Lysberg.jpg-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"altText":"Picture shows Afghan Women's Network Representative Mahbouba Seraj at an Conference in Norway March 2022.","copyright":"Reuters / Stian Lysberg"}}],["4J9TUnblvvHmyoaJsBjR8F",{"sys":{"id":"4J9TUnblvvHmyoaJsBjR8F","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text GIGA Focus Mid-Term Elections: Brazil’s Far Right Battles for Bolsonaro’s Legacy","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"As Brazil prepares for mid-term elections on 6 October 2024, far-right leaders are competing for leadership. All eyes are on São Paulo, where the right’s “old guard” candidate faces the rise of a young, extremist YouTuber. Polls show a three-way tie between these two and the socialist left-wing candidate, backed by President Lula. The result will be a harbinger for politics in post-Lula Brazil."}]},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Policy Implications"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"There is an urgent need for better regulation of a) the use of social media, both in terms of campaigning and fundraising; b) of illegal markets to combat their political and social reach; and, c) of the dual role played by military and police officers between institutional politics and the security realm in order to ensure the security forces, as a state institution, remain politically neutral."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Defining Brazil’s Political Landscape Post-Bolsonaro"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The municipal elections to be held on 6 October 2024 will serve as a barometer for candidates and parties gauging their strength of support ahead of the 2026 presidential election. Almost two years after Jair Bolsonaro’s defeat, from the north to the south of the country, the former president’s allies are testing the same formula as in 2018 and 2022 alike: the fight against communism and its “Lula” version, meaning the defence of the family and morality. At the same time, President Lula da Silva and the country’s centre-left forces are reaffirming the alliances made in the broad front agreements that saw him secure victory in 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$7a"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$7b"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"His opponent is left-wing candidate Guilherme Boulos of the Socialism and Liberty Party (PSOL), as strongly backed by President Lula. Boulos is a Philosophy professor and was elected as the most voted-for federal deputy in the state of São Paulo in 2022. He gained national prominence in recent years as coordinator of the Homeless Workers’ Movement. Since the late 1990s, the latter has been campaigning for the right to housing and for urban reform. It became known throughout Brazil for its occupations of buildings that were vacant or did not fulfil their social function, as defined by the Constitution. Boulos ran for mayor of São Paulo in 2020, but lost in the run-off."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Lula’s support for Boulos is the result of an agreement reached around the 2022 elections. The PSOL, one of Brazil’s smaller parties, chose to support Lula against Bolsonaro in a broad pro-democracy front and not to put forwards its own candidate. In return, Lula’s Workers’ Party (PT), the largest in the country, agreed – for the first time in its history – not to have a candidate run for mayor of São Paulo and instead to support Boulos’s campaign."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$7c"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$7d"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"When Institutional Politics Meets the Attention Economy"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"This political configuration reached its climax on 16 September 2024. During one of the debates related to São Paulo’s mayoralty, Marçal provoked one of his opponents, José Luiz Datena, the most famous “true crime” presenter on Brazilian TV. The YouTuber accused his opponent of sexually abusing women. He describes an attack, asks Datena if he has ever done the same, and ends by claiming his opponent is “not being man enough.” A few seconds later, we hear the debate moderator shouting “Datena, no!” as the presenter, enraged, pulls a chair from the set and strikes the former coach twice."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"As absurd as this episode may seem, violence is nothing new or rare in Latin American politics (Kurtenbach 2019; Pearce and Perea 2019). Examples abound: presidential candidates assassinated in Colombia or Ecuador; activists and councillors killed, imprisoned, or systematically threatened throughout the region’s “democratic” history. In this sense, Marçal’s involvement amplifies a challenge that is by no means unique to Brazil: individuals and movements defining themselves as “anti-political” have systematically prepared for electoral confrontation for almost a decade now. Marçal, however, seems to be taking the issue to the next level. Although he does not have the systematic support of the Brazilian far right’s traditional allies, such as the armed forces or the military police, his strategy of doing politics through the posting of extreme social media content challenges the mechanisms of democratic regulation as well as the very nature of electoral competition."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Although Marçal may seem like a new social force, his rise has come as no surprise to those who follow the many Discord, TikTok, and YouTube channels promoting morality, self-entrepreneurship, and the reconstruction of the masculine world amid the identity crises of recent decades. This turn of events can be described as the product of a commodified life, in addition to the economic and masculinity crisis. "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" argue that the inclusion of the poor in the world of consumption through access to credit and individual empowerment, and the subsequent economic crisis that has blocked growth and access to consumer goods for this same demographic, has created an existential self-esteem crisis – especially among men."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Based on nostalgia for the traditional social roles and upwards mobility of the past, this current of thought has found its political expression in the far right. The sense of belonging produced by far-right networks, whether via digital channels or the grassroots activism of evangelical churches, gun clubs, or neighbourhood associations, transforms individual resentment into a collective agenda when organised. More than that, it existentially reconciles "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" a hundred individuals who feel wronged by hidden enemies. In other words, if the difficulties experienced by these people are absolutely concrete – economic recession, the destruction of formal-employment realms, intergenerational clashes over moral values – then the spaces produced by far-right networks facilitate interpretations of these problems taking hold that are based on a profound disconnect from reality. In this sense, ghosts of the past such as “communism,” or internal enemies like “universities,” “immigrants,” and “social movements,” are fed back as explanatory tropes."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Those who believed that the crisis of representation plaguing the country was only one of the elite – a kind of revanchism against economic growth and the recognition of political minorities (black, indigenous, women, and queer communities) – were not entirely correct. Of course, pushback by Brazil’s conservative forces is a big part of the problem, as is the merciless profit-seeking of agribusiness, but many of the poorest regions of the country voted for Bolsonaro "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"en masse"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" in 2018 "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" This pattern changed in 2022 in many working-class neighbourhoods. In São Paulo, for example, the urban periphery extensively voted for Lula. This shift was largely due to the economic and social failures of the Bolsonaro government and, above all, the prestige enjoyed by Lula as a popular leader. Such a swing can be understood as informed by a continuous and concrete sense of crisis, where those in question are desperately looking for quick and consistent solutions yet remain unable to find them."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$7e"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In all these games of viewership, Marçal is emulating one of his key role models: Nayib Bukele, the president of El Salvador. Like the latter, his trademark is the first letter of his name – in this case, “M.” To amplify his brand at scale, he sells thousands of caps with the letter “M” on them, triggering millions of TikTok mentions. The attention economy, with its short but toxic content, thus defines the electoral agenda and prevents political proposals from being meaningfully countered. Since his campaign first launched, Marçal has remained front and centre in the news cycle. The attempt to disseminate nuanced information relevant to the city’s public policies is always limited by the YouTuber’s involvement, in seeking to become a nationwide symbol of anti-politics."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"But while Marçal uses the technologies and vocabulary of these modern online communities, his discursive enemies are those of the Cold War era, namely what he describes as the “Brazilian Communist Consortium” in São Paulo. As the old right disappears from the electoral scene and is forced to become more radical to attract voters, candidates like Marçal argue that “we need to discuss not proposals, but values.” The dominance of social media by candidates “native” to these spaces challenges democratic elections. The proliferation of these practices across Latin America suggests a shared expertise between individuals and movements, too (e.g. Bukele, Argentina’s Javier Milei, and Marçal’s sizeable followership)."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"What, then, are the other candidates doing to stop the advance of a figure like Marçal? As campaigning began, the latter sought to undermine Boulos’s candidacy by attacking Lula as well as the social movements backing him, linking the left to violence, dictatorship, drugs, and similar. At first, Boulos and his campaign fell for the provocations, opening up even more space for Marçal by facilitating controversial moments he could use to create short videos – the YouTuber’s main campaign strategy. As a result, the other right-wing candidate, Nunes, maintained a more moderate and composed image, bestowing his campaign with a certain stability."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Over time, Boulos came to the idea that the less he engaged with Marçal, the less damage the latter’s attacks would do. Boulos began to ignore his opponent’s presence, responding to his provocations in an ironic way, without mentioning names and with short but catchy phrases. Boulos seems to be betting on following his own path and letting the right-wing and far-right candidates fight it out between themselves. The strategy seems to be working in the first round, as Boulos’s vote share remains stable. He is also keeping an eye on the national level: victory could give Boulos the credentials to succeed Lula when the day comes."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"As a result of this change in direction by the Boulos campaign, Marçal started aggressively attacking Nunes instead, who responded as the YouTuber expected: namely, by resorting to heated arguments and tantrums. Nunes and his team understood that other vote shares, ones previously uncontested by parties like the PSDB, had become crucial. By winning the support of the São Paulo governor and of Bolsonaro, Nunes made a nod to the far right. At the same time, as a devout Catholic, he began a pilgrimage to the city’s evangelical churches. He began distributing campaign material “in defence of Christian principles” and advocating “moral standards.” The strategy has indeed had some effect, as Nunes’s standing remains stable in the polls and his opposition rate is the lowest among the three leading candidates."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In contrast, Boulos and Marçal both have high levels of voter rejection, at 38 and 48 per cent respectively. The challenge for both is to overcome this pushback. If Boulos were to face Marçal in the run-off, the contest would appear almost a clash between “barbarism” and “civilisation” – echoing the framework of the 2022 Lula–Bolsonaro election. The difficulty for Nunes is to keep on-board conservatives who do not identify with Marçal’s violence and radical anti-politics while at the same time courting the extremist vote."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Accusations of Collusion with Organised Crime"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The three main candidates have traded accusations over each’s links to South America’s largest criminal group, the so-called Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC, First Command of the Capital). The group is largely responsible for the logistics of transporting South American cocaine to European ports, earning billions of euros a year. The “brothers” – as PCC members call themselves, and to which Feltran (2018), an expert on the group, agrees – operate via international partnerships, having commercial links with the 'Ndrangheta in Italy as well as mafias in the Balkans and Russia (Feltran, Vianna, and Bird 2023; "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" The organisation was founded in the city of São Paulo in the late 1990s as a collective of inmates seeking humane treatment within the Brazilian prison system."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Its members now operate as a horizontal secret society (Feltran 2018). Hegemonic in São Paulo, but present all over the country, they function specifically in a capillary way, being organised into different “cells” according to the particular activity of interest: car theft, drug trafficking, the arms trade, money laundering. In São Paulo, the group effectively regulates the use of violence in the criminal world. Experts argue that the organisation’s members – acting as a kind of shadow court – were responsible for “pacifying” illegal markets by reducing homicide rates in poor neighbourhoods (Feltran 2018). Before the group’s emergence, murder was endemic in the criminal world. With the PCC now ruling the roost, the practice has become a last resort that requires the collective’s approval (Maldonado and Beraldo 2024)."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The group has become a regular feature of São Paulo’s electoral debates and newspaper coverage. Nunes has been accused of facilitating the group’s success in tenders submitted for the management of the public-transport network in the city. The social movements in which left-wing candidate Boulos is involved, meanwhile, have been accused of having links to the group, as many of the city’s social housing estates have been the subject of allegations regarding PCC involvement on-site. Marçal, in turn, saw members of his Brazilian Labour Renewal Party – including its leader – linked to the PCC with regards to ongoing investigations into drug trafficking and the theft of luxury cars during his election campaign. Further, his partner in many social media endeavours has been accused of involvement in drug trafficking by diverting chemicals from a particular company to facilitate the production of crack cocaine."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Whether or not it is true that the candidates and those around them have links to the PCC is not necessarily the most interesting question here. The very way in which these allegations are made, attributing to the criminal organisation a relationship with public life, is misleading. This is based on a misunderstanding of how the group functions, which limits the ability to combat it. Unlike other such groups, the PCC does not operate per a hierarchical organisational structure but rather like a collective of illegal entrepreneurs who help each other to do business, manage violence, and maximise profits. As a result, the group itself does not necessarily infiltrate institutional politics or compete for public contracts in the country "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":""}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$7f"},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Lobbying in politics is nothing new, but the novelty here may be that, instead of using indiscriminate violence to achieve their ends, the PCC has ironically started using the same formula as legal businesses to expand its illicit enterprises "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" “Violence serves nobody” has been the group’s motto for many decades now."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Security Forces as Key Political Player"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Some 6,600 candidates in Brazil’s municipal elections declare themselves to be active or former members of the country’s law-enforcement agencies – be they from the police or the armed forces. Bolsonaro’s party, the Partido Liberal, features the highest number of such candidates. São Paulo is the state with the most representatives from these agencies. According to the "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" 103 deputies were elected in 2022 who are or were members of the country’s police forces. Of these, 44 (of the 513 deputies who make up the Federal Chamber) make up the “bullet bench,” as the security forces’ grouping in the National Congress is known. According to data from Brazil’s Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (n.d.), in 2022 eight of the 82 federal deputies elected to represent the State of São Paulo and six of the 112 state deputies in the State Assembly were directly linked to the police."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Of the six leading candidates for mayor of the city of São Paulo, three have a military police officer as their running mate, including the two vying specifically for Bolsonaro’s spoils. What is striking, however, is how all relevant camps repeatedly voice the same proposals to combat insecurity and crime: namely, doubling the number of municipal guards and increasing their salaries and equipment (weapons, vehicles, and similar). The alignment of security proposals, regardless of ideology, illustrates a prominent phenomenon in Brazilian politics over the last decade: that is, the hegemony of a rigid law-and-order discourse among candidates active in institutional politics."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Violence and security are thus at the heart of politics in a city where every three minutes a mobile phone is stolen. For many decades, the social malaise that runs through the metropolis has taken the form of a criminal conflict. In response, the police – and, above all, the figure of the military police officer – have taken on the role of moralising regarding security in the country. This is because, in the hegemonic narrative, these individuals risk their lives every day in the fight against crime. From this moral position, pitting good against evil, (military) police officers emerge as experts on the security agenda, as mostly associated with Brazil’s right-wing and far-right parties."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"These representations serve to polarise the city between “good citizens” and “marginals.” The possibility of integration evaporates herewith, and those who do not obey the law must not only be sanctioned but eliminated. Punitive practices have come to be seen as a more effective way of creating a better future, increasingly gaining electoral support as a result (Motta, Maldonado, Alcantara 2021). It is no coincidence that “war” has emerged as the key metaphor for framing this phenomenon, not only analytically (Leite 2012) but also in the political discourse of the one on crime. In this martial logic, the police have become autonomous from the elite that had hitherto always controlled them, now making their own policies and consolidating themselves as the true agents for the management of public order "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" They find a key ally in the Pentecostal religious groups, which allow them to form majority blocs in various political arenas. Campos’s (2024) thesis, for example, shows how sections of the neo-Pentecostal church have infiltrated the military via grassroots work and training. Although these groups grew in strength under the Bolsonaro government, according to him their networks predate the latter and form capillary structures closely entangled with institutional politics."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Returning to São Paulo’s electoral arena, Marçal openly calls for furthering Bukele’s legacy, saying that this is the last generation of criminals in the city and that PCC will be known in future as Pablo Contra Comunismo (“Pablo Against Communism”). The former motivational coach even travelled to El Salvador to showcase his affinity for Bukele and his policies. His social media posts show him standing in front of the mega-prison built by Bukele saying that he could feel the “energy of change.”"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"El Salvador’s president has become an international right-wing icon after using highly controversial means to reduce criminal violence in his country. Based on backroom negotiations with criminal groups, a policy of mass incarceration (with around 2 per cent of the population imprisoned), and the concentration of power in the hands of a single leader, Bukele’s regime has been the subject of extensive accusations of overseeing human rights violations "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" His policies reinvigorate old questions: What price are we, as a society, willing to pay for a sense of security? Is the latter worth a regime of exception? Which sections of the population will pay the price for security policies? And, how are security policies used for authoritarian purposes? Bukele’s significant popularity at home and the cementing of his image as “the” leader capable of curbing crime in a historically violent country has worryingly reintroduced "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"mano dura"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" policies as a way out of criminal violence in Latin America. However, the history of the region itself has shown that these same policies, implemented decades ago, are responsible for the rise and expansion of the local criminal groups now active worldwide. The PCC is a perfect case in point."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"With the election rapidly approaching and the three main candidates still tied, 6 October will show us what lies ahead. Will the second round be a clash between the left, supported by Lula, and the nominee of the traditional right, drawing on a faction of the far right enjoying Bolsonaro’s backing, or will an emerging extremist, young candidate, supported by digital networks, make it to the final contest for the mayoralty of one of the largest metropolises in the world? Regardless of the ultimate outcome, the São Paulo electoral contest reinforces the question of how far democratic communities can tolerate violence and human rights abuses in the name of freedom of expression when political actors use their networks to undermine democracy and promote extremist ideals."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"On a practical level, this analysis underscores the urgent need for: a) regulatory instruments and protocols regarding the use of social media by political candidates and parties, both in terms of campaigning and fundraising; b) more effective regulation of illegal markets to sustainably combat their political and social reach; c) limiting the dual role played by military and police officers between institutional politics and the security realm, as well as the use of their career paths as campaign boosters; and, d) ensuring that the security forces, as a state institution, remain unpoliticised and neutral."}]}]}}}],["4Kfb2cWzsndODCXKpwaAvs",{"sys":{"id":"4Kfb2cWzsndODCXKpwaAvs","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"columnContent"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Lektorat GIGA Focus Global James","headline":"Lektorat GIGA Focus Global","showHeadlineLeft":true,"backgroundColour":"White","columnCount":3,"topics":[{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"f888036a-4820-4e7e-8152-b693e35b48f7"}},{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"14d46366-0dd9-4bcd-a5b3-70778f71d6ca"}}]}}],["4LWTBoJoPTPV0ZJ5RRo1NB",{"sys":{"id":"4LWTBoJoPTPV0ZJ5RRo1NB","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur GIGA Focus Mid-Term Elections: Brazil’s Far Right Battles for Bolsonaro’s Legacy","headline":"Literatur","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Campos, Rodrigo (2024), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"The New Christian Militarism: Evangelical Base-Building With the Police in Brazil"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", doctoral dissertation, University of York."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Carrança, Thais (2024), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"BBC News Brasil"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 6 September, accessed 27 September 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Feltran, Gabriel (2020), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Soundings,"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" 75, 1 September, 95–110, accessed 27 September 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Feltran, Gabriel (2018), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Irmãos: uma história do PCC"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", São Paulo: Editora Companhia das Letras."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Feltran, Gabriel, Isabela Vianna, and Lucia Ruiz-Benitez de Lugo Bird (2023), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Atlantic Connections-The PCC and the Brazil-West Africa Cocaine Trade"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", PhD dissertation, Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Instituto Sou da Paz (2024), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 27 September 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Kurtenbach, Sabine (2019), The Limits of Peace in Latin America, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Peacebuilding"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 7,3, 283–296."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Leite, Márcia Pereira (2012), Da “metáfora da guerra” ao projeto de “pacificação”: favelas e políticas de segurança pública no Rio de Janeiro, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Revista brasileira de segurança pública"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 6, 2, 374–388."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Maldonado, Janaina, and Ana Beraldo (2024), The Law of God, the Law of the State and the Law of Crime: An Anthropological Account of the Consolidation of MultipleNormative Regimes in Brazilian Urban Margins, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Legal Pluralism and Critical Social Analysis"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 56, 1, 33–56."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Motta, Luana, Janaina Maldonado, and Juliana Alcântara (2021), Regulating an Illegal Market, in: Gabriel Feltran (ed.):"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Stolen Cars: A Journey Through São Paulo’s Urban Conflict"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 147–164."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"O Globo"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" (2024), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 13 June, accessed 27 September 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Pearce, Jenny, and Carlos Mario Perea (2019), Post War and Non-War Violences: Learning About Peace and Peacebuilding from Latin America, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Peacebuilding"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 7, 3, 247–253."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Pinheiro-Machado, Rosana, and Lucia Mury Scalco (2020), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 10, 1, March, 21–31, accessed 27 September 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Pinzón, Viviana García, and José Salguero (2024), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 27 February, Myths and Hard Truths in the Latin American Security Landscape, accessed 27 September 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Richmond, Matthew A., and Elizabeth McKenna (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 42, 4, first published 18 May, accessed 27 September 2024."}]}]}}}],["4MeVAQqfuG4Ec3KzwH2J11",{"sys":{"id":"4MeVAQqfuG4Ec3KzwH2J11","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Audio Trumps Machtansprüche Erst Venezuela, dann Kolumbien oder Kuba? - DLF am 08.01.2026","title":"Audio Trumps Machtansprüche Erst Venezuela, dann Kolumbien oder Kuba? - DLF am 08.01.2026","type":"File","media":{"sys":{"id":"5wGzPGWzxshnHpx14P0Jhm","type":"Asset"},"title":"naechster zugriff kolumbien dlf 20260108 1700 27355891","description":"","file":{"url":"//downloads.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5wGzPGWzxshnHpx14P0Jhm/f0cace46ab714172ebbfa0d38c5b241e/naechster_zugriff_kolumbien_dlf_20260108_1700_27355891.mp3","details":{},"contentType":"audio/mpeg"}},"poster":{"sys":{"id":"JvJky6WbaLCNz97ZTQ2Q7","type":"Asset"},"title":"Poster Trumps Machtansprüche Erst Venezuela, dann Kolumbien oder Kuba? - DLF am 08.01.2026","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/JvJky6WbaLCNz97ZTQ2Q7/f8cb1d4103ced492cb883bb7be501697/petro_caracas_maduro_011122.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1600,"height":900}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["4UJZLTIvRfpe3pNO6WEWrj",{"sys":{"id":"4UJZLTIvRfpe3pNO6WEWrj","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"columnContent"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Redaktion GIGA Focus Lateinamerika (2023-2024/02)","headline":"Redaktion GIGA Focus Lateinamerika","showHeadlineLeft":true,"backgroundColour":"White","columnCount":3,"topics":[{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"}}]}}],["4VNwPF50tgF5KPOSF12yCr",{"sys":{"id":"4VNwPF50tgF5KPOSF12yCr","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Global 2021_01_2","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Regional Peace Formations (RPFs) – The Concept"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Due to the variation per regional patterns, the regional dimension should thus be integrated into our conception of peacebuilding and the ensuing programmes for pursuing it. However, understanding the role of regional politics in preparing for the transition from war and violence to more peaceful settings necessitates taking a fresh look at how regional dynamics contribute to the initiation and escalation of violence within a defined state. To this end, shifting the analytical focus to the regional level requires the adoption of new epistemological tools that take regionalism as the point of reference for fathoming how some regions play constructive roles in ending violent intra-state conflicts while others render peacebuilding endeavours difficult to achieve."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Based on the model of “regional conflict formation” (RCF) (Rubin, Armstrong, and Ntegeye 2001), two basic analytical types of regional settings (i.e. convergent and divergent) emerge. The different characteristics of each type might explain the variance in peacebuilding outcomes that we observe from one region to the other. The RCF model is relevant here because it helps to include more actors than just international/local players in the analytical locus, and thus contributes to bridging the gap between the local and the international. More importantly, being attentive to the regional dimension could necessitate the revision of some of the concepts, such as “local ownership,” which are frequently advocated by certain strands of the literature on peacebuilding. Analytically, RPFs consist of the following social “kinds” or ontologies:"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-3","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Actors"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"(1) States. Regional states play a constitutive and fundamental role in conflict transformation by possessing a multitude of relevant tools. For example, cross-regional elite connections may prove influential in forming alliances and initiating de-escalation measures. Further, the states of a region usually share economic, social, cultural, and security interests upon which common strategies can be drawn. However, the stance and impact of strong/large regional states might be indispensable for forging coalitions, creating or activating defence pacts, and for collaborating with and invigorating regional organisations (ROs) for the achievement of region-wide solutions to intransigent intra-state violent conflicts. Additionally, this state-based rationale could also be applied to the specific type of regime in power that controls the institutions of the state."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"(2) ROs. RPFs are characterised by proactive and engaging ROs, which have the institutional capital of being historically embedded within their regions in ways that allow them to impose authority and to monitor events (for example ceasefire and anti-smuggling agreements), as well as to activate mechanisms that range from mediation to the deployment of armed forces. Again, the influence of ROs correlates with the extent to which they have been historically adopted and recognised by the regional – and mainly the big – states as institutions for peace and regional cooperation."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"(3) Militias, paramilitaries, and non-state armed groups. The motives for armed groups’ formation (such as greed and grievance) are to be expected in both convergent and divergent RCFs. However the agency and autonomy of armed groups dwindle in RPFs, which demonstrate efficiency in pursuing goal-oriented strategies for disarming and demobilising non-state armed groups. Examples include cutting off their sources of financing and strangling the usual transborder logistical routes which sustain them. Alternatively, regional states which aim at defeating a regional bloc benefitting from conflict may harness their mobilisation capabilities so as to form their own militias that then fight along their formal armed forces."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-3","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Conflict Dynamics"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The seemingly static positioning of regional actors might be put to the test, and hence they become engaged, due to the manner in which the conflict at hand unfolds. With the passage of time, intra-state violence could threaten the entire regional security architecture. In this context, previously uninvolved states sense the potential jeopardy to their domestic stability should the conflict spill over to affect their status and interests. Also, for mature and embedded regional institutions, the threshold of inaction is fragile and thus their engagement is posited to occur at the early stages of a given conflict’s escalation. Further, what is distinctive about RPFs is their resilience in responding to emerging escalations, due to established institutional cultures of addressing similar threats and working collectively with regional stakeholders to design concrete and concerted plans to counteract them."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The following will provide a short overview of the importance of such a regional perspective for three world regions, highlighting important differences regarding respective conflict and peace formations. Latin America is important for its ending of war and armed conflict but high levels of social and criminal violence. The Middle East is currently the main international “war theatre.” Sub-Saharan Africa is a region with a very interesting regional peace architecture meanwhile."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Latin America – A Zone of Peace?"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Latin American governments declared the region a “zone of peace” at the summit of the Comunidad de Estados Latinoamericanos y Caribeños (CELAC) in Havana on 27 January 2014. Under a peace concept limited to the absence of war or armed conflict, as the data provided by the Uppsala Conflict Data Program represents, Latin America would thus indeed be a zone of peace. However there have always been other forms of violence in the region, ones that have become more prominent in the twenty-first century. Interpersonal, social, and criminal violence make Latin America the most violent region in the world. Homicide rates are among the highest worldwide in some countries, and above the level classified as a pandemic by the World Health Organization in most of the region. While the academic debate analyses these types of violence separately, they are in fact interrelated and overlap on the ground. The RPF is shaped by the absence of a state monopoly on force and a lack of constructive conflict transformation."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Democratisation increased the possibilities for political participation via elections, and depending on the specific legislation in the respective countries via other mechanisms such as referenda, consultations, and the like too. However, the “output” of most democratic regimes in Latin America with regard to these issues has been highly deficient. The political systems have been unable, or the governing elites unwilling, to genuinely transform deeply ingrained social conflict beyond the mantra of economic growth and often election-related distributive policies. The year 2019 saw high levels of social mobilisation and protest across the region, being answered by many governments with highly repressive policies."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"There are at least two links between the structural conflicts and current types of violence being witnessed in Latin America. First, criminal and social violence find fertile ground in the traditional development patterns based on the extraction of natural resources. This model reproduces social marginalisation, as well as perpetuates a lack of viable livelihoods and of decent work. Second, agents of structural change – such as human rights defenders and representatives of indigenous, social, and ecological movements – have become the main target of contemporary political violence."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"While every country and subregion has its specific characteristics, regarding conflict and peace formations there are at least three common features to be found across the Latin American region:"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"While Latin American governments have signed many plans and agreements for regional cooperation, peacebuilding, and violence prevention, they seem stuck in path-dependent responses to increasing social conflict. Therefore, the respective political systems and most of their actors face decreasing levels of legitimacy and trust. This is a dangerous mix for the future."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Peace in the Middle East – A Chimera?"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Middle East today represents a region where domestic turmoil, sectarianism, irredentism, state rivalry and failure, humanitarian crises, the proliferation of non-state armed groups, and terrorism have all become characterising features. But depicting armed conflicts as revolving primarily around identity politics is over-simplistic and may lead to misguided policy prescriptions, such as breaking up fragile states along ethno-sectarian lines or even discerning the patterns of conflicts in the region as occurring only because of religious imperatives. What is needed, contrariwise, is a nuanced look at the dynamics of conflict formation and transformation in the Middle East (and North Africa), and whether potential peace formations could emerge and be capitalised on for designing effective peacebuilding initiatives."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Arab Spring uprisings have played a role in the erosion of the regional order in the Middle East, but without presenting clear features of a new one in the making. As a result, alliance configurations in the region oscillate between two general patterns: (1) the escalation of enmities, such as between Saudi Arabia and Iran, and (2) the breakup of previous alliances, as exemplified by the recent Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) crisis and the ensuing Saudi/Emirati-led boycotting of Qatar. These patterns are not mutually exclusive; rather, they feed into each other – with consequences that transcend the Gulf region in spreading to countries like Iraq, Syria, and to Libya in North Africa. Further, these regional dynamics have had an effect on the strength and persistence of non-state armed groups, and also on the coherence and influence of ROs such as the League of Arab States (LAS) and the GCC."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Scrutinising the escalation of violence in the Middle East, as well as the patterns of rivalry and of alliance formation and transformation, reveals that envisioning peace should be region-sensitive and embedded within the regional structures of power; include state, sub-state, and supra-state actors; and, incorporate both formal and informal institutions of war-making and peacebuilding."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In contrast to Latin America, interstate conflicts play a major role in the Middle East. Saudi-Iranian rivalry reflects a seemingly rigid and deep-seated confrontation on both the material and ideational levels, whereas the intra-Gulf disputes might be more issue-based and less intractable in existential terms. Further, what contributes to the absence of RPFs in the Middle East is the nonexistence of influential ROs, due to intra-organisational fragmentation among member states. Hence, the gaps that arise from state weakness, fragility, or collapse are not filled by organisational plans and actions; instead, a plethora of non-state armed groups vie for the taking over of the spaces left vacant by the state – which, in turn, constitutes fertile ground for rival states to invest in conflict and violence escalation."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In sum, peacebuilding in the Middle East should be looked at through the prism of the region and with attention paid to the manner in which RCFs can shift from divergence to convergence – thus creating space for RPFs to emerge. For international donors and peacebuilders like the UN and the European Union, peace in the region thus needs to be coupled with transforming the zero-sum modality of conflict into a setting where collective solutions are possible. In addition, ROs need to be strengthened in order to compensate for state weakness and to work as focal points for coordinating constructive momentum."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Sub-Saharan Africa – Concrete Moves towards RPFs?"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Sub-Saharan Africa arguably resembles the Middle East in terms of the spread of violence and conflict dynamics. The region had, by the end of the 1990s, witnessed the genocide in Rwanda (1994), the First Congo War (1996–1997), an ethnic war in Burundi (1993), in addition to numerous military coups continent-wide. The majority of conflicts in sub-Saharan Africa between 1990 and 2018 remained internal ones, with internal-turned-internationalised armed conflicts, such as the civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone, occurring less frequently. At the same time, nearly 50 per cent of the armed conflicts were discontinued due to low activity and/or actors ceasing hostilities. However sub-Saharan Africa differs from the Middle East in terms of its ability to forge RPFs, with the former drawing on a multitude of regional and subregional organisations and institutions possessing an array of mechanisms for conflict prevention and transformation."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A remarkable achievement of the African Union’s Constitutive Act was that it laid the legal foundation for the establishment, in 2002, of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) pillared by eight Regional Economic Communities (RECs) and two Regional Mechanisms (RMs). From diplomacy to military intervention, the APSA draws on a multitude of tools to ensure peace and security in sub-Saharan Africa. Similarly, regionally powerful and influential states may contribute to or hinder the materialisation of the related designs of the APSA and the RECs in a given context."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$80"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"However, this should not lead us to falsely assume that the sub-Saharan RPFs are flawless or that conflicts on the continent are ebbing away completely. Rather, miscellaneous challenges confront the AU and its various peace and security organs. Examples include shortcomings in regard to logistical support and planning, alongside the slowness with regard to decision-making at the APSA’s Peace and Security Council when it comes to emerging conflicts or crises."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In conclusion, the challenges that lie ahead for the AU and its various peace and security institutions demand long-term coordination between the different agencies involved, with the need to find more efficient avenues of self-reliance regarding funding particularly. Yet, what the study of sub-Saharan Africa shows is that the regional ability to found and consolidate RPFs could be a prerequisite for moving from violence and war to peace. Phrased differently, the absence of such peace formations in tandem with no will on the part of the regional swing states to cooperate in preserving peace and resolving conflict in the Middle East is what makes peace in the latter region chimerical. This leads again to the emphasis of a fundamental point: the regional context matters."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Implications for International Peacebuilding Support"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$81"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Over the last few decades peacebuilders have made a significant effort to increase the analysis of contexts, especially at the local level. However, the regional one has been largely ignored – with the exception of the outsourcing of peacebuilding to ROs, as in the “African solutions to African problems” approach. Regional peace and conflict formations need to be included beyond this cooperation, while multilateral institutions, donors, and other actors involved in the peacebuilding domain need to pay close attention. Peace and conflict assessments need to factor in these regional developments."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$82"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"All world regions have in common the existence of different transnational actors who pose a serious threat to both local and regional peace. In Latin America, it is criminal networks that are responsible for thousands of fatalities every year. In the Middle East, it is mainly transnational terrorist organisations like Al-Qaida or ISIS and the overarching “Cold War” between Saudi Arabia and Iran and their respective constituencies that have this effect. In sub-Saharan Africa, it is mostly militias and paramilitary groups who make strategic use of porous borders and a lack of state security in remote areas. However, all these actors can only prosper in cooperation with national elites and local allies. They need to be analysed, included, or marginalised in peacebuilding policies."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The regional level offers the possibility for meaningful donor coordination and joint multilateral action, but this should not lead to a minimalistic approach seeking only the end of war or a certain degree of stabilisation. All initiatives need a clear focus on long-term peacebuilding, as a process of social change required for the constructive transformation of conflict. Regional economic and social networks are central to sustainable development, and to transforming structural conditions – leading either to the violent escalation of conflict or to the fostering of more peaceful societies."}],"data":{}}]}}}],["4WpswJ39TMOgXXvryhPGTJ",{"sys":{"id":"4WpswJ39TMOgXXvryhPGTJ","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur Latin America’s Search for Security: Between Repression and Dialogue","headline":"Literatur","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Borgh, Chris van der, and Wim Savenije (2019), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Journal of Latin American Studies"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 51, 4, 905–928."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"CAF (2022), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Report on Economic Development, accessed 31 August 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Comisión Colombiana de Juristas (2007), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Bogotá, accessed 31 August 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Felbab-Brown, Vanda (2020), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Barcelona: Institute for Integrated Transitions, July, accessed 31 August 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Front Line Defenders (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Dublin, Brussels, accessed 31 August 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Gasparini, Leonardo, and Guillermo Cruces (2022), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 9 August, accessed 17 August 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"González, Yanilda María (2017), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Theoretical Criminology"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 21, 4, 494–511."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Houle, Christian (2019), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Journal of Conflict Resolution"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 63, 1, 85–111."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"InSight Crime, "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 31 August 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"ITUC (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Brussels: International Trade Union Confederation, accessed 31 August 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Kurtenbach, Sabine, and Désirée Reder (2021), El Salvador: Old Habits Die Hard, in: David Kuehn and Yagil Levy (eds.),"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Mobilizing Force: Linking Security Threats, Militarization, and Civilian Control"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Boulder, Col: Lynne Rienner Publisher, 117–138."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Maurizio, Roxana (2021), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Technical Note, September, Geneva: ILO, accessed 31 August 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Raleigh, Clionadh, Andrew Linke, HåvardHegre, and Joakim Karlsen (2010), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Journal of Peace Research"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 47, 5, 651–660, accessed 31 August 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"UNODC (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", March, Vienna: UNODC, accessed 31 August 2023. "}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"World Population Review (2023a), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 17 August 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"World Population Review (2023b), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 17 August 2023."}]}]}}}],["4Y3sRIPrAW6RdiUsauCFwt",{"sys":{"id":"4Y3sRIPrAW6RdiUsauCFwt","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"columnContent"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Redaktion GIGA Focus Nahost (bis 2022)","headline":"Redaktion GIGA Focus Nahost","showHeadlineLeft":true,"backgroundColour":"White","columnCount":3,"topics":[{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"e7c2d41b-a439-4082-bfe6-a66022042591"}}]}}],["4a0c96e8-b14e-440b-b27a-415d89a908cd",{"sys":{"id":"4a0c96e8-b14e-440b-b27a-415d89a908cd","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Struggling for Democratic Elections: How the OAS Counters Nicaragua’s Autocratization","dataTeaser":{"date":"11.2021","link":"https://doi.org/10.17176/20211101-172917-0","type":"Blogbeitrag","tagline":["Blogbeitrag"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/blog_article","value":"Blogbeitrag"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050","4dfaa2c6-efa6-4daf-a868-bb384f070037"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.17176/20211101-172917-0"],"date":"11.2021","type":"Blogbeitrag","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"November 2021","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/blog_article","value":"Blogbeitrag"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050","4dfaa2c6-efa6-4daf-a868-bb384f070037"]}],"subtitle":"Blogbeitrag | Verfassungsblog | 2021","urnLinks":["https://verfassungsblog.de/struggling-for-democratic-elections/"],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2021","publisher":"Verfassungsblog","unitUuids":[],"personNames":["Alina Ripplinger","Florian Kriener"],"personUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050","4dfaa2c6-efa6-4daf-a868-bb384f070037"],"isForthcoming":false,"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"d799e849-0eac-4d6d-8ab5-d171721e7124","abstractSnippet":"Ahead of the elections on 7 November 2021, the Permanent Council (PC) of the Organization of American States (OAS) sends a final warning to Nicaragua. On 20 October, it adopted resolution 1182 and clarified that holding elections is not enough if these elections violate democratic principles.…"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions [NON-GIGA]","date":"2021-11-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["4a83a30f-b1e8-46eb-8d1b-0244422786b6",{"sys":{"id":"4a83a30f-b1e8-46eb-8d1b-0244422786b6","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Gustavo Petro and Donald Trump: fragil ceasefire after the storm","dataTeaser":{"date":"12.01.2026","link":"https://www.dw.com/es/gustavo-petro-y-donald-trump-tregua-fr%C3%A1gil-tras-la-tormenta/a-75480756","type":"Zitat","tagline":["Deutsche Welle","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

After the US intervention in Venezuela, the relation between Gustavo Petro and Donald Trump became tense again. A phone call decreased the crisis but the political risks remain in place.

","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"12.01.2026","type":"Zitat","links":[{"url":"https://www.dw.com/es/gustavo-petro-y-donald-trump-tregua-fr%C3%A1gil-tras-la-tormenta/a-75480756"}],"mediums":["Deutsche Welle"],"keywords":{"free":["Colombia","USA","bilateral relations","Venezuela"],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/colombia","title":"Kolumbien"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/north_america/usa","title":"Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika"}]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2026-01-12T11:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["4a940024-6411-4b9f-bd5b-7f9a9e0c6182",{"sys":{"id":"4a940024-6411-4b9f-bd5b-7f9a9e0c6182","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Displacement, Refugees, and Forced Migration in the MENA Region: The Case of the Syrian “Refugee Crisis”","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/displacement-refugees-forced-migration-mena-region-syrian-refugee-crisis/","dataTeaser":{"date":"2019","link":"https://www.routledge.com/Routledge-International-Handbook-of-Migration-Studies-2nd-edition/Gold-Nawyn/p/book/9781138208827","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","tagline":["Routledge International Handbooks"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["1c700290-4090-4262-ad67-64d58c19b7d5","204afd0d-04eb-4990-88df-7c4430f1e239"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"subtitle":"Kapitel in Sammelband | Routledge | 2019","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"2019","dateShort":"2019","status":"Veröffentlicht","personNames":["Seçil Paçacı Elitok","Christiane Fröhlich"],"dateLong":"2019","hostEditorNames":["Steven J. Gold","Stephanie J. Nawyn"],"hostTitle":"Routledge International Handbook of Migration Studies, 2nd edition","isbns":["9781138208827"],"pages":"107-118","publicLinks":[{"url":"https://www.routledge.com/Routledge-International-Handbook-of-Migration-Studies-2nd-edition/Gold-Nawyn/p/book/9781138208827"}],"publisher":"Routledge","seriesTitle":["Routledge International Handbooks"],"seriesVolume":[],"unitUuids":["af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b","ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d"],"seriesNumber":[],"seriesIssn":[],"personUuids":["1c700290-4090-4262-ad67-64d58c19b7d5","204afd0d-04eb-4990-88df-7c4430f1e239"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["1c700290-4090-4262-ad67-64d58c19b7d5","204afd0d-04eb-4990-88df-7c4430f1e239"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"7EL3PR1atPREGQCIAPrxYN","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:13:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Contributions","title":"Bild Contributions","media":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"},"altText":"Foto von Rand offener Buchseiten","copyright":"istock / FactoryTh"}}],"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["4abaff5c-0993-4d38-9d26-469a6b68ce9b",{"sys":{"id":"4abaff5c-0993-4d38-9d26-469a6b68ce9b","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Katars Beziehungen zu Iran: eher Taktik als Strategie","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/katars-beziehungen-zu-iran-eher-taktik-als-strategie/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"type":"GIGA Focus","date":"4/2017","personUuids":["59929eaf-acde-4e78-aaef-e19d22a5ab1e"],"tagline":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-52812-3"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"07.2017","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21685688/web_nahost_2017_04.pdf","title":"Text (PDF-Deutsch)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Juli 2017","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["59929eaf-acde-4e78-aaef-e19d22a5ab1e"]}],"subtitle":"2017 | ISSN: 1862-3611","urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-52812-3"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2017","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3611"],"personNames":["Henner Fürtig"],"personUuids":["59929eaf-acde-4e78-aaef-e19d22a5ab1e"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"seriesNumber":["4"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"Am 5. Juni 2017 brachen Saudi-Arabien, die VAE, Bahrain und Ägypten die Beziehungen zu Katar mit der Begründung ab, das Emirat verfolge einen Kollaborationskurs gegenüber Iran. Wenig später folgte ein Ultimatum. Primär geht es dabei um das Bestreben Saudi-Arabiens, alle Monarchien auf der Arabischen…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"6joLnegpq5pkkiBYGMi9eZ","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Nahost 2017_04 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Nahost 2017_04 (Header)","altText":"Treffen der Herrscher von Saudi-Arabien und Qatar im Jahr 2017.","copyright":"Reuters / POOL New","media":{"sys":{"id":"66iBst4HXX8E09f39NFfwC","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Nahost 2017_04 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/66iBst4HXX8E09f39NFfwC/c3f6d3c96e0a9a8ebf04067fa2ea4bc6/Bild_Focus_Nahost_2017_04__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1143}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"66iBst4HXX8E09f39NFfwC","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Nahost 2017_04 (Header)","file":"$36:280:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Middle East","date":"2017-07-01T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Katars Beziehungen zu Iran: eher Taktik als Strategie"}}],["4b8c6RmU7o0u30noorIToZ",{"sys":{"id":"4b8c6RmU7o0u30noorIToZ","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:108:1:fields:teaserMedia:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Medienbeitrag Sabine Kurtenbach hr-info Venezuela","title":"Medienbeitrag Sabine Kurtenbach hr-info Venezuela","type":"File","media":{"sys":{"id":"1ynBV6rIyRabf4sckTm7U1","type":"Asset"},"title":"Medienbeitrag Sabine Kurtenbach hr-info Venezuela","description":"","file":"$36:108:1:fields:teaserMedia:fields:media:file"},"poster":{"sys":{"id":"7KXpjxVQ01NBkDPMLZ54V8","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Nov25 Nationalflaggen Venezuelas und der USA imago841755602","description":"","file":"$36:108:1:fields:teaserMedia:fields:poster:file"}}}],["4beea290-9229-4543-a33e-285b8df68f2a",{"sys":{"id":"4beea290-9229-4543-a33e-285b8df68f2a","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Syrien - sicher genug für Abschiebungen?","dataTeaser":{"date":"03.09.2024","link":"https://www.dw.com/de/syrien-sicher-genug-f%C3%BCr-abschiebungen/a-70120382","type":"Erwähnung","tagline":["Deutsche Welle","Erwähnung"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/mention","value":"Erwähnung"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

In Deutschland wird über Abschiebungen von strafffällig gewordenen Geflüchteten nach Syrien diskutiert. Doch ist das Land sicher? Dr. André Bank vom GIGA hat substanzielle Zweifel.

","personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"03.09.2024","type":"Erwähnung","links":[{"url":"https://www.dw.com/de/syrien-sicher-genug-f%C3%BCr-abschiebungen/a-70120382"}],"mediums":["Deutsche Welle"],"keywords":{"free":["Syrien","Abschiebungen","Diktatur","Türkei","Kurden","Geflüchtete","Flüchtlinge"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/mention","value":"Erwähnung"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Mention","date":"2024-09-03T10:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["4c0a3023-3d7e-4dda-bbce-89b6ce7ee072",{"sys":{"id":"4c0a3023-3d7e-4dda-bbce-89b6ce7ee072","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Building Inclusive Peace: Security Sector Reform and State-Society Relations","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/paper_presentation","value":"Paperpräsentation"},"type":"Konferenz","eventName":"Conflict Research Society Annual Conference","date":"10.09.2019","link":"http://conflictresearchsociety.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/CRS_2019_Programme_updated-1-1.pdf","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00"],"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"}}],"referencedEventUuid":"7b6705a1-a624-42c7-8ddd-ab464399b0cf"},"dataDetail":{"date":"10.09.2019","type":"Konferenz","links":[{"url":"http://conflictresearchsociety.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/CRS_2019_Programme_updated-1-1.pdf"}],"pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/paper_presentation","value":"Paperpräsentation"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"Conflict Research Society Annual Conference","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00"],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach","Nadine Ansorg"],"referencedEventUuid":"7b6705a1-a624-42c7-8ddd-ab464399b0cf"},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2019-09-10T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["4c586e62-3c9d-4af7-8462-7a7061ee5291",{"sys":{"id":"4c586e62-3c9d-4af7-8462-7a7061ee5291","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"On the Utility of Using a Policy Delphi for Estimating the Impacts of Marijuana Legalization on Violence and Crime","path":"/de/publikationen/referierte-aufsaetze/utility-policy-delphi-estimating-impacts-marijuana-legalization-violence-crime/","dataTeaser":{"date":"09.2025","link":"https://doi.org/10.31389/jied.260","type":"Artikel","tagline":["Journal of Illicit Economies and Development"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"Publics and politicians are divided on whether cannabis regulation will increase or decrease drug violence. Using a Policy Delphi, which the article introduces and discusses, can contribute to clarify what to expect of the legal regulation of cannabis regarding drug-related violence and crime.","personUuids":["1b2a491e-aaa1-4dbd-8a7c-5758b90bfb70"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.31389/jied.260"],"date":"09.2025","type":"Artikel","isbns":[],"links":[],"pages":"61-69","status":"Veröffentlicht","volume":"7","journal":"Journal of Illicit Economies and Development","dateLong":"September 2025","keywords":{"free":["Policy Delphi","Cannabis Regulation","Marijuana Legalization","Drug Violence","Drug Crime"],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/mexico","title":"Mexiko"}]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["1b2a491e-aaa1-4dbd-8a7c-5758b90bfb70"]}],"subtitle":"Artikel | 2025","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2025","unitUuids":["b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e","adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b"],"issueNumber":"2","personNames":["Jonas von Hoffmann"],"personUuids":["1b2a491e-aaa1-4dbd-8a7c-5758b90bfb70"],"isForthcoming":false,"numberOfPages":9,"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"2LunW7GGg8WA0YjXx2BS9E","type":"Asset"},"title":"blueberry haze","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2LunW7GGg8WA0YjXx2BS9E/6d07c68ddaa9c909b0b291cbc670ed2c/blueberry_haze.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Articles","date":"2025-09-02T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["4ca473e0-83a7-4d49-97ea-df514e8c125b",{"sys":{"id":"4ca473e0-83a7-4d49-97ea-df514e8c125b","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"South Africa’s Watershed Election: The Dawn of Coalition Politics","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/south-africa-s-watershed-election-the-dawn-of-coalition-politics/","dataTeaser":{"date":"3/2024","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfaf-24032","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"In einer historischen Wahl hat der African National Congress zum ersten Mal seit dem demokratischen Umbruch 1994 seine absolute Mehrheit verloren. Inmitten einer tiefen innenpolitischen Krise und erheblicher internationaler Herausforderungen verändert sich Südafrikas politische Landschaft grundlegend.","personUuids":["3676528a-274d-432c-9e4e-9352ef4f1266","f69733cc-4ec2-44f7-bd25-3fdf05c4eb91"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfaf-24032"],"date":"06.2024","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Juni 2024","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/africa/South_africa","title":"Südafrika"}]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["3676528a-274d-432c-9e4e-9352ef4f1266","f69733cc-4ec2-44f7-bd25-3fdf05c4eb91"]}],"subtitle":"2024 | ISSN: 1862-3603","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2024","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3603"],"personNames":["Maxine Rubin","Christian von Soest"],"personUuids":["3676528a-274d-432c-9e4e-9352ef4f1266","f69733cc-4ec2-44f7-bd25-3fdf05c4eb91"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"seriesNumber":["3"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":true,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"5cWbDyEmRKOsEPpV8ZJuR7","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Afrika 2024_03 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5cWbDyEmRKOsEPpV8ZJuR7/cdd30aa83b66aeb6c69078ff97fee2dd/GIGA_J-1.JPG","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Africa","date":"2024-06-04T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["4cfc66f5-065e-4bee-ae13-c3f6539ae0fb",{"sys":{"id":"4cfc66f5-065e-4bee-ae13-c3f6539ae0fb","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Nicaragua: Elecciones en el Único país del Mundo sin Periódicos Impresos","dataTeaser":{"date":"11.2021","link":"https://agendapublica.elpais.com/noticia/13517/nicaragua-elecciones-unico-pais-mundo-sin-periodicos-impresos","type":"Blogbeitrag","tagline":["Blogbeitrag"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/blog_article","value":"Blogbeitrag"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"$83","personUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"11.2021","type":"Blogbeitrag","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"November 2021","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/blog_article","value":"Blogbeitrag"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"]}],"subtitle":"Blogbeitrag | Agenda Pública, El País | 2021","urnLinks":["https://agendapublica.elpais.com/noticia/13517/nicaragua-elecciones-unico-pais-mundo-sin-periodicos-impresos"],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2021","publisher":"Agenda Pública, El País","unitUuids":[],"personNames":["Alina Ripplinger"],"personUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"isForthcoming":false,"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"d799e849-0eac-4d6d-8ab5-d171721e7124"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions [NON-GIGA]","date":"2021-11-03T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["4d4cc490-22a0-4696-a2c1-13a6feb7f9d5",{"sys":{"id":"4d4cc490-22a0-4696-a2c1-13a6feb7f9d5","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Halting Autocratic Consolidation in Nicaragua: Strategic Civil Resistance under International Human Rights Law","dataTeaser":{"date":"25.04.2023 - 28.04.2023","type":"Workshop","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/paper_presentation","value":"Paperpräsentation"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"},"uuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"(R)evolutions in International Human Rights Law and Politics: Actors, Norms, and Strategies","teaserText":"The paper on Strategic Civil Resistance was discussed during the Joint Sessions of Workshops of the European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR) at Toulouse, France, 2023, in the scope of the Workshop “(R)evolutions in International Human Rights Law and Politics: Actors, Norms, and Strategies”.","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"Paper presented at the Joint Sessions of ECPR"},"personUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"referencedEventUuid":"d2b62bc3-453f-4a74-8b37-d5b711641436"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","type":"Workshop","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/paper_presentation","value":"Paperpräsentation"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":["Resistance","Autocratization","Nicaragua","Human Rights","Law"]},"expertUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"referencedEventUuid":"d2b62bc3-453f-4a74-8b37-d5b711641436","date":"25.04.2023 - 28.04.2023","eventName":"(R)evolutions in International Human Rights Law and Politics: Actors, Norms, and Strategies","roleMaps":[{"uuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"}}],"personNames":["Alina Ripplinger"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2023-04-25T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["4da53603-62e0-4e3b-86a3-04f8ad5e2274",{"sys":{"id":"4da53603-62e0-4e3b-86a3-04f8ad5e2274","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"O Átomo no Pós-Guerra Fria: Mudanças sistêmicas nas relações de poder internacionais e não proliferação nuclear..","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/atomo-pos-guerra-fria-mudancas-sistemicas-nas-relacoes-poder-internacionais-nao-proliferacao-nuclear/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"type":"Artikel","date":"2016","personUuids":["c2485d83-8c32-4ead-9dd0-da02dcd61426"],"tagline":["Revista Peruana de Estudios Internacionales"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"2016","type":"Artikel","isbns":[],"pages":"44-57","status":"Veröffentlicht","volume":"2","journal":"Revista Peruana de Estudios Internacionales","dateLong":"2016","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["c2485d83-8c32-4ead-9dd0-da02dcd61426"]}],"subtitle":"Artikel | 2016","blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2016","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"personNames":["Leonardo Bandarra"],"personUuids":["c2485d83-8c32-4ead-9dd0-da02dcd61426"],"isForthcoming":false,"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"7EL3PR1atPREGQCIAPrxYN","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:13:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Contributions","title":"Bild Contributions","media":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"},"altText":"Foto von Rand offener Buchseiten","copyright":"istock / FactoryTh"}}],"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2016-01-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["4dkqpgx4jhErDBG5FlpRUi",{"sys":{"id":"4dkqpgx4jhErDBG5FlpRUi","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2022_02 (Header)","title":"GIGA_Venezuela_Mar2022_Caracas_President_Maduro_President_Putin_Anti-War_Protest_Reuters_RC2RVS9SPCF1_Leonardo Fernandez Viloria","media":{"sys":{"id":"6OtdookKH4j7RHUjwcxpxg","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA_Venezuela_Mar2022_Caracas_President_Maduro_President_Putin_Anti-War_Protest_Reuters_RC2RVS9SPCF1_Leonardo Fernandez Viloria","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/6OtdookKH4j7RHUjwcxpxg/1dc19c9d7cc5bbe9616f35b52c305aa9/GIGA_Venezuela_Mar2022_Caracas_President_Maduro_President_Putin_Anti-War_Protest_Reuters_RC2RVS9SPCF1_Leonardo_Fernandez_Vil.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"altText":"Demonstrator holds a collage of pictures of Russia's President Putin and his Venezuelan counterpart Maduro during an anti-war protest following Russia's invasion, in Caracas, March 4, 2022. The writing on the collage reads \"Putin = Maduro, Justice first.\""}}],["4e294a81-121d-4403-a806-5f089d5abc07",{"sys":{"id":"4e294a81-121d-4403-a806-5f089d5abc07","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Costs and Benefits of Overlapping Regional Organizations in Latin America: The Case of OAS and UNASUR","path":"/de/publikationen/referierte-aufsaetze/costs-benefits-overlapping-regional-organizations-latin-america-oas-unasur/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"type":"Artikel","date":"2018","personUuids":["3e78d9e1-031b-43c2-8773-ffa8e38ae218"],"tagline":["Latin American Politics and Society"],"link":"https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-61745-8"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"2018","type":"Artikel","isbns":[],"links":[],"pages":"128-153","status":"Veröffentlicht","volume":"60","journal":"Latin American Politics and Society","dateLong":"2018","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["3e78d9e1-031b-43c2-8773-ffa8e38ae218"]}],"subtitle":"Artikel | 2018","urnLinks":["https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2017.8","https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-61745-8"],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2018","unitUuids":["351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23","adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b"],"issueNumber":"1","personNames":["Detlef Nolte"],"personUuids":["3e78d9e1-031b-43c2-8773-ffa8e38ae218"],"isForthcoming":false,"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"79Iw2W1y5I439nIQKWTblO","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild referierte Artikel","title":"Bild referierte Artikel","altText":"Ein Stapel Zeitschriften","copyright":"iStock.com/ pinkomelet","media":{"sys":{"id":"3MVDYqgKxq8a8ZuszO7pV9","type":"Asset"},"title":"iStock-831942476","file":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3MVDYqgKxq8a8ZuszO7pV9","type":"Asset"},"title":"iStock-831942476","file":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Articles","date":"2018-01-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["4e57592b-c8f2-4554-bcf9-ac9af33e23dd",{"sys":{"id":"4e57592b-c8f2-4554-bcf9-ac9af33e23dd","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"The 2023 Israeli–Palestinian War: A Gift to China","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/the-2023-israeli-palestinian-war-a-gift-to-china/","dataTeaser":{"date":"5/2023","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfme-23052","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Der Krieg in Gaza verheißt nichts Gutes für die EU und die USA, da er a) die westlichen Infrastrukturkorridore unterbricht, b) von der China- und Indopazifikpolitik ablenkt und c) den Westen als selbsternannten Verfechter der „regelbasierten Ordnung“ untergräbt.","personUuids":["583a77e6-9f4e-493d-b5a7-daee43fe921d"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfme-23052"],"date":"11.2023","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"November 2023","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["583a77e6-9f4e-493d-b5a7-daee43fe921d"]}],"subtitle":"2023 | ISSN: 1862-3611","urnLinks":["https://www.giga-hamburg.de/en/publications/giga-focus/the-2023-israeli-palestinian-war-a-gift-to-china"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2023","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3611"],"personNames":["Mohammadbagher Forough"],"personUuids":["583a77e6-9f4e-493d-b5a7-daee43fe921d"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"seriesNumber":["5"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":true,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"4iT0MfFb8TYR0MqFDhtP4d","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Oct23 China s permanent representative to the United Nations IMAGO Xinhua 0310287171","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4iT0MfFb8TYR0MqFDhtP4d/ecfb851f1eaf7a8112505e88f54f7495/GIGA_Oct23_China_s_permanent_representative_to_the_United_Nations_IMAGO_Xinhua_0310287171.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Middle East","date":"2023-11-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["4e8dd2eb-a0c1-4ecd-a6cc-e357e9cae7d7",{"sys":{"id":"4e8dd2eb-a0c1-4ecd-a6cc-e357e9cae7d7","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"\"Micronexit\" Overshadows Golden Anniversary of the Pacific Islands Forum","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/mikronexit-ueberschattet-goldenes-jubilaeum-des-pazifischen-inselforums/","dataTeaser":{"date":"2/2021","link":"https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-72475-7","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["1cf677cb-e684-4f5f-ab38-c19e17ba4d47"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2021 | ISSN: 1862-359X","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"04.2021","dateShort":"2021","links":[{"title":"Text (pdf English)","url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/24403186/web_Asien_2021_02_en.pdf"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":[],"personNames":["Patrick Köllner"],"dateLong":"April 2021","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-72475-7"],"unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesNumber":["2"],"seriesIssn":["1862-359X"],"useDynamicPdf":false,"personUuids":["1cf677cb-e684-4f5f-ab38-c19e17ba4d47"],"relatedProjectUuids":["e5872759-c35c-4c7c-b38e-90bb5a59470f"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["1cf677cb-e684-4f5f-ab38-c19e17ba4d47"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"3TPahPgbD5KjU3N1nrucjI","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:204:1:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2021_02 (Header)","title":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2021_02 (Header)","altText":"Mitglieder des PACIFIC ISLANDS FORUM TUVALU warten darauf, für das Familienfoto vor dem Leaders Retreat beim Pacific Islands Forum in Funafuti, Tuvalu, zu posieren","copyright":"IMAGO / Mick Tsikas","media":{"sys":{"id":"iEMAdgaTRzoI71jVIsVsi","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2021_02","file":"$36:204:1:fields:media:file"}}}],"teaserText":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Das Pazifische Inselforum steckt in der größten Krise seit seiner Gründung vor 50 Jahren. Fast ein Drittel der Mitglieder wollen die Organisation 2022 verlassen, da ihr Kandidat für das Amt des Generalsekretärs nicht gewählt wurde. Durch Reformen könnte der „Mikronexit“ verhindert werden, doch es gibt weitere Herausforderungen.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"iEMAdgaTRzoI71jVIsVsi","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2021_02","file":"$36:204:1:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Asia","date":"2021-04-15T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"„Mikronexit“ überschattet Goldenes Jubiläum des Pazifischen Inselforums"}}],["4fdf443f-1e15-420a-98fb-d4249d17f701",{"sys":{"id":"4fdf443f-1e15-420a-98fb-d4249d17f701","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"The Rise of Digital Repression in Indonesia under Joko Widodo","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/the-rise-of-digital-repression-in-indonesia-under-joko-widodo/","dataTeaser":{"date":"1/2024","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-24012","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Die indonesische Regierung beschränkt durch Überwachung, digitale Angriffe, systematische Rechtsbeugung und Online-Manipulation durch „Buzzer“ zunehmend die zivilgesellschaftlichen Spielräume. Dies ist alarmierend, weil der Rechtspopulist Prabowo Subianto im Jahr 2024 zum Präsidenten gewählt werden könnte.","personUuids":["2a792a48-ee75-4d68-bbdc-d1eb9ba97b6a"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2024 | ISSN: 1862-359X","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"01.2024","dateShort":"2024","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-24012"],"personNames":["Andreas Ufen"],"dateLong":"Januar 2024","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":[],"unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e"],"seriesNumber":["1"],"seriesIssn":["1862-359X"],"useDynamicPdf":true,"personUuids":["2a792a48-ee75-4d68-bbdc-d1eb9ba97b6a"],"relatedProjectUuids":["a90710ab-d73e-48d8-8853-e068c10333ed","b8997519-df24-4d79-9d99-d2f6f499d225"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["2a792a48-ee75-4d68-bbdc-d1eb9ba97b6a"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"22iIHFvL5Zmw7GcbCvu8Q4","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2024_01 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/22iIHFvL5Zmw7GcbCvu8Q4/05b52c255a38f914967685ad06caa131/GIGA_Nov23_Indonesia_Members_holding_the_sign_alert_of_six_points_of_the_General_Election_Supervisory_Agency__Bawaslu__for_t.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Asia","date":"2024-01-02T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["4ff65947-94f9-4337-a8c5-393c5ebe229f",{"sys":{"id":"4ff65947-94f9-4337-a8c5-393c5ebe229f","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Aid in Unstable Times: Afghan Experiences and Future EU Engagement","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/aid-in-unstable-times-afghan-experiences-and-future-eu-engagement/","dataTeaser":{"date":"5/2025","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-25052","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Was ist in zwei Jahrzehnten EU-Hilfe in Afghanistan schiefgelaufen und was muss sich ändern? Die Studienkommission und der Untersuchungsausschuss haben Fehler aufgezeigt. Auf der Grundlage von Interviews und afghanischen Perspektiven werden politische Empfehlungen für künftige Hilfsmaßnahmen gegeben.","personUuids":["ef5cfffb-53a1-4059-95f6-ec177740a00a"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-25052"],"date":"08.2025","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"August 2025","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/mena/Afghanistan","title":"Afghanistan"}]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["ef5cfffb-53a1-4059-95f6-ec177740a00a"]}],"subtitle":"2025 | ISSN: 1862-359X","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2025","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-359X"],"personNames":["Nazir Ahmad Yosufi"],"personUuids":["ef5cfffb-53a1-4059-95f6-ec177740a00a"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"seriesNumber":["5"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":true,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","relatedProjectUuids":["7ad25ed8-2164-43f8-af73-36d8c15de7f7"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"30nfyxXfucobyZ1lz8e6l1","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2025_05 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/30nfyxXfucobyZ1lz8e6l1/8b886194a1e76a0b63ee8156b6113924/GIGA_Focus_Asia_5_Yosufi.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Asia","date":"2025-08-15T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["4ggMCONqci7MRpC08bzUZC",{"sys":{"id":"4ggMCONqci7MRpC08bzUZC","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Lateinamerika 2019_01_1.Seite","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In der aktuellen Krise Venezuelas verbinden sich verschiedene historische Konflikte zu einer gefährlichen Mixtur: Die Abhängigkeit vom Öl und das Vordringen der organisierten Kriminalität, die Entwertung institutioneller Kanäle der Konfliktbearbeitung, ein hohes Maß an Gewalt und die Internationalisierung der Auseinandersetzung. Der Ausgang ist ungewiss. Wahlen und ein Regierungswechsel alleine werden die strukturell verankerten Konflikte nicht lösen."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-3","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Fazit"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Externe Akteure wie die Europäische Union und die Bundesregierung können mit einem menschenrechtsbasierten Ansatz zur Deeskalation der Krise und konstruktiven Bearbeitung der zugrunde liegenden Konflikte beitragen. Im Vordergrund muss dabei zunächst der Schutz vor und die Reduzierung von direkter Gewalt stehen. Zentrale Elemente sind außerdem die Wiederherstellung politischer Partizipation sowie ebenso wichtig die Garantie wirtschaftlicher, sozialer und kultureller Rechte."}],"data":{}}]}}}],["4kIJk9g89D8djX8TYvawzp",{"sys":{"id":"4kIJk9g89D8djX8TYvawzp","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Global 2025_04 (Header)","title":"GIGA_Protest against Brazilian President in Porto Alegre","media":{"sys":{"id":"3aZyBoCGj1kkSxKZrpxazT","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Global 2025_04 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3aZyBoCGj1kkSxKZrpxazT/997761c04faa0d3aa8c693b2050beb6b/GIGA_Protest_against_Brazilian_President_in_Porto_Alegre.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"altText":"Protest against the President of Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro, in support of democracy and against racism in the city of Porto Alegre","textWrappingAlignment":"Left","textWrappingImageWidth":50,"withZoom":false}}],["4klDkuTXlv0QACBbhjGMqJ",{"sys":{"id":"4klDkuTXlv0QACBbhjGMqJ","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:235:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Global 2021_05 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Global 2021_05 (Header)","altText":"Bildschirmfoto zeigt den amerikanischen Präsidenten Joe Biden","copyright":"imago images/ Xinhua","media":{"sys":{"id":"1bYmmEEOBqK7vyuDMcpLLG","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA_Praesident-Biden_Aug2021_ID-0131458434h_imago-images_Xinhua","description":"","file":"$36:235:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],["4l3P7zUvFBDhi2sFYBJkdP",{"sys":{"id":"4l3P7zUvFBDhi2sFYBJkdP","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur Focus Lateinamerika 2019_01","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"headline":"Literatur","contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":""}],"data":{}}]}}}],["4noElVik0XGZTua9joxJ1j",{"sys":{"id":"4noElVik0XGZTua9joxJ1j","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaGallery"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Media gallery Workshop Désirée Reder Costa Rica","topics":[{"sys":{"id":"13QLjfX55Ej3R7oHRn2TXw","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Image Workshop Désirée Reder Costa Rica 1","title":"Image Workshop Désirée Reder Costa Rica 1","media":{"sys":{"id":"4pZeF5hUqXakKkmhgoSHZa","type":"Asset"},"title":"Image Workshop Désirée Reder Costa Rica 1","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4pZeF5hUqXakKkmhgoSHZa/256276a78518a24a74b7054c2d248988/WhatsApp_Bild_2024-02-15_um_15.56.46_6b9962aa.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1600,"height":900}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"altText":"Group photo from the workshop in Costa Rica organised by Désirée Reder."}},{"sys":{"id":"4PCLmTKlYZqdnpx0GUjrEE","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Image Workshop Désirée Reder Costa Rica 2","title":"Image Workshop Désirée Reder Costa Rica 2","media":{"sys":{"id":"5A6GNJ12rRw0S1VdedYOjo","type":"Asset"},"title":"Image Workshop Désirée Reder Costa Rica 2","description":"","file":"$36:103:1:fields:teaserImage:file"},"altText":"Group photo of GIGA researchers at the workshop in Costa Rica, organised by Désirée Reder."}},{"sys":{"id":"3eqyHpQGq3RUY1LXK5sXU3","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Image Workshop Désirée Reder Costa Rica 3","title":"Image Workshop Désirée Reder Costa Rica 3","media":{"sys":{"id":"1BNctOhdF5rqwAI8WYexqc","type":"Asset"},"title":"Image Workshop Désirée Reder Costa Rica 3","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1BNctOhdF5rqwAI8WYexqc/da8c8fe1599e85d8672a032e1327e9ca/_Bild_SK_.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1498,"height":842}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"altText":"Photo of Sabine Kurtenbach presenting her work at the workshop in Costa Rica organised by Désirée Reder."}},{"sys":{"id":"5MGsQJTaW7vpqiUkpeukKJ","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Image Workshop Désirée Reder Costa Rica 4","title":"Image Workshop Désirée Reder Costa Rica 4","media":{"sys":{"id":"3WOmhROyiHDJPLZAR7ShKS","type":"Asset"},"title":"Image Workshop Désirée Reder Costa Rica 4","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3WOmhROyiHDJPLZAR7ShKS/2c53985937baad6376484875325e7691/Image_Workshop_D_sir_e_Reder_Costa_Rica_4-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1500}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"1pStUPLjxVPT3M9ngHjlY9","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Image Workshop Désirée Reder Costa Rica 5","title":"Image Workshop Désirée Reder Costa Rica 5","media":{"sys":{"id":"77GH8LqUhnx9l1iE4FYAd0","type":"Asset"},"title":"Image Workshop Désirée Reder Costa Rica 5","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/77GH8LqUhnx9l1iE4FYAd0/7e0ed01664401951c70b6a568d7589a5/aaaaaaaa.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1200,"height":1600}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}},{"sys":{"id":"60SZcsMFabnGXkMkjfk4rI","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Image Workshop Désirée Reder Costa Rica 6","title":"Image Workshop Désirée Reder Costa Rica 6","media":{"sys":{"id":"1sF6Y2n4soFJ8Cgf99eYsQ","type":"Asset"},"title":"Image Workshop Désirée Reder Costa Rica 6","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1sF6Y2n4soFJ8Cgf99eYsQ/899db48b07e805729da6f625d5519016/Image_Workshop_D_sir_e_Reder_Costa_Rica_6-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1500}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}]}}],["4q7VzWrp1xvnW5XZuIv5AK",{"sys":{"id":"4q7VzWrp1xvnW5XZuIv5AK","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur GIGA Focus Ballots over Streets: Bolivia’s Fragile Democratic Gamble","headline":"Literatur","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Agramont-Lechín, Diego (ed.) (2025), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"La Bolivia del futuro"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", La Paz: Fundación Friedrich Ebert (FES Bolivia)."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Bächtiger, André, Markus Spörndli, Marco R. Steenbergen, and Jürg Steiner (2005), The Deliberative Dimensions of Legislatures, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Acta Politica"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 40, 2, 225–238."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Center for Global Democracy (2023), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"AmericasBarometer: Bolivia 2023, v5.0 [dataset]"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Nashville: Vanderbilt University."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Cohen, Mollie J. (2024), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"None of the Above: Protest Voting in Latin American Democracies"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Czaplicki, Stasiek"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"(2024), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Revista Nómadas"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 22 October, accessed 14 October 2025."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES Bolivia) (2025), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Contexto y escenarios prospectivos 2025: Cuestionario Delphi, tercera ronda y datos comparados (septiembre)"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", La Paz: FES Bolivia."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"INESAD (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 20 December, accessed 14 October 2025."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Ipsos Ciesmori (2025), Encuesta Electoral Nacional 2025, La Paz: Ipsos Ciesmori, cited in: Unitel, "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 14 October 2025."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Moreno Morales, Daniel Eduardo (ed.) (2024), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"La democracia en los ojos de la gente: 25 años de cultura política en Bolivia"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", La Paz: Fundación Konrad Adenauer / Ciudadanía, Comunidad de Estudios Sociales y Acción Pública."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Norris, Pippa (2011), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Democratic Deficit: Critical Citizens Revisited"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. "}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Osorio Michel, Daniela (forthcoming), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"“Democracia y valores sociales en Bolivia.” In Encuesta Mundial de Valores en Bolivia 2024"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", La Paz: United Nations Population Fund / Ciudadanía, Comunidad de Estudios Sociales y Acción Pública."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Pérez-Liñán, Aníbal (2006), Evaluating Presidential Runoff Elections, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Electoral Studies"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 25, 1, 129–146."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Reuters"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" (2024), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 15 July, accessed 14 October 2025."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"V-Dem Institute (2025), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Gothenburg: University of Gothenburg, accessed 14 October 2025."}]}]}}}],["4rHXywaLhnv6qvUbSL63QH",{"sys":{"id":"4rHXywaLhnv6qvUbSL63QH","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"columnContent"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Lektorat GIGA Focus Nahost James","headline":"Lektorat GIGA Focus Nahost","showHeadlineLeft":true,"backgroundColour":"White","columnCount":3,"topics":[{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"f888036a-4820-4e7e-8152-b693e35b48f7"}},{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"14d46366-0dd9-4bcd-a5b3-70778f71d6ca"}}]}}],["4sFeqaVFzHqgZiUapPow4B",{"sys":{"id":"4sFeqaVFzHqgZiUapPow4B","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"columnContent"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Lektorat GIGA Focus Lateinamerika James und Meenakshi","headline":"Lektorat GIGA Focus Lateinamerika","showHeadlineLeft":true,"backgroundColour":"White","columnCount":3,"topics":[{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"f888036a-4820-4e7e-8152-b693e35b48f7"}},{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"14d46366-0dd9-4bcd-a5b3-70778f71d6ca"}},{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"edf596ad-f3eb-4dbe-ab0c-4f3ab5c03b69"}}]}}],["509a4194-0277-4f21-976e-1348f890ae46",{"sys":{"id":"509a4194-0277-4f21-976e-1348f890ae46","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Civil War: Fleeing the peace","dataTeaser":{"date":"21.06.2016","link":"http://www.dandc.eu/en/article/even-after-peace-formally-declared-people-keep-fleeing-strife-torn-countries","type":"Weitere","tagline":["D+C | Development and Cooperation","Weitere"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/other","value":"Weitere"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","personUuids":["17afe8c9-9a21-4ebb-8afd-b149f96bb697","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"21.06.2016","type":"Weitere","links":[{"url":"http://www.dandc.eu/en/article/even-after-peace-formally-declared-people-keep-fleeing-strife-torn-countries"}],"mediums":["D+C | Development and Cooperation"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/other","value":"Weitere"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["17afe8c9-9a21-4ebb-8afd-b149f96bb697","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54"],"mediaFormats":[]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Other","date":"2016-06-21T10:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["50a23568-d065-4e5d-b7e2-51b6b76e0cec",{"sys":{"id":"50a23568-d065-4e5d-b7e2-51b6b76e0cec","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"How to Make China Help Bring the War in Ukraine to an End","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/how-to-make-china-help-bring-the-war-in-ukraine-to-an-end/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"type":"GIGA Focus","teaserText":"Der Ukraine-Krieg stellt China vor ein Problem. Trotz Interesse an De-Eskalation verbietet es die strategische Rivalität mit den USA China, Russland fallen zu lassen. Um China dennoch dazu zu bewegen, Russland von einer Beendigung des Krieges zu überzeugen, müsste Europa China ein Angebot machen.","date":"3/2022","personUuids":["1796406a-b893-4126-be31-250519d03525"],"tagline":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-22032"},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-22032"],"date":"06.2022","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Juni 2022","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["1796406a-b893-4126-be31-250519d03525"]}],"subtitle":"2022 | ISSN: 1862-359X","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-80945-1"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2022","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesIssn":["1862-359X"],"personNames":["Sebastian Biba"],"personUuids":["1796406a-b893-4126-be31-250519d03525"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"seriesNumber":["3"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":true,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"5JME7pd2SkIqJJ26ybOOZZ","type":"Asset"},"title":"China_Feb2022_Beijing_President_Putin_President_Xi_IMAGO_0149793798_ITAR-TASS","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5JME7pd2SkIqJJ26ybOOZZ/a5efe68cd595559a10e94c8ebf4b6081/China_Feb2022_Beijing_President_Putin_President_Xi_IMAGO_0149793798_ITAR-TASS-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Asia","date":"2022-06-02T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["50aaa892-777a-4568-ac15-110b66b3d9be",{"sys":{"id":"50aaa892-777a-4568-ac15-110b66b3d9be","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Por qué la Liberación de Presos Políticos en Nicaragua no Significa que Daniel Ortega se Haya Moderado","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/por-que-liberacion-presos-politicos-en-nicaragua-significa-daniel-ortega-haya-moderado/","dataTeaser":{"date":"07.2023","link":"https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/latamcaribbean/2023/07/06/liberacion-presos-politicos-nicaragua-daniel-ortega-moderado/","type":"Blogbeitrag","tagline":["Blogbeitrag"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/blog_article","value":"Blogbeitrag"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"This text is a contextualisation of the prisoner release in Nicaragua.","personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"07.2023","type":"Blogbeitrag","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Juli 2023","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/blog_article","value":"Blogbeitrag"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]}],"subtitle":"Blogbeitrag | LSE blog of the London School of Economics and Political Science | 2023","urnLinks":["https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/latamcaribbean/2023/07/06/liberacion-presos-politicos-nicaragua-daniel-ortega-moderado/"],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2023","publisher":"LSE blog of the London School of Economics and Political Science","unitUuids":["920d7f1c-74c0-49d5-8839-00b833e607c5","adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"personNames":["Désirée Reder"],"personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"isForthcoming":false,"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2023-07-06T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["51236ff0-ec04-4a44-9e6a-366dac0a935e",{"sys":{"id":"51236ff0-ec04-4a44-9e6a-366dac0a935e","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Security and Peace in Times of Major Transformations. Digitalization and Climate Crisis","dataTeaser":{"date":"31.05.2021 - 03.06.2021","link":"https://colombia.fes.de/fileadmin/user_upload/PROGRAMA-CONGRESO-III-2021-ENGLISH_VERSION.pdf","type":"Konferenz","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/attendance/participating","value":"Beteiligung"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"moderator","value":"Moderator:in"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"Security and Peace in Times of Major Transformations. Digitalization and Climate Crisis","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"Third conference of the Network on Inclusive and sustainable Security in Latin America"},"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"referencedEventUuid":"a4b45463-71f0-4859-abd8-4362082174c6"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","type":"Konferenz","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/attendance/participating","value":"Beteiligung"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":["Latin America","security","peace"]},"expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"referencedEventUuid":"a4b45463-71f0-4859-abd8-4362082174c6","date":"31.05.2021 - 03.06.2021","links":[{"url":"https://colombia.fes.de/fileadmin/user_upload/PROGRAMA-CONGRESO-III-2021-ENGLISH_VERSION.pdf"}],"eventName":"Security and Peace in Times of Major Transformations. Digitalization and Climate Crisis","roleMaps":[{"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"role":{"key":"moderator","value":"Moderator:in"}}],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2021-05-31T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["521db23d-18d4-4101-ab93-a9ef535cc96d",{"sys":{"id":"521db23d-18d4-4101-ab93-a9ef535cc96d","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Federalism in Times of Crisis: Insights from India’s COVID-19 Response","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/federalism-in-times-of-crisis-insights-from-indias-covid-19-response/","dataTeaser":{"date":"3/2023","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-23032","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Warum reagieren subnationale Einheiten unterschiedlich, obwohl sie die gleichen verfassungsmäßigen Handlungsbefugnisse haben? In diesem GIGA Focus untersucht der Autor vier indische Bundesstaaten, um Faktoren zu identifizieren, die zu einer erfolgreichen COVID-19-Krisenbewältigung beitragen.","personUuids":["bc4d17aa-166e-43c9-af4a-c5a4d13fd6c0"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2023 | ISSN: 1862-359X","keywords":{"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/asia/India","title":"Indien"}],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"03.2023","dateShort":"2023","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-23032"],"personNames":["Chanchal Kumar Sharma"],"dateLong":"März 2023","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-86336-1"],"unitUuids":["b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e","97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b"],"seriesNumber":["3"],"seriesIssn":["1862-359X"],"useDynamicPdf":true,"personUuids":["bc4d17aa-166e-43c9-af4a-c5a4d13fd6c0"],"relatedProjectUuids":["21ac9a67-7c52-45cf-b2b8-1bd5f1e1f3d6","e483854d-1546-4d90-999a-bb9dec1d65d5","04179ca0-5891-417b-b1b7-1fed47bfe95b"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["bc4d17aa-166e-43c9-af4a-c5a4d13fd6c0"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3WRQ9xD7YgJbiQiJ0K45GN","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2023_03 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3WRQ9xD7YgJbiQiJ0K45GN/66010a5b20c6db51801ecb01c2138303/Bild_GIGA_Focus_Asien_2023_03__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1105}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Asia","date":"2023-03-27T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["527O8LFmLg5mn9uNE9uhtw",{"sys":{"id":"527O8LFmLg5mn9uNE9uhtw","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"footnote"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Global 2020_05_Fußnote1","content":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"World Bank (GDP) most countries had the latest data available for the year 2019, with the following exceptions: Somalia (1990), Syria (2007), Eritrea (2011), Venezuela (2014), South Sudan (2015), Liechtenstein (2017), Iran (2017), Aruba (2017), Bhutan (2018), Tonga (2018), Turkmenistan (2018), Palestine (2018), Palau (2018), Micronesia (2018), San Marino (2018), Yemen (2018), and the Marshall Islands (2018). Data for the Cook Islands (2016) and Nioue (2003) were taken from the CIA Factbook (CIA 2020). ","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"}}}],["5284ac09-a2bb-4300-9586-24ee3ab7c0eb",{"sys":{"id":"5284ac09-a2bb-4300-9586-24ee3ab7c0eb","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Introduction: Institutions for Sustainable Peace? Determinants and Effects of Institutional Choices in Divided Societies","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/introduction-institutions-sustainable-peace-determinants-effects-institutional-choices-divided-societies/","dataTeaser":{"date":"12.2013","link":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2013.850872","type":"Einleitung einer Sonderausgabe","tagline":["Civil Wars"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/special","value":"Einleitung einer Sonderausgabe"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["cb4cdf04-08ca-430b-9337-84f2cd467ea6","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Einleitung einer Sonderausgabe","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/special","value":"Einleitung einer Sonderausgabe"},"subtitle":"Einleitung einer Sonderausgabe | 2013","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"12.2013","dateShort":"2013","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2013.850872"],"personNames":["Andreas Mehler","Sabine Kurtenbach"],"dateLong":"Dezember 2013","isbns":[],"issueNumber":"Sup. 1","journal":"Civil Wars","pages":"1-6","urnLinks":[],"volume":"15","unitUuids":["af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"personUuids":["cb4cdf04-08ca-430b-9337-84f2cd467ea6","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["cb4cdf04-08ca-430b-9337-84f2cd467ea6","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2013-12-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["52NXelROlpDGnUi7vGCinL",{"sys":{"id":"52NXelROlpDGnUi7vGCinL","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05_3d","title":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05_3d","altText":"Countries' Positions on the TPNW.","copyright":"Authors’ own representation, based on data from the ICAN, the Freedom House, the World Bank, the Global Fire Power Index.","caption":"Figure 3 \nComparative Descriptive Data (Calibrated) \nLegend: Not = Abstainers; Rat = Ratifiers; Sig = Signatories; Sup = Supporters; Bot = Boycotters.","media":{"sys":{"id":"4ErRU5TagD57N7EnmtvjKy","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05_3d","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4ErRU5TagD57N7EnmtvjKy/df3f29bc2038eec8efddfba2b095c934/Figure3d.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":746,"height":489}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["52c2436c-bdba-4c97-a8bc-68b515c01ee9",{"sys":{"id":"52c2436c-bdba-4c97-a8bc-68b515c01ee9","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Kolumbien","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/kolumbien/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","date":"11.2013","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"tagline":["Kapitel in Sammelband"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"11.2013","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","isbns":["978-3-7795-0474-0"],"pages":"181-187","status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"November 2013","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]}],"subtitle":"Kapitel in Sammelband | Peter Hammer Verlag | 2013","blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2013","hostTitle":"Das Lateinamerika-Lexikon","publisher":"Peter Hammer Verlag","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach"],"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"isForthcoming":false,"hostEditorNames":["Silke Hensel","Barbara Potthast"],"publicationLocation":"Wuppertal","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"7EL3PR1atPREGQCIAPrxYN","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:13:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Contributions","title":"Bild Contributions","media":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"},"altText":"Foto von Rand offener Buchseiten","copyright":"istock / FactoryTh"}}],"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2013-11-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["53124785-41e3-4a5f-ad01-99b7040dc6e0",{"sys":{"id":"53124785-41e3-4a5f-ad01-99b7040dc6e0","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"DR Kongo: Hass, Gewalt und Verschwörungstheorien","dataTeaser":{"date":"29.11.2019","link":"https://p.dw.com/p/3TlXd","type":"Zitat","tagline":["Deutsche Welle","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","personUuids":["17afe8c9-9a21-4ebb-8afd-b149f96bb697"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"29.11.2019","type":"Zitat","links":[{"url":"https://p.dw.com/p/3TlXd"}],"mediums":["Deutsche Welle"],"keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["17afe8c9-9a21-4ebb-8afd-b149f96bb697"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"7INWM8pe8cm5LVVp5FNyEe","type":"Asset"},"title":"Presse Zuschnitt Intro A","file":"$36:37:1:fields:teaserImage:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2019-11-29T11:00:00.000Z"}}],["533429e4-b001-45b7-a31a-ee998a202187",{"sys":{"id":"533429e4-b001-45b7-a31a-ee998a202187","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Non-State Armed Actors, War Economies and Postwar Violence: Examining the Connections","path":"/de/publikationen/referierte-aufsaetze/non-state-armed-actors-war-economies-postwar-violence-examining-connections/","dataTeaser":{"date":"03.2025","link":"https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.106918","type":"Artikel","tagline":["World Development"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"Do war economies thwart postwar transformations and peacebuilding? This paper reveals a complex relationship shaped by political regimes and state capacities. It suggests that postwar countries can strengthen democratic institutions and state presence, rather than being inherently doomed by their war economies.","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","bd06fd0a-9cac-43b4-9415-99c49993dea7","4b9375d7-f5e1-4dfc-8f31-3b19c69f52fb","910615b0-aee2-4a6a-8ea1-f7f214a4c952"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.106918"],"date":"03.2025","type":"Artikel","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","volume":"191","journal":"World Development","dateLong":"März 2025","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","bd06fd0a-9cac-43b4-9415-99c49993dea7","4b9375d7-f5e1-4dfc-8f31-3b19c69f52fb","910615b0-aee2-4a6a-8ea1-f7f214a4c952"]}],"subtitle":"Artikel | 2025","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2025","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach","Angelika Rettberg","Gabriel Rosero","José Salguero"],"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","bd06fd0a-9cac-43b4-9415-99c49993dea7","4b9375d7-f5e1-4dfc-8f31-3b19c69f52fb","910615b0-aee2-4a6a-8ea1-f7f214a4c952"],"isForthcoming":false,"numberOfPages":18,"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"2ia7fsP0BeiFTPXaPtqk0n","type":"Asset"},"title":"after attacks by rebels from the leftist National Liberation Army (ELN)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2ia7fsP0BeiFTPXaPtqk0n/8bde1a91c15493d921ccbfe75456270f/after_attacks_by_rebels_from_the_leftist_National_Liberation_Army__ELN_.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Articles","date":"2025-03-05T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["535d9ba2-f374-436b-b47e-806cc6c2a24c",{"sys":{"id":"535d9ba2-f374-436b-b47e-806cc6c2a24c","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Security Sector Reform After Armed Conflict","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/security-sector-reform-after-armed-conflict/","dataTeaser":{"date":"2020","link":"https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11795-5_3-1","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","tagline":["Kapitel in Sammelband"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"subtitle":"Kapitel in Sammelband | Palgrave Macmillan | 2020","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"2020","dateShort":"2020","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11795-5_3-1"],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach","Nadine Ansorg"],"dateLong":"2020","hostTitle":"The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Peace and Conflict Studies","isbns":["978-3-030-11795-5"],"publicationLocation":"Cham","publisher":"Palgrave Macmillan","urnLinks":[],"unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b","df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550"],"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2020-01-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["536e7ca9-9f59-428f-855c-39b2758e6687",{"sys":{"id":"536e7ca9-9f59-428f-855c-39b2758e6687","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"¿De qué se ríe el 'emperador' de El Salvador?","dataTeaser":{"date":"03.11.2021","link":"https://agendapublica.elpais.com/noticia/17660/qu-se-rie-emperador-salvador","type":"Erwähnung","tagline":["Agenda Pública","Erwähnung"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/mention","value":"Erwähnung"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Nicaragua: elecciones en el único país del mundo sin periódicos impresos
¿Qué papel cumplen las elecciones presidenciales en un país donde se reprime la protesta, se impide el ejercicio de las libertades y se encarcela a la oposición? Alina Ripplinger identifica tres objetivos de la dictadura, a partir de los que señala un escenario para las acciones u omisiones de la reacción dentro y fuera del país.

","personUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"CLIPPING","type":"Erwähnung","pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/mention","value":"Erwähnung"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":["Nicaragua","Autocracies","autocratization","Authoritarian Regimes"]},"expertUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"links":[{"url":"https://agendapublica.elpais.com/noticia/17660/qu-se-rie-emperador-salvador"}],"date":"03.11.2021","mediums":["Agenda Pública"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Mention","date":"2021-11-03T12:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["53af2c3f-9935-40f2-a88c-1b2e657aa9e3",{"sys":{"id":"53af2c3f-9935-40f2-a88c-1b2e657aa9e3","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Security Sector Reform - International Experiences and Lessons for Colombia","dataTeaser":{"date":"19.04.2022 - 20.04.2022","link":"https://www.instituto-capaz.org/event/congreso-reflexiones-sobre-la-reforma-al-sector-de-seguridad-en-el-posacuerdo/","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/invited_talk","value":"Geladener Gastvortrag"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","teaserText":"Workshop on SSR organized by CAPAZ and the University of Antioquia in Medellin","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"Workshop on different aspects of SSR"},"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"externalOrganisationUuid":"b606bb85-96ac-4cd0-83ee-7bbc2fad1cf0"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/invited_talk","value":"Geladener Gastvortrag"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":["Security Sector Reforms","Colombia","Latin America"]},"expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"externalOrganisationUuid":"b606bb85-96ac-4cd0-83ee-7bbc2fad1cf0","date":"19.04.2022 - 20.04.2022","links":[{"url":"https://www.instituto-capaz.org/event/congreso-reflexiones-sobre-la-reforma-al-sector-de-seguridad-en-el-posacuerdo/"}],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"}}],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2022-04-19T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["54x5cMQWph1qrHqWks4xkK",{"sys":{"id":"54x5cMQWph1qrHqWks4xkK","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:21:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Grafik Logo Focus Lateinamerika alt","title":"Bild Grafik Logo Focus Lateinamerika alt","altText":"Grafik Logo Focus Lateinamerika alt","copyright":"GIGA","media":{"sys":{"id":"4JdQbyWYynp4Z995GD6CUv","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Logo GIGA_Focus_Lateinamerika","file":"$36:21:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],["564cc0cc-bd77-45f3-a219-93dc5d952c75",{"sys":{"id":"564cc0cc-bd77-45f3-a219-93dc5d952c75","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Demonstration in Damaskus: Zwischen Bewaffneten nach Freiheit rufend","dataTeaser":{"date":"20.12.2024","link":"https://taz.de/Demonstration-in-Damaskus/!6058061/","type":"Zitat","tagline":["taz. die Tageszeitung","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Nach über 50 Jahren genießen viele Menschen in Syrien die Freiheit zu demonstrieren. Und nutzen ihr Recht: Für einen säkularen Staat, für Pluralismus.

","personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"20.12.2024","type":"Zitat","links":[{"url":"https://taz.de/Demonstration-in-Damaskus/!6058061/"}],"mediums":["taz. die Tageszeitung"],"keywords":{"free":["Syrien","Demonstration","Protest","Säkularismus","Freiheit","Demokratie"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"],"mediaFormats":[]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2024-12-20T11:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["56w9E3OITvGXTmIXBEJXNd",{"sys":{"id":"56w9E3OITvGXTmIXBEJXNd","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:20:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Bücher (Teaser Image)","title":"Bild Bücher (Teaser Image)","altText":"Bild eines Bücherstapels","copyright":"Canetti","media":{"sys":{"id":"1dQIYxguF4o15G65gUgsET","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder","description":"(C) Canetti","file":"$36:20:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],["57040b57-55a2-4cce-8317-89a475825ef5",{"sys":{"id":"57040b57-55a2-4cce-8317-89a475825ef5","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Kolumbien – der weite Weg zu Kriegsbeendigung und Frieden","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/kolumbien-der-weite-weg-zu-kriegsbeendigung-und-frieden/","dataTeaser":{"date":"11/2012","link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-336469","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"2012","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/24504687/gf_lateinamerika_1211.pdf","title":"Text (pdf Deutsch)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"2012","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]}],"subtitle":"2012 | ISSN: 1862-3573","urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-336469"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2012","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3573"],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach"],"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"seriesNumber":["11"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"Kolumbiens Regierung und die Guerillagruppe FARC verhandeln seit 19. November 2012 in Havanna über die Beendigung des letzten und ältesten Krieges Lateinamerikas.In den vergangenen beiden Jahrzehnten wurden zahlreiche Kriege in Lateinamerika am Verhandlungstisch beendet. Guerillagruppen haben sich…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"54x5cMQWph1qrHqWks4xkK","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:21:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Grafik Logo Focus Lateinamerika alt","title":"Bild Grafik Logo Focus Lateinamerika alt","altText":"Grafik Logo Focus Lateinamerika alt","copyright":"GIGA","media":{"sys":{"id":"4JdQbyWYynp4Z995GD6CUv","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Logo GIGA_Focus_Lateinamerika","file":"$36:21:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"4JdQbyWYynp4Z995GD6CUv","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Logo GIGA_Focus_Lateinamerika","file":"$36:21:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Latin America","date":"2012-01-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["57LCMaKGuKDWTiIqn3PfDF",{"sys":{"id":"57LCMaKGuKDWTiIqn3PfDF","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"columnContent"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Download GIGA Focus LA 3/2022 Pandemic, Protest, and Petro Presidente: Rescuing Colombia’s Peace - Spanish PDF","headline":"Download","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","columnCount":3,"topics":[{"sys":{"id":"65XA2Mur9j4IWc4gBNmnd7","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaDocument"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Document GIGA Focus LA 3/2022 Pandemic, Protest, and Petro Presidente: Rescuing Colombia’s Peace - Spanish PDF","title":"Text (PDF Spanish)","media":{"sys":{"id":"3gulO7DsxlhXLsl07Unedt","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Focus LA 3/2022 Pandemic, Protest, and Petro Presidente: Rescuing Colombia’s Peace - Spanish PDF","description":"","file":{"url":"//assets.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3gulO7DsxlhXLsl07Unedt/4c405292a7659dd7647ed8da9a13a580/Pandemia__Protestas_y_Petro_Presidente_-_El_Rescate_de_la_Paz_en_Colombia_PDF.pdf","details":{},"contentType":"application/pdf"}},"copyright":"GIGA / Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung"}}]}}],["58a0edf5-9c30-4ae9-8981-253eaba45355",{"sys":{"id":"58a0edf5-9c30-4ae9-8981-253eaba45355","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"State Formation and Patterns of Violence: A Cross Regional Comparison","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/state-formation-and-patterns-of-violence-a-cross-regional-comparison/","dataTeaser":{"date":"2016","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","hasPage":false,"tagline":["Economic Issues"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"2016","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","isbns":["978-1-63484-013-2"],"pages":"85-99","status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"2016","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]}],"subtitle":"Kapitel in Sammelband | Nova Science Publishers | 2016","blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2016","hostTitle":"Economy, Politics and Governance: Challenges for the 21st Century","publisher":"Nova Science Publishers","unitUuids":["af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b","adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b"],"seriesIssn":[],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach"],"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"seriesTitle":["Economic Issues"],"seriesNumber":["Problems and Perspectives"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"hostEditorNames":["Víctor M. González Sánchez"],"publicationLocation":"New York","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2016-01-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["58b87fb6-daff-4120-b133-00914cad6ced",{"sys":{"id":"58b87fb6-daff-4120-b133-00914cad6ced","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Mosque Geopolitics in Bosnia and Herzegovina","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/mosque-geopolitics-in-bosnia-and-herzegovina/","dataTeaser":{"date":"3/2023","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfme-23032","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Dieser Focus thematisiert Ausmaß und Auswirkungen der ausländischen Finanzierung von Moscheen in Bosnien und Herzegowina seit dem Ende des Krieges von 1992-1995. Es werden die daran beteiligten Akteure vorgestellt, sowie Auswirkungen auf die architektonischen und religiösen Praktiken beleuchtet.","personUuids":["83acbae8-73bc-4670-997a-f8a0b63a9e9e"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2023 | ISSN: 1862-3611","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"06.2023","dateShort":"2023","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfme-23032"],"personNames":["Robin Cognée"],"dateLong":"Juni 2023","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":[],"unitUuids":["ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesNumber":["3"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3611"],"useDynamicPdf":true,"personUuids":["83acbae8-73bc-4670-997a-f8a0b63a9e9e"],"relatedProjectUuids":["af025172-7f5e-47e8-a3b3-fcc9531f4e46"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["83acbae8-73bc-4670-997a-f8a0b63a9e9e"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"c0NpuxLJi2hYnMh6jrVrT","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA Bosnia Mai2019 Foca A view of the renewed Aladza Mosque that was demolished RTX6UB7T Reuters Stevo Vasiljevic","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/c0NpuxLJi2hYnMh6jrVrT/b1d31ba5a7f6e014a9b4e82c057820bb/Bild_GIGA_Focus_Nahost_2023_03__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Middle East","date":"2023-06-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["58pTIxsT24O7AA86FU1JBr",{"sys":{"id":"58pTIxsT24O7AA86FU1JBr","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Desafíos de las Drogas y el Crimen Organizado","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"This one-day event brings together European and Latin American academics and stakeholders to discuss the challenges of drug policy and organised crime, which affect both continents. Two closed sessions on this day focus on diagnosing the problem and strategies for bi-regional cooperation. Finally, a public session will broaden the debate to consider new horizons for drug policies. This event is intended as a side-event to the EU-CELAC summit to be held in Colombia in November. Funded by Friedrich Ebert Foundation."}]}]}}}],["597d83a1-c3cb-47ee-8212-e0239fd19649",{"sys":{"id":"597d83a1-c3cb-47ee-8212-e0239fd19649","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Der unbemerkte Fortschritt: Ein Plädoyer für mehr \"Afropositivismus\"","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/der-unbemerkte-fortschritt-ein-plaedoyer-fuer-mehr-afropositivismus/","dataTeaser":{"date":"2/2019","link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-61738-8","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["6a5605cd-d456-430b-9fe8-19714c79a8ab"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"03.2019","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21579565/gf_afrika_1902.pdf","title":"Text (PDF-Deutsch)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"März 2019","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["6a5605cd-d456-430b-9fe8-19714c79a8ab"]}],"subtitle":"2019 | ISSN: 1862-3603","urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-61738-8"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2019","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3603"],"personNames":["Matthias Basedau"],"personUuids":["6a5605cd-d456-430b-9fe8-19714c79a8ab"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"seriesNumber":["2"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"Das öffentliche Bild von Subsahara-Afrika wird von Krisen, Kriegen, Krankheiten, Korruption und Katastrophen bestimmt. Die katastrophalen Zustände werden für massive Migrationsbewegungen in der Gegenwart und Zukunft verantwortlich gemacht. Dieses negative öffentliche Bild steht in starkem Kontrast…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"6DeFOtlz27abFpQ67fmmLz","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Afrika 2019_02 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Afrika 2019_02 (Header)","altText":"Studenten im Sudan begrüßen sich.","copyright":"Reuters / Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah","media":{"sys":{"id":"pHVH2sW8IIajnx9SW3q2T","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Afrika 2019_02 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/pHVH2sW8IIajnx9SW3q2T/075dcf703fec46a21de757729db7277d/Bild_Focus_Afrika_2019_02__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1143}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"pHVH2sW8IIajnx9SW3q2T","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Afrika 2019_02 (Header)","file":"$36:325:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Africa","date":"2019-03-01T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Der unbemerkte Fortschritt: Ein Plädoyer für mehr \"Afropositivismus\""}}],["597eba77-4ec3-4a56-a55b-6b6ba6d0f429",{"sys":{"id":"597eba77-4ec3-4a56-a55b-6b6ba6d0f429","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Joint Summer School iCourts and MOBILE","dataTeaser":{"date":"17.06.2024 - 21.06.2024","type":"Workshop","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/attendance/participating","value":"Beteiligung"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"invited_guest","value":"Eingeladener Gast"},"uuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"Joint Summer School iCourts and MOBILE","teaserText":"iCourts, the Danish National Research Foundation's Centre of Excellence for International Courts and Governance, hosts a summer school for PhD students working on international law and courts, with a focus on the social and political context of international courts and interdisciplinary approaches.","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"iCourts Summer School"},"personUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"referencedEventUuid":"1681734d-6e27-4e70-b088-170f77a1d455"},"dataDetail":{"date":"17.06.2024 - 21.06.2024","type":"Workshop","keywords":{"free":["Courts","International Law","Judicial Politics","Legal Mobilization","International Relations"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/attendance/participating","value":"Beteiligung"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"invited_guest","value":"Eingeladener Gast"},"uuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"Joint Summer School iCourts and MOBILE","expertUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"personNames":["Alina Ripplinger"],"referencedEventUuid":"1681734d-6e27-4e70-b088-170f77a1d455"},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2024-06-17T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["59a5d460-f6d0-45ec-90d3-0b67e07fae84",{"sys":{"id":"59a5d460-f6d0-45ec-90d3-0b67e07fae84","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Dealing with New Security Threats in Africa","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/der-umgang-mit-neuen-sicherheitsbedrohungen-in-afrika/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"type":"GIGA Focus","date":"2/2018","personUuids":["f69733cc-4ec2-44f7-bd25-3fdf05c4eb91","08df1be1-385d-42cd-a8d1-1cf4a85ad51f"],"tagline":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-57825-6"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"05.2018","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21580504/web_afrika_2018_02.pdf","title":"Text (PDF-English)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Mai 2018","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["f69733cc-4ec2-44f7-bd25-3fdf05c4eb91","08df1be1-385d-42cd-a8d1-1cf4a85ad51f"]}],"subtitle":"2018 | ISSN: 1862-3603","urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-57825-6"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2018","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b","ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3603"],"personNames":["Christian von Soest","Alexander De Juan"],"personUuids":["f69733cc-4ec2-44f7-bd25-3fdf05c4eb91","08df1be1-385d-42cd-a8d1-1cf4a85ad51f"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"seriesNumber":["2"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"Der afrikanische Kontinent hat seit dem Ende des Kalten Kriegs große Fortschritte bei der Reduzierung gewaltsamer Konflikte gemacht. Gleichzeitig hat sich jedoch die Gestalt der Sicherheitsbedrohungen gewandelt. Deswegen sind angepasste regionale und internationale Antworten erforderlich, um die…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"a1VU5UYXc3DgC5a2Z2mtA","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Afrika_2018_2 (Header)","title":"Bild GIGA Focus Afrika_2018_2 (Header)","altText":"Opposition supporters beat a man in front of opposition party Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS) office in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo","copyright":"Reuters / Goran Tomasevic","media":{"sys":{"id":"TqFnPNU6EDRzyrdEAhuDR","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Afrika_2018_2","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/TqFnPNU6EDRzyrdEAhuDR/631bde286a7543ff4040ddda48204c35/GIGA_Congo_Sep2016_Congolese-Hit-Intelligence-Services_Reuters_GoranTomasevic.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":3500,"height":1968}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"TqFnPNU6EDRzyrdEAhuDR","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Afrika_2018_2","file":"$36:327:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Africa","date":"2018-05-01T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Der Umgang mit neuen Sicherheitsbedrohungen in Afrika"}}],["59a75012-41bb-4d8a-baae-16e0b0017c4f",{"sys":{"id":"59a75012-41bb-4d8a-baae-16e0b0017c4f","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Check-up Nordkorea ","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/attendance/participating","value":"Beteiligung"},"type":"Seminar","eventName":"Check-up Nordkorea ","date":"24.06.2021","link":"https://www.oav.de/termine/aktuelle-veranstaltungen/terminansicht/check-up-nordkorea-wer-hat-die-macht-und-wie-ist-die-konfliktlage-heute.html","personUuids":["1cf677cb-e684-4f5f-ab38-c19e17ba4d47"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["1cf677cb-e684-4f5f-ab38-c19e17ba4d47"],"role":{"key":"panelist","value":"Panelbeitragende:r"}}],"referencedEventUuid":"a5fb3ae0-e3ad-457d-bc42-bbf27b20f9c2","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"Check-up Nordkorea – Wer hat die Macht und wie ist die Konfliktlage heute?"}},"dataDetail":{"date":"24.06.2021","type":"Seminar","links":[{"url":"https://www.oav.de/termine/aktuelle-veranstaltungen/terminansicht/check-up-nordkorea-wer-hat-die-macht-und-wie-ist-die-konfliktlage-heute.html"}],"pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/attendance/participating","value":"Beteiligung"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"panelist","value":"Panelbeitragende:r"},"uuids":["1cf677cb-e684-4f5f-ab38-c19e17ba4d47"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"Check-up Nordkorea ","expertUuids":["1cf677cb-e684-4f5f-ab38-c19e17ba4d47"],"personNames":["Patrick Köllner"],"referencedEventUuid":"a5fb3ae0-e3ad-457d-bc42-bbf27b20f9c2"},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2021-06-24T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["59aee91a-37c1-4461-8b72-5d7b738b9d26",{"sys":{"id":"59aee91a-37c1-4461-8b72-5d7b738b9d26","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Interview on Venezuelan elections Deutsche Welle Spanish","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"CLIPPING","pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"type":"Interview","teaserText":"

Jesus Renzullo talks on the results of the Venezuelan elections held in July 2024, the possibility of a democratic breakthough in Venezuela and the role of the military in the chances of a regime change in the country.

","tagline":["Deutsche Welle Spanish","Interview"],"personUuids":["cc484da1-5bb3-4d59-97e6-d26c0cc3f51e"],"date":"06.08.2024"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"CLIPPING","type":"Interview","pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"expertUuids":["cc484da1-5bb3-4d59-97e6-d26c0cc3f51e"],"links":[],"date":"06.08.2024","mediums":["Deutsche Welle Spanish"],"mediaFormats":["Fernsehen"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2024-08-06T12:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["5A4O6ThfhHFjrpATDUJWws",{"sys":{"id":"5A4O6ThfhHFjrpATDUJWws","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"columnContent"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Lektorat GIGA Focus Afrika James","headline":"Lektorat GIGA Focus Afrika","showHeadlineLeft":true,"backgroundColour":"White","columnCount":3,"topics":[{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"f888036a-4820-4e7e-8152-b693e35b48f7"}},{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"14d46366-0dd9-4bcd-a5b3-70778f71d6ca"}}]}}],["5Aw5mTyt9KReedif4m33Tc",{"sys":{"id":"5Aw5mTyt9KReedif4m33Tc","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur Facing the Stress Test: Courts and Executives during the COVID-19 Pandemic","headline":"References","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Bertelsmann Stiftung (2022), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 7 November 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Biehl, João, Lucas E.A. Pratos, and Joseph J. Amon (2021), Supreme Court v. Necropolitics: The Chaotic Judicialization of COVID-19 in Brazil, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Health and Human Rights Journal"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 23, 1, 151–162."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Cervantes, Andrés, Mario Matarrita, and Sofía Reca (2020), Los estados de excepción en tiempos de pandemia. Un estudio comparado en América Latina, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Revista Cuadernos Manuel Giménez Abad"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 20, 179–206."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Della Coletta, Ricardo (2018), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"El País"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 21 August, accessed 7 November 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Driscoll, Amanda, and Michael J. Nelson (2021), Spotlight on Support for Reducing Judicial Power in the Americas, in: Noam Lupu, Mariana Rodríguez, and Elizabeth J. Zechmeister (eds), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Pulse of Democracy"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Nashville, TN: LAPOP, 90–91."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Deutsche Welle (2020), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 9 June, accessed 5 November 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Freedom House (2022), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 5 November 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Ginsburg, Tom, and Mila Versteeg (2021), The Bound Executive: Emergency Powers During the Pandemic, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"International Journal of Constitutional Law"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 19, 5, 1498–1535."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Guasti, Petra (2020), The Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic in Central and Eastern Europe: The Rise of Autocracy and Democratic Resilience, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Democratic Theory"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 7, 2, 47–60."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Indacochea, Ursula, and Sonia Rubio Padilla (2021), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 5 November 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Lupu, Noam, Mariana Rodríguez, and Elizabeth J. Zechmeister (eds) (2021), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Pulse of Democracy"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Nashville, TN: LAPOP."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Melendez-Sanchez, Manuel (2021), Latin America Erupts: Millennial Authoritarianism in El Salvador, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Journal of Democracy"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 32, 3, 19–32."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Reuters Covid-19 Tracker (2022), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Latin America and the Caribbean"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", last update: 15 July."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Werneck Arguelhes, Diego (2022), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Verfassungsblog"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 22 June, accessed 10 August 2022."}]}]}}}],["5B4PYBaPDIMgDcGljxxMqp",{"sys":{"id":"5B4PYBaPDIMgDcGljxxMqp","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik Focus Global 2021_01_6","title":"Grafik Focus Global 2021_01_6","altText":"Grafische Darstellung nichtstaatlicher bewaffneter Konflikte 1990-2018 in verschiedenen Regionen.","copyright":"Authors’ own compilation, based on data by Gleditsch et al. (2002), Sundberg, Eck, and Kreutz (2012), Pettersson and Öberg (2020). ","caption":"Figure 6 \nNon-State Armed Conflict 1990–2018 (Frequency per Region)\nNote: MENA = Middle East and North Africa.","media":{"sys":{"id":"4xLlEzVrXE4SuGUbKAMMcS","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Focus Global 2021_01_6","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4xLlEzVrXE4SuGUbKAMMcS/2a9f14687b4d935032444ac197e0847a/Figure6-Focus-Global-2021-01-en.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["5BXp9F0CNfkLja2zNJMez7",{"sys":{"id":"5BXp9F0CNfkLja2zNJMez7","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2024_04 (Header)","title":"GIGA_Mar20_protesters downtown Caracas Venezuela with the aim of regaining control of the national legislature_IMAGO_ZUMA Press Wire_0097830025","media":{"sys":{"id":"4ioQwakeQTZTK6C9M6RsSY","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2024_04 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4ioQwakeQTZTK6C9M6RsSY/520a6bc0a4223b4a9ba0bf57b9e3dc7f/GIGA_Mar20_protesters_downtown_Caracas_Venezuela_with_the_aim_of_regaining_control_of_the_national_legislature_IMAGO_ZUMA_Pr.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"altText":"A woman shouts at the police, asking them to allow the concentration to pass. The protesters marched to downtown Caracas with the aim of regaining control of the national legislature. Caracas Venezuela, March 10, 2020","textWrappingAlignment":"Left","textWrappingImageWidth":50,"withZoom":false}}],["5C6bY15kd3JrMqlztC3psY",{"sys":{"id":"5C6bY15kd3JrMqlztC3psY","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text GIGA Focus Asien 2021_02_1","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Crisis and Opportunity\r"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Like other regional organisations, the PIF has seen its share of crises. The most severe one, up until recently, occurred in 2009. At the time, Fiji’s membership was suspended after Prime Minister (PM) Josaia Voreqe “Frank” Bainimarama failed to restore democracy following the 2006 military coup there. The suspension marked a major departure from the non-intervention principle that had underpinned Pacific regionalism ever since 1971 (Fry 2019). Only after free elections were held in 2014 was Fiji allowed to return to the fold. And only in 2019, a full decade after the suspension of its membership, did Fiji start to participate again at the PM level in PIF summits. Upon his return to the Forum, Bainimarama offered to host the 2021 summit. He also wasted no time in late 2020 in inviting United States president-elect Joe Biden to attend the summit.\r"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"After four years of the Donald Trump administration walking away from the Paris Agreement and frustrating efforts to deal with the challenge of climate change, high-level US participation in the PIF summit would be more than welcome. It would provide Pacific Island Countries (PICs) with an opportunity to highlight the importance of the issue. It would also enable them to put more pressure on Australia to stop giving its coal industry precedence over combatting climate change. \r"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Any high-level US participation in the August 2021 PIF summit is, however, unlikely unless the PIF can overcome its most recent institutional crisis of February 2021. In view of the PIF’s golden anniversary, essential background information on the regional organisation is first provided in the following – also taking note of its achievements and the recent renewal of geopolitical competition in the region. Then the PIF’s current crisis is elaborated on, with possible reforms that may help overcome it being highlighted. The policy implications for the European Union and beyond are offered in closing.\r"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Pacific Regionalism: A Backgrounder\r"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The PIF will celebrate this year the 50th anniversary of its founding in August 1971. The establishment of what was then called the “South Pacific Forum” – the founding members were all located south of the equator – took place against the backdrop of late decolonisation in the region. Newly independent nations in both the South and the North Pacific, from Polynesia, Melanesia, and Micronesia (see Figure 1 below), joined the regional organisation in the following decades, also leading to the name change to “Pacific Islands Forum” in 1999. More recently, the PIF changed its policy of only accepting sovereign nations as full members. French overseas territories French Polynesia and New Caledonia thus joined in 2016, bringing the PIF’s core membership to 18-strong and making it even more inclusive.\r"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$84"}],"data":{}}]}}}],["5DzfsvqkJW2mDMgpdh2Cez",{"sys":{"id":"5DzfsvqkJW2mDMgpdh2Cez","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Grafik Logo Focus Nahost alt","title":"Bild Grafik Logo Focus Nahost alt","altText":"Grafik Logo Focus Nahost alt","copyright":"GIGA","media":{"sys":{"id":"3pPoCKwHWE2N2T37pyYYUj","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Logo GIGA_Focus_Nahost","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3pPoCKwHWE2N2T37pyYYUj/e8083c42dd9394654dee33766d514af4/1_GIGA_Focus_Nahost.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["5HmAZGHPXLaADsvDoxK6XW",{"sys":{"id":"5HmAZGHPXLaADsvDoxK6XW","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:118:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Global 2016_2 (Header)","title":"Bild GIGA Focus Global 2016_2 (Header)","altText":"Ein Einwanderer reist in einem Güterzug, als er in der Grenzstadt Nuevo Laredo, Mexiko, ankommt","copyright":"REUTERS/STR New","media":{"sys":{"id":"1k8cPTYNfUB4O2AnOuphH7","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Global 2016_2 (Header)","file":"$36:118:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],["5Jyq1YvCPZDANyQAqYRehJ",{"sys":{"id":"5Jyq1YvCPZDANyQAqYRehJ","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"button"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Button Peaceptions Project Website","label":"Projekt-Website","type":"Button","url":"https://www.fes.de/en/shaping-a-just-world/peace-and-security/peaceptions"}}],["5Qm9oSVYJe2OVgQ8CzpsCw",{"sys":{"id":"5Qm9oSVYJe2OVgQ8CzpsCw","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2025_02 (Header)","title":"GIGA_Fahnen lateinamerikanischer und karibischer Staaten sowie Deutschlands als Gastgeber Lateinamerika- und Karibik-Konferenz_ pa_Ralf Hirschberger_213821044","media":{"sys":{"id":"7C6Twmqn3rxBEBE4OspvYb","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2025_02 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/7C6Twmqn3rxBEBE4OspvYb/58b9c5fa7e37abae6996be48fa117bb9/GIGA_Fahnen_lateinamerikanischer_und_karibischer_Staaten_sowie_Deutschlands_als_Gastgeber_Lateinamerika-_und_Karibik-Konfere.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"altText":"Flags of Latin American and Caribbean countries and Germany as host are displayed in a building of the Federal Foreign Office. A Latin America and Caribbean conference will be held here from 28 May 2019.","textWrappingAlignment":"Left","textWrappingImageWidth":50,"withZoom":false}}],["5RolCvmNmd9etYEDG2fIGI",{"sys":{"id":"5RolCvmNmd9etYEDG2fIGI","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Acknowledgement Latin America’s Search for Security: Between Repression and Dialogue","headline":"Danksagung","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Ich danke Carla Kienel für die Bereitstellung der Datenvisualisierung und Karten."}]}]}}}],["5TxXUp4oQUP3geX2wi0btB",{"sys":{"id":"5TxXUp4oQUP3geX2wi0btB","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Lateinamerika 2021_01_1","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Trumps schändliches Vermächtnis"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Biden wird sich in seiner Beziehung zu Lateinamerika vielen Herausforderungen stellen müssen. Eine der ersten ist das schädliche Vermächtnis, das die Trump-Administration hinterlassen hat. Trumps Politik gegenüber Lateinamerika lässt sich in vier Worten zusammenfassen: Migration, NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement), Venezuela und Kuba. Oder auch in drei: Desinteresse, Ignoranz und Rassismus. Trump hat Lateinamerika als Präsident nur ein einziges Mal besucht. Und selbst dann war es nur für den G20-Gipfel. Auch seine Teilnahme am Hemispheric Summit of the Americas sagte er als erster US-Präsident drei Tage vor dem Gipfel ab. All dies signalisierte sein chronisches Desinteresse an der Region. Im Gegensatz dazu reiste Obama 15-mal nach Lateinamerika (Dannemann 2018)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$85"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Wie im Rest der Welt schadete die Trump-Regierung auch dem interamerikanischen und südamerikanischen Multilateralismus. Das Paradebeispiel hierfür war der Verstoß gegen die Tradition, dass der Präsident der Interamerikanischen Entwicklungsbank (IDB) aus Lateinamerika stammte. Im Jahr 2020 wurde der US-Amerikaner Mauricio Claver-Carone gewählt, obwohl verschiedene lateinamerikanische Regierungen protestierten, Claver-Carone über keine Erfahrung verfügte und übermäßig McCarthyistische Positionen vertrat."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Nach unbegründeten Anschuldigungen, die Panamerikanische Gesundheitsorganisation (PAHO) würde den Einsatz kubanischer Ärzte erleichtern, um den Inselstaat zu „stärken“, setzten Brasilien und die USA ihre Zahlungen aus. Damit ließen sie die PAHO genau in dem Moment schutzlos und unterfinanziert zurück, als es darum ging, lateinamerikanische Länder in der COVID-19-Pandemie zu unterstützen."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Darüber hinaus erklärte Trump im Einklang mit seinem globalen Diskurs, die wachsende wirtschaftliche Präsenz Chinas in der Region zur Bedrohung für die Sicherheit der USA. Die von ihm ins Leben gerufene Initiative „Growth in the Americas“ sollte Investitionen des US-Privatsektors in lateinamerikanische Energie- und Infrastrukturprojekte erleichtern und fördern. Einige sahen darin ein Gegengewicht zu globalen chinesischen Infrastrukturprojekten (wie der Belt and Road Initiative) und deren massiven Krediten und Investitionen in der Region. Nichtsdestotrotz lässt sich bisher keine Wirkung der US-Initiative erkennen."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Während seiner jüngsten Wiederwahlkampagne priorisierte Trump den Angriff auf Venezuela und Kuba im Stil des Kalten Krieges. Damit versuchte er sich die Latino-Stimmen in Florida zu sichern. Er beschuldigte Biden ein Castro-Chavistischer Sozialist zu sein. Seine Venezuelapolitik spielte die wichtigsten Karten schnell und ohne sichtbare Ergebnisse aus: die Anerkennung von Juan Guaidó als Präsident von Venezuela sowie ein Ölembargo. Außer der Verschlimmerung der Armut weiter Teile der venezolanischen Bevölkerung änderte diese Politik wenig."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In Bezug auf Kuba machte die Trump-Administration die von Obama vorangetriebenen Maßnahmen zur Wiederherstellung der Beziehungen mit dem Inselstaat rückgängig. Er verhängte weitere Sanktionen gegen Geldüberweisungen und Beschränkungen für Reisen von US-Bürgern in das Land. Darüber hinaus setzte er wenige Tage vor seinem Ausscheiden aus dem Amt Kuba willkürlich wieder auf die Liste der Länder, die den Terrorismus unterstützen. Auch wenn er behauptet, einige dieser Maßnahmen rückgängig machen und à la Obama vorankommen zu wollen, sollten wir nicht erwarten, dass Biden darüber hinausgehen wird. Jenseits seiner Worte und Taten, könnte Trumps Niederlage ein Schlag für die rechtsextremen lateinamerikanischen Machthaber bedeuten, die ihren wichtigsten ideologischen Verbündeten verloren haben."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Die Trägheit der US-Lateinamerikapolitik"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$86"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Dennoch bedeutet Erfahrung nicht unbedingt Interesse – vor allem, wenn es darum geht, strukturelle Tendenzen und überparteiliche Vereinbarungen zu überwinden, um signifikante Veränderungen herbeizuführen. Auch wenn die USA in der Region nach wie vor die führende Großmacht sind, haben sie sich aus Lateinamerika zurückgezogen, lange bevor Trump bei The Apprentice auftrat (Vera, Defelipe und Castro 2017). Jenseits der Rhetorik ist klar, dass die Region auf der außenpolitischen Agenda der USA nach unten gerutscht ist. Allerdings bleiben die USA der wichtigste Handelspartner der Region. Im Jahr 2019 waren sie auch die zweitgrößte Quelle ausländischer Direktinvestitionen (FDI) nach der Europäischen Union (CEPAL 2020a: 41-42)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$87"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Kurzum, es gibt Gründe, keine überwältigenden Veränderungen in der US-Lateinamerikapolitik zu erwarten und die Auswirkungen eines veränderten Tonfalls nicht überzubewerten. Umgekehrt könnten die eher linken Akteure innerhalb und außerhalb der Demokratischen Partei, die Bidens Wahl unterstützt haben, Druck zugunsten substanzieller politischer Veränderungen auf die Regierung ausüben. Dort sollten wir nach möglichen Neuerungen Ausschau halten."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Bidens Weg in die Zukunft: ein geteiltes Land, eine polarisierte Hemisphäre"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Biden findet sowohl im In- als auch im Ausland ausgetretene Wege vor. Die Schäden am internationalen Image und den Allianzen der USA bestehen ebenso fort wie die Radikalisierung der rechtsextremen Gruppen, die Trump unterstützt haben. Diese beiden Fronten könnten es für die Biden-Administration schwierig machen, eine umfassende „Lateinamerikastrategie“ zu entwickeln. Die Heterogenität und die ideologische Polarisierung der Region erfordern bereits jetzt eine differenzierte Politik, die über einen one-size-fits-all-Ansatz hinausgeht. Drei spezifische Herausforderungen stehen auf Bidens Agenda: die Klimakrise, die Situation in und um Venezuela sowie die Unterstützung von Demokratie und Menschenrechten."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-3","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Die Klimakrise"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Das Versprechen des neuen US-Präsidenten, sich für den Kampf gegen den Klimawandel einzusetzen, wurde von einigen lateinamerikanischen Präsidenten und sozialen Bewegungen mit Unterstützung, von anderen mit verächtlichen Blicken, aufgenommen. So kritisierte Biden während seines Wahlkampfes Bolsonaros Reaktion auf die Brände im Amazonasgebiet und versprach, die Welt zu deren Schutz zu mobilisieren. Im Gegenzug war der brasilianische Präsident weltweit einer der letzten Präsidenten, die Bidens Sieg anerkannten, und Trump vor, während und nach dem Wahlkampf öffentlich, auch bei den Wahlbetrugsvorwürfen, unterstützte."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Nichtsdestotrotz gab es in einer kürzlich vom brasilianischen Außenministerium an die USA gesendeten Botschaft einen etwas sanfteren Ton in Umweltfragen. Allerdings betonte die Note, Biden solle sich aus der brasilianischen Politik heraushalten und sich stattdessen auf gemeinsame Interessen fokussieren. Teile der US-Zivilgesellschaft haben das Weiße Haus bereits aufgefordert, keine Handelsabkommen mit Brasilien zu unterzeichnen. Grund dafür sind frühere Gespräche mit der Trump-Administration zu diesem Thema."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Generell sollte die US-Regierung nicht aus den Augen verlieren, dass ein bedeutender Teil der Wirtschaft der Region nach wie vor stark von der Nutzung und dem Export fossiler Brennstoffe abhängt. Daher sind konkrete Alternativen erforderlich, einschließlich finanzieller Unterstützung, Technologietransfer und Umschulung von Arbeitskräften."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-3","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Venezuelas Schlamassel"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$88"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-3","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Demokratie und Menschenrechte"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Lateinamerikanische Regierungen und die Zivilgesellschaft erwarten von Biden, dass er autoritäre und menschenrechtsverletzende Tendenzen in der Region kritisiert. Dies muss im Gegensatz zu Trumps einseitigem Ansatz stehen, der nur die von ihm sogenannte „Troika der Tyrannei“ (Kuba, Nicaragua und Venezuela) kritisierte. Im Gegensatz dazu schwieg er zu den Übergriffen von Bolsonaro, Alejandro Giammattei, Nayib Bukele und anderen rechten Präsidenten. Konsequente Politik bedeutet auch, die Legitimität des Generalsekretärs der Organisation Amerikanischer Staaten, Luis Almagro, infrage zu stellen, der die Delegitimierung der bolivianischen Wahlen mit unzureichenden und letztlich falschen Beweisen vorantrieb. Almagro behauptete auch ohne Beweise, Maduro stecke hinter der Welle legitimer sozialer Proteste in der Region im Jahr 2019."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Eine der Herausforderungen ist hier wie in vielen anderen Bereichen der mangelnde Konsens der lateinamerikanischen Positionen. Viele Länder der Region sind intern und extern entlang ideologischer Achsen polarisiert, was die Koordination einer gemeinsamen Haltung zur Verteidigung der Demokratie eher unwahrscheinlich macht. Diese Spaltung hat bereits zum Zerfall der Union Südamerikanischer Nationen und zur Lähmung der Gemeinschaft Lateinamerikanischer und Karibischer Staaten geführt. Eine äußerst besorgniserregende Entwicklung ist zudem, dass die aktuelle Pandemie die demokratischen Institutionen noch stärker unter Druck setzt."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Ein guter Ansatzpunkt wäre, Druck auf die kolumbianische Regierung auszuüben, die Umsetzung des Friedensprozesses zu beschleunigen. Dazu gehört auch der Schutz des Lebens der sozialen Aktivistinnen und Aktivisten und ehemaligen Guerilla Ex-Kombattantinnen und Ex-Kombattanten, die systematisch ermordet werden. Die Regierung Duque ergreift keine entschiedenen Maßnahmen, um dies zu verhindern. Glücklicherweise scheint es so, als ob die Biden-Administration begonnen hat, in dieser Hinsicht zu handeln, indem sie die kolumbianische Regierung um Klärung in dieser Angelegenheit gebeten hat. Es bleibt jedoch abzuwarten, ob der neue US-Präsident bereit sein wird, über die vorhersehbaren Ablenkungsversuche von Duque hinaus Druck für konkrete Ergebnisse auszuüben."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$89"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Rasch wechselnde nationale und regionale Pfade"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$8a"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Es stellt sich auch die Frage, wie die lateinamerikanischen Länder einer Rezession und Reprimarisierung ihrer Volkswirtschaften begegnen können. Diese werden unter anderem durch die mit den Industrienationen abgeschlossenen Freihandelsabkommen (FTAs) und den verstärkten Handel mit China verursacht. Im Jahr 2013 war der Anteil der lateinamerikanischen Exporte von Primärprodukten nach China (73 Prozent) höher als in den Rest der Welt (41 Prozent) (Santana 2018). Damit Lateinamerika mehr als Rohstoffe exportiert, sind verstärkte Investitionen in Forschung und Entwicklung, sowie die Schaffung regionaler Wertschöpfungsketten (Regional Value Chains, RVCs), notwendig."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Diese RVCs können auch den Kampf gegen die Klimakrise voranbringen. Zum Beispiel exportiert Ecuador das Balsaholz für Windturbinen, Brasilien stellt letztere her, und Chile plant, stark in die Windenergie zu investieren (Osborn 2021). Durch die Kombination dieser Inputs kann viel bei der Beschaffung sauberer Energie erreicht werden, auch im Hinblick auf die Steigerung des intraregionalen Wertschöpfungshandels. Diese Maßnahmen können die Qualität der Arbeitsplätze verbessern, die Abhängigkeit von Kohle und Öl verringern und die gigantische Rolle von Rohstoffen im lateinamerikanischen Export reduzieren."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In diesem herausfordernden Kontext könnten mehr Lateinamerikaner und Lateinamerikanerinnen versuchen, in die USA zu migrieren. Daher liegt es in Bidens Interesse, die Hilfe für die Region radikal aufzustocken, und zwar über die 4 Mrd. USD hinaus, die Zentralamerika versprochen wurden. Geringfügige Migrationsreformen und die humanere Behandlung von Einwanderern werden helfen, greifen aber zu kurz, wenn es um die strukturellen Problemlagen geht. Migranten und Migrantinnen und die Region als Ganzes brauchen weit mehr als die vorübergehende Aussetzung von Inhaftierung. Inwieweit die Biden-Administration in diesen Punkten vorankommen kann, wird durch die Mehrheit der Demokraten im Kongress begünstigt."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$8b"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Jenseits vielfältiger Veränderungen müssen die aktuellen politischen Übergänge Lateinamerikas in ihrem Kommen und Gehen untersucht werden. Hier könnten einige Beispiele angebracht sein: Tatsächlich kehren einige linksgerichtete Regierungen ins Amt zurück. Allerdings erfreut sich auch die rabiate Politik rechter Machthaber großer Beliebtheit. Konservative Regierungen, wie die kolumbianische, führen eine progressivere Migrationspolitik für Venezolaner und Venezolanerinnen ein, während das ebenfalls konservativ geführte Chile sie ohne Rücksicht auf ihre Qualen abschiebt. In der ersten Runde der ecuadorianischen Wahlen standen sich unter anderem eine umverteilungsfreundliche, aber immer noch extraktivistische Linke und eine eher ökologische Linke gegenüber. In diesem Umfeld von Ideen müssen Trendanalysen und Politiken diese Nuancen anerkennen."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Externe Akteure müssen diese Komplexität verstehen, wenn sie die Weiterentwicklung des Wohlfahrtsstaates, die sozialen Bewegungen und einige politische Akteure unterstützen wollen. In dieser Hinsicht können sie auch dazu beitragen, dem McCarthyismus derjenigen aktiv entgegenzutreten, die legitime soziale Proteste als gefährliche Polarisierung oder gar als kommunistische Aufstände nach dem Vorbild der venezolanischen Regierung ansehen. Dies kann dazu beitragen, die lateinamerikanische neopatriotische, antiglobalistische, extreme Rechte einzuhegen, die auf diese Weise versucht, progressive Reformen zu bekämpfen (Sanahuja und López Burian 2020)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Pandemiehilfe, COVID-19-Diplomatie und die multilaterale Frage"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$8c"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Was könnte Biden in diesem Zusammenhang konkret tun? Zunächst einmal:"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Leider sind bisher keine Schritte in diese Richtung unternommen worden. Vor diesem Hintergrund könnten Lateinamerika und die Karibik aufgrund ihrer gemeinsamen Interessen an der Überwindung der Pandemie und der Förderung ihrer Entwicklungsinteressen entschlossener untereinander und mit anderen Ländern des Globalen Südens zusammenarbeiten."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$8d"}],"data":{}}]}}}],["5Vb6RVDpuLanztTrhcz4YO",{"sys":{"id":"5Vb6RVDpuLanztTrhcz4YO","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik GIGA Focus Global_2016_02_3","title":"Grafik GIGA Focus Global_2016_02_3","altText":"Grafik Qualität von Institutionen und Flüchtlinge","copyright":"Autoren","caption":"Grafik 3.\nQualität von Institutionen und Flüchtlinge\nAnmerkung: Datenpunkte in beiden Abbildungen repräsentieren Länderjahre von 27 Nachkriegsstaaten, basierend auf dem V-Dem Projekt (Coppedge et al. 2015a). Der Indikator in der linken Abbildung ist „Gleichheit vor dem Gesetz und individuelle Freiheit“ (v2xcl_rol). Der Indikator in der rechten Abbildung ist der „Partizipative Demokratie Index“ (v2x_partipdem).","media":{"sys":{"id":"9KbaKxMvAOVyATFAqV9At","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik GIGA Focus Global_2016_02_3","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/9KbaKxMvAOVyATFAqV9At/f69a590061a213b680dba2df6bf2366a/abb.3_focus-global-2016-2_web_de.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["5a3ec999-4555-4c66-ba3c-9112a606d2e7",{"sys":{"id":"5a3ec999-4555-4c66-ba3c-9112a606d2e7","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"The Denuclearisation of North Korea: From Maximum Demands to Arms Control","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/denuklearisierung-nordkoreas-maximalforderungen-ruestungskontrolle/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"type":"GIGA Focus","date":"2/2019","personUuids":["1cf677cb-e684-4f5f-ab38-c19e17ba4d47"],"tagline":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"link":"https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-61522-4"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"02.2019","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21579434/gf_asien_1902_en.pdf","title":"Text (PDF-English)"},{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21579436/gf_asien_1902.pdf","title":"Text (PDF-Deutsch)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Februar 2019","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["1cf677cb-e684-4f5f-ab38-c19e17ba4d47"]}],"subtitle":"2019 | ISSN: 1862-359X","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-61522-4"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2019","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesIssn":["1862-359X"],"personNames":["Patrick Köllner"],"personUuids":["1cf677cb-e684-4f5f-ab38-c19e17ba4d47"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"seriesNumber":["2"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"Während seiner Mitgliedschaft 2019/2020 im Sicherheitsrat der Vereinten Nationen will Deutschland Impulse zur Abrüstung und Rüstungskontrolle geben. Eine besondere Herausforderung in dieser Hinsicht stellt Nordkoreas Nuklear- und Raketenrüstung dar. Im Jahr 2017 eskalierten Kim Jong Un und Donald…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"7BNL84bm6WBZXfTtRSITTk","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Asien 2019_02 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Asien 2019_02 (Header)","altText":"Donald Trump und Kim Jung-un in Singapur an einem Tisch.","copyright":"Reuters / Jonathan Ernst","media":{"sys":{"id":"1ANVZoyKSOiERZnC8fuf6N","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Asien 2019_02 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1ANVZoyKSOiERZnC8fuf6N/793103386f5f582f51e2802b5d1d6b19/GIGA_Singapore_Jun2018_Trump_Kim_Reuters_JonathanErnst.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2625,"height":1500}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"1ANVZoyKSOiERZnC8fuf6N","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Asien 2019_02 (Header)","file":"$36:342:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Asia","date":"2019-02-01T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Die Denuklearisierung Nordkoreas: Von Maximalforderungen zu Rüstungskontrolle"}}],["5b4c9998-fe77-4596-84db-030c0eaa8fb3",{"sys":{"id":"5b4c9998-fe77-4596-84db-030c0eaa8fb3","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Coping with Complexity: Dealing with Non-State Armed Actors","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-working-papers/coping-with-complexity-dealing-with-non-state-armed-actors/","dataTeaser":{"date":"11.2023","link":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/49289854/WP-337.pdf","type":"GIGA Working Papers","tagline":["GIGA Working Papers"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/othercontribution/giga_working_paper","value":"GIGA Working Papers"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"In Kriegen oder bewaffneten Konflikten sowie in gewalttätigen Kontexten werfen nichtstaatliche bewaffnete Akteure ernsthafte Probleme für die Friedenskonsolidierung, die demokratische Staatsführung und die nachhaltige Entwicklung auf. Diese Trendanalyse bildet überregionale Entwicklungen ab.","personUuids":["3f627518-7e50-4d00-9c5c-65dc11c72c41","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3udoeTTvcFob6EBlFgLV15","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA WP 337 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3udoeTTvcFob6EBlFgLV15/ff397afaee6055f692cb94cca8b130bc/GIGA_Aug23_Cease_fire_Colombia_ELN_IMAGO_NurPhoto_0301042509.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Working Papers","date":"2023-11-07T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["5bB0yEzyzz2llLWFDu1Gx1",{"sys":{"id":"5bB0yEzyzz2llLWFDu1Gx1","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik Focus Afrika 2019_06_1","title":"Grafik Focus Afrika 2019_06_1","altText":"Karte von Afrika, die Truppenqualität bei Friedenseinsätzen und politischen Missionen der Vereinten Nationen in Afrika zeigt. ","copyright":"Grafik erstellt von den Autoren. Datengrundlage: providing forpeacekeeping.com.","caption":"Abb. 1\nTruppenqualität bei Friedenseinsätzen und politischen Missionen der Vereinten Nationen in Afrika im September 2018","media":{"sys":{"id":"3BDwuziyEG0uXWuxwmsDAY","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Focus Afrika 2019_06_1","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3BDwuziyEG0uXWuxwmsDAY/02dc66aab3716cdf3f7100ce31288e5e/Focus-Afrika-2019-06-Figure1-de-website.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["5cd3a5a2-b9a4-4102-845f-0409e5d56daa",{"sys":{"id":"5cd3a5a2-b9a4-4102-845f-0409e5d56daa","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Can the G20 Save Globalisation?","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/kann-die-g20-die-globalisierung-sichern/","dataTeaser":{"date":"1/2017","link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-51669-5","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Global"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["efeac3d7-2c4c-49ea-9080-94703d214d2f"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"03.2017","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21685843/web_global_1_2016_deutsch.pdf","title":"Text (PDF-Deutsch)"},{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/21685845/gf_global_en_1701.pdf","title":"Text (PDF-English)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"März 2017","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["efeac3d7-2c4c-49ea-9080-94703d214d2f"]}],"subtitle":"2017 | ISSN: 1862-3581","urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-51669-5"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2017","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3581"],"personNames":["Amrita Narlikar"],"personUuids":["efeac3d7-2c4c-49ea-9080-94703d214d2f"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Global"],"seriesNumber":["1"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"3GFRKSJ87hsH3ba40fC824","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Global 2017_01 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Global 2017_01 (Header)","altText":"Logo G20 des GIGA: die Weltkugel unter einer Lupe.","copyright":"GIGA / Marein Kasiske","media":{"sys":{"id":"6kLPkMlJ2yiyIfGLQzEqDk","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Global 2017_01 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/6kLPkMlJ2yiyIfGLQzEqDk/38508fab23feb9d013346c1a87ab8a06/grafik_g20_neu_1.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1142}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserText":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Die Globalisierung steckt in der Krise. Die G20 kann die Globalisierung nicht im Alleingang sichern, aber sie kann einen wesentlichen Beitrag dazu leisten, Lösungen zu suchen und zu ermöglichen. Dieser GIGA-Focus analysiert, warum die G20 gute Voraussetzungen mitbringt, diese Aufgabe in Angriff zu nehmen.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"6kLPkMlJ2yiyIfGLQzEqDk","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Global 2017_01 (Header)","file":"$36:345:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Global","date":"2017-03-01T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Kann die G20 die Globalisierung sichern?"}}],["5cvQle3bOlrInYpyvlqCw7",{"sys":{"id":"5cvQle3bOlrInYpyvlqCw7","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Asien 2019_02_1","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Eskalation und Deeskalation des Nordkoreakonflikts"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Nach der Machtübernahme von Kim Jong Un Ende 2011 hatte Nordkorea seine Raketentests massiv ausgeweitet, im Jahr 2017 wurden auch drei Langstreckenraketen (ICBMs) getestet. Mit Letzteren wuchs die direkte Bedrohung des amerikanischen Festlands – und auch Europas. Einher ging dies mit intensivierten Nuklearwaffentests, die im Jahr 2017 in einem Wasserstoffbombentest kulminierten. Damit bestätigte sich die Warnung des scheidenden US-Präsidenten Obama an seinen Nachfolger Trump, dass Nordkoreas Nuklear- und Raketenprogramme die gefährlichste Bedrohung für die USA darstellten."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$8e"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Eine diplomatische Offerte Kims Anfang 2018 wurde daher gern vom südkoreanischen Präsidenten Moon Jae-in aufgegriffen. Auf das Krisenjahr 2017 folgte 2018 das Jahr der Gipfeldiplomatie. In diesem Focus wird zunächst festgehalten, was dabei erreicht wurde und was nicht. Sodann geht es darum, wie es – auch mit Blick auf einen zweiten Gipfel Trump-Kim – weitergehen kann. Empfohlen wird ein Prozess, der konkrete Abrüstungs- und Rüstungskontrollmaßnahmen im Gegenzug für Schritte in Richtung diplomatischer Beziehungen zwischen den USA und Nordkorea, eines Friedensregimes und die letztlich vollständige Denuklearisierung der koreanischen Halbinsel vorsieht."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Was im Jahr 2018 erreicht wurde und was nicht"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$8f"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Wie Richard Feinberg und Stephan Haggard (2018) argumentieren, könnte der Gipfeldiplomatie („summitry“) angesichts der Infragestellung multilateraler Institutionen durch die Trump-Regierung erhöhte Bedeutung zukommen. Bei Gipfeltreffen geht es nicht (nur) um Verhandlungen und Abkommen, sondern sie können auch andere Funktionen erfüllen: Netzwerke können entwickelt werden, bestimmte Normen und Werte können bekräftigt werden, Spielräume können auslotet und Initiativen gestartet werden und nicht zuletzt können Signale politischer Führung gesetzt werden, die auch für das inländische Publikum bestimmt sind. Auch angesichts der höheren Dichte vieler Gipfeltreffen kann nicht mehr davon ausgegangen werden, dass alle derartigen Treffen von langer Hand vorbereitet werden und in sorgsam ausgefeilten Vereinbarungen münden."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"So dienten denn auch die zahlreichen Gipfel rund um die koreanische Halbinsel im Jahr 2018 nicht zuletzt dazu, die richtige Stimmung zwischen den Beteiligten zu schaffen oder um den Schwung aufrechtzuerhalten. Gipfeltreffen müssen mithin nicht immer der Endpunkt langwieriger Verhandlungen auf niedrigerer Ebene sein, sondern können diese auch einleiten bzw. ermöglichen. Der Gipfel mit Kim Jong Un im Jahr 2018 war auch ein Lackmustest für Trumps hochgradig personalisierten, am Augenblick und am Austausch orientierten Diplomatieansatz. Letztlich ging es für Trump wohl auch darum, zu verstehen, wie Kim „tickt“ und um persönlich zu ermitteln, ob ein „Deal“ möglich ist."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$90"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Ergebnisse des Gipfels in Singapur"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Die eigentliche, kurze und in Teilen auch vage Erklärung, die nach dem Gipfeltreffen in Singapur veröffentlicht wurde, umfasst vier Punkte. Beide Seiten vereinbarten erstens, ihre bilateralen Beziehungen neu zu gestalten und zweitens, gemeinsam Bemühungen zur „Schaffung eines dauerhaften und stabilen Friedensregimes auf der koreanischen Halbinsel“ zu unternehmen. Drittens verpflichtet sich Nordkorea, auf eine „vollständige Denuklearisierung der koreanischen Halbinsel hinzuarbeiten“ (BBC 2018). Und viertens verpflichten sich beide Seiten zur Bergung der sterblichen Überreste während des Koreakriegs (1950-1953) gefallener und vermisster US-Soldaten und zur sofortigen Rückführung bereits identifizierter Überreste (BBC 2018)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$91"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Trotz ihrer Kürze ist an der Erklärung von Singapur einiges bemerkenswert. Erstens wurde die Frage der Denuklearisierung mit der Verbesserung bilateraler Beziehungen und der Schaffung eines permanenten Friedensregimes auf der koreanischen Halbinsel verbunden, ist also nicht mehr eigenständig zu beantworten. Bemerkenswert ist zudem, dass die Reihenfolge der ersten drei Punkte eher die Prioritäten Nordkoreas widerspiegelt. So wird zuerst die Neugestaltung der bilateralen Beziehungen genannt, dann das Friedensregime und erst drittens die Denuklearisierung. Dass dabei von einer Denuklearisierung der „koreanischen Halbinsel“ und eben nicht „Nordkoreas“ die Rede ist, reflektiert ebenfalls eine langjährige Position Nordkoreas. Beim vierten Punkt schließlich handelte es sich wohl auch um eine Reverenz Trumps an Veteranen- und Hinterbliebenenverbände in den USA – faktisch hatte es bereits in den Jahren zwischen 1996 und 2005 Bergungen und Rückführungen von sterblichen Überresten gegeben (Haggard 2018)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Letztlich konnte in Singapur keine der beiden Seiten ihr wesentliches Ziel erreichen; weder wurden konkrete Maßnahmen zur schnellen Denuklearisierung vereinbart, noch wurden Sanktionen aufgehoben. De facto ist, wie man in den USA sagt, die „Dose nur ein wenig weiter die Straße runtergekickt worden“. Während ein echter Durchbruch sicherlich anders aussieht, lässt sich festhalten, dass mit dem Gipfel ein erneuter Dialog- und Verhandlungsprozess auf den Weg gebracht worden ist. Singapur wird ein wichtiger Referenzpunkt bleiben und Trump hat mit diesem unkonventionellen Gipfel, der aus Sicht seiner Kritiker das dortige Regime aufwertet, einiges riskiert. Ob der Gipfel dereinst als Startpunkt für eine echte Transformation der Konfliktlage auf der koreanischen Halbinsel oder aber als Beginn der Auflösung der US-zentrierten Sicherheitsarchitektur in Nordostasien zu werten ist, muss sich noch zeigen."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Innerkoreanische Gipfeldiplomatie"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$92"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Mit Blick auf eine zukünftige Verbindung von Eisenbahnstrecken an der West- und Ostküste der Halbinsel wurden im Sommer und Herbst 2018 die entsprechenden Strecken auf nordkoreanischer Seite inspiziert. Eine symbolische Verbindungszeremonie fand im Dezember 2018 statt. Die beiden Koreas haben zudem die Wiederinbetriebnahme des Kumgang-Tourismuskomplexes und des Industrieparks Kaesong, die in den Jahren 2008 und 2016 nach Spannungen geschlossen wurden, in den Blick genommen. Auch die Schaffung einer gemeinsamen Wirtschaftszone an der Westküste und einer Tourismuszone an der Ostküste wurde diskutiert. Eine Bewerbung um die gemeinsame Austragung der Olympischen Sommerspiele 2032 ist ebenfalls beabsichtigt."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Inwieweit diese Pläne Früchte tragen können, hängt angesichts der bestehenden VN-Sanktionen nicht zuletzt von Fortschritten bei der Denuklearisierung ab. Um ihre beiden Dialogprozesse mit Nordkorea besser zu koordinieren, haben die USA und Südkorea im Oktober 2018 eine gemeinsame Arbeitsgruppe zu Nordkoreafragen eingerichtet, welche auf US-Seite von dem neuen Nordkoreabeauftragten Stephen Biegun geleitet wird. Im Jahr 2018 erschienen die beiden Dialogprozesse mitunter als nur lose miteinander verbunden; angesichts der Sprunghaftigkeit Trumps und Südkoreas Sandwichposition zwischen den USA und Nordkorea mag dies auch nicht weiter überraschen."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Als Zwischenfazit lässt sich festhalten: Im Jahr 2018 ist der Diplomatie wieder eine Chance gegeben worden, was nach der gefährlichen Eskalation zuvor einen Fortschritt darstellt. Die verschiedenen Gipfeltreffen ermöglichten es, Spannungen abzubauen, Vertrauen aufzubauen und die Grundlage für Verhandlungen und Kooperation zu legen. Die Einstellung der Atomtests, die Schließung der Testtunnels und das Testmoratorium für ICBMs stellen erste wichtige und nützliche Schritte im Rahmen eines Prozesses der Denuklearisierung dar. Die akute Bedrohung der USA hat sich verringert."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$93"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Der Weg voran: Rüstungskontrolle statt Maximalforderungen"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$94"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Demgegenüber kann eingewandt werden, dass es auf Basis des Genfer Rahmenabkommens („Agreed Framework“) von 1994 durchaus möglich gewesen ist, die Erzeugung von waffenfähigem Plutonium für rund acht Jahre einzufrieren und damit Nordkorea vom Bau zahlreicher Atomwaffen abzuhalten. Dieses Abkommen ist letztlich gescheitert, wozu sowohl Nordkorea als auch die USA beigetragen haben. Es war aber nützlich, um die waffentechnische Entwicklung zumindest einzudämmen. Natürlich ist Nordkorea heute in nuklearer Hinsicht viel weiter als damals. Dies bedeutet aber nicht automatisch, dass Abkommen nicht mehr möglich sind. Sie machen diese nur komplexer."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$95"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$96"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"byungjin"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"-Strategie (nukleare Bewaffnung und wirtschaftliche Entwicklung) auf die Fahnen geschrieben hat, nur erreicht werden, wenn die multilateralen Sanktionen aufgehoben oder zumindest gelockert werden. Vor diesem Hintergrund gilt es, ernsthaft zu ermitteln, zu welchen Schritten die Führung in Nordkorea konkret bereit ist und was im Gegenzug dafür angeboten werden kann."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$97"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Vorschläge zu konkreten (Zwischen-)Schritten"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Sinnvolle Vorschläge zu relevanten (Zwischen-)Schritten sind in den vergangenen Monaten von Experten und Diplomaten wie Robert Einhorn ("},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Hankyoreh"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" 2018), Siegfried Hecker (2018), Mintaro Oba (2018) und Philip Zelikow (2018) gemacht worden. Zelikow hat dabei richtig argumentiert, dass ein enger Fokus auf Denuklearisierung die falsche Strategie darstelle. Fehlender Fortschritt bei der Denuklearisierung hätte in der Vergangenheit wiederholt zum Zusammenbruch von Verhandlungen beziehungsweise Beziehungen geführt. Das Muster sah dabei zumeist wie folgt aus: Im Gegenzug für kurzzeitige Gegenleistungen gab Nordkorea Teile seines Nuklearprogramms auf, die es nicht (mehr) brauchte, oder es täuschte die entsprechende Aufgabe vor. Dies führte zu Unzufriedenheit der anderen Beteiligten und verschlimmerte die Situation noch. Eine rein nuklearfokussierte Diplomatie grenze zudem Südkorea aus. Es gelte daher, so Zelikow, durch mehrere Verhandlungsstränge ein Umfeld zu schaffen, in dem die nordkoreanische Führung schwierige Entscheidungen zur Entwicklung des Landes treffen muss."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$98"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Gleich ob nun ein Verhandlungsprozess genau entlang dieser Gleise erfolgt, wichtig ist, dass er mehrdimensional angelegt ist und die Komplexe Friedensregime, Beziehungen USA-Nordkorea, Abrüstung und Rüstungskontrolle sowie Denuklearisierung – verstanden als Prozess – miteinander verknüpft. Je nach Thema sollten neben den USA und Nordkorea auch Südkorea, China, Russland und die übrigen Mitglieder des VN-Sicherheitsrats, darunter Deutschland, einbezogen werden. Nur so erscheint eine effektive Umsetzung der resultierenden Vereinbarungen möglich – einschließlich der Option einer Rückkehr zur Strategie des maximalen Drucks im Falle des Scheiterns."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Vorbedingung für Verhandlungen sollte nicht eine vollständige Offenlegung aller Nuklearaktivitäten, Raketenarsenale und damit verbundenen Anlagen Nordkoreas sein. Dies wäre schon technisch kaum umsetzbar und wäre für die nordkoreanische Seite auch nicht akzeptabel, würde sie damit doch ihre bedingungslose Aufgabe signalisieren und gleich noch eine Zielliste für das US-Militär präsentieren. Stattdessen könnten sich Offenlegungen und anschließende Überprüfungsmaßnahmen jeweils auf den Bereich konzentrieren, um den es in einem konkreten Schritt im Prozess geht. So sind separate Offenlegungen und Kontrollen denkbar a) zum nuklearem Spaltmaterial und dessen Erzeugungsstopp, b) zur schrittweisen Reduzierung und Übergabe von atomaren Sprengköpfen sowie c) zur Begrenzung und letztendlichen Aufgabe von Raketensystemen. Mit Blick auf das Spaltmaterial geht es dabei um die Bestände an Plutonium, angereichertem Uran – in Yongbyon und wahrscheinlich noch anderswo – sowie Formen schweren Hydrogens (siehe im Detail "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Hankyoreh"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" 2018; Hecker 2018)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$99"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Hankyoreh"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" 2018)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Viele Beobachter, in den USA und anderswo, glauben, dass man mit Nordkorea nicht verhandeln dürfe oder aber dies nicht erfolgreich tun könne. Es ist indes an der Zeit herauszufinden, ob Nordkorea bereit ist, signifikante Abrüstungsschritte vorzunehmen, um die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung des Landes voranzubringen. Der zweite Gipfel zwischen Trump und Kim Ende Februar 2019 in Vietnam könnte den Startschuss für Verhandlungen in verschiedenen Formaten geben. Auch im Rahmen ihrer Mitgliedschaft im Sicherheitsrat der VN 2019/2020 sollte die Bundesregierung einen schrittweisen Prozess der nuklearen wie auch konventionellen Abrüstung und Rüstungskontrolle auf der koreanischen Halbinsel unterstützen. Ausgehend von ihren Stärken könnte die deutsche Seite bei Bedarf insbesondere technische, infrastrukturelle und anderweitige Hilfe bei der Umsetzung entsprechender Abkommen anbieten."}],"data":{}}]}}}],["5d962146-c7d5-409c-b6db-fc24047b70ff",{"sys":{"id":"5d962146-c7d5-409c-b6db-fc24047b70ff","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Mexico: Sheinbaum to Face Militarisation and Human Rights Concerns","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/mexico-sheinbaum-to-face-militarisation-and-human-rights-concerns/","dataTeaser":{"date":"3/2024","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfla-24032","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Mexiko erlebt eine Militarisierung mit zunehmender Gewalt und anhaltenden Menschenrechtsverletzungen. Während zivilgesellschaftliche Akteurinnen und Akteure ein Ende dieser Politik fordern, sicherte sich die gewählte Präsidentin Claudia Sheinbaum den Sieg, indem sie Kontinuität zu eben dieser Politik von López Obrador versprach.","personUuids":["e0428d72-441f-4a54-8d18-315494ab2837","301c8bec-d95c-422d-8ae5-6e19281ad79b"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2024 | ISSN: 1862-3573","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"06.2024","dateShort":"2024","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfla-24032"],"personNames":["Indi-Carolina Kryg","Luz Marcela Villalobos Andrade"],"dateLong":"Juni 2024","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":[],"unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","920d7f1c-74c0-49d5-8839-00b833e607c5","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e"],"seriesNumber":["3"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3573"],"useDynamicPdf":true,"personUuids":["e0428d72-441f-4a54-8d18-315494ab2837","301c8bec-d95c-422d-8ae5-6e19281ad79b"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["e0428d72-441f-4a54-8d18-315494ab2837","301c8bec-d95c-422d-8ae5-6e19281ad79b"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"184qbQUmetPQgnTYElOYKD","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2024_03 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/184qbQUmetPQgnTYElOYKD/2faa244ddcc5097a61d89ac503632582/GIGA_Nov2022_Mexico_city_cheef_of_government_Claudia_Sheinbaum_during_the_parade_of_the_112th_anniversary_of_the_Mexican_Rev.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Latin America","date":"2024-06-03T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["5dd9bcb5-4532-4bc7-b9c1-f0556c4b523a",{"sys":{"id":"5dd9bcb5-4532-4bc7-b9c1-f0556c4b523a","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Nicaragua: Una Trayectoria de Violencia Política y la Consolidación de una Crisis de Derechos Humanos","dataTeaser":{"date":"02.2021","link":"https://archivos.juridicas.unam.mx/www/bjv/libros/13/6412/10.pdf","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","hasPage":true,"tagline":["Colección IECEQ"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"The pandemic scenario has unmasked the vulnerabilities of any country in the world, as its consequences far exceed a health emergency. In particular, it has revealed a reinforced fragility in terms of democracy and the rule of law: societies that had weak safeguards of fundamental rights before the outbreak of COVID-19 are now particularly affected. With an interest in that phenomenon, this chapter is devoted to the case of Nicaragua and analyzes the trajectory of political violence and a crisis of constitutional democracy since 2018, which has been consolidated in the context of the pandemic in 2020.","personUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"02.2021","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","isbns":["978-607-7822-76-9"],"links":[],"pages":"277-312","status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Februar 2021","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"]}],"subtitle":"Kapitel in Sammelband | Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas, UNAM | 2021","urnLinks":["https://archivos.juridicas.unam.mx/www/bjv/libros/13/6412/10.pdf"],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2021","hostTitle":"Test Democrático Interamericano Frente al COVID-19","publisher":"Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas, UNAM","unitUuids":[],"seriesIssn":[],"personNames":["Alina Ripplinger"],"personUuids":["45c3a95a-f4e9-4e0d-b959-438774c71050"],"seriesTitle":["Colección IECEQ"],"seriesNumber":[],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"hostEditorNames":["Mariela Morales Antoniazzi"],"publicationLocation":"Ciudad de México","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"d799e849-0eac-4d6d-8ab5-d171721e7124"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions [NON-GIGA]","date":"2021-02-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["5dfc159f-f03b-4397-abfe-0f631692b91a",{"sys":{"id":"5dfc159f-f03b-4397-abfe-0f631692b91a","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Venezuela’s Protracted Crisis: Any Way Forward?","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/attendance/participating","value":"Beteiligung"},"type":"GIGA Event","eventName":"Venezuela’s Protracted Crisis: Any Way Forward?","date":"10.07.2020","link":"https://www.giga-hamburg.de/de/veranstaltungen/19964832-giga-roundtable/","personUuids":["3ef2b9c5-30bc-48fa-a6bf-6095f8ce97d5","cd32d8e9-71f9-4f40-b201-489fa4d2e76c","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","e35dec05-3a00-4e73-a5a0-ac61fa931bdc","b904e04f-3f34-417e-bbd9-aa609c4a23b0"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["3ef2b9c5-30bc-48fa-a6bf-6095f8ce97d5","cd32d8e9-71f9-4f40-b201-489fa4d2e76c","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","e35dec05-3a00-4e73-a5a0-ac61fa931bdc"],"role":{"key":"discussant","value":"Diskutant:in"}},{"uuids":["b904e04f-3f34-417e-bbd9-aa609c4a23b0"],"role":{"key":"moderator","value":"Moderator:in"}}],"referencedEventUuid":"3c95a140-4b25-4864-8819-b767fd8c85c0","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"GIGA Roundtable: Venezuela’s Protracted Crisis: Any Way Forward? "}},"dataDetail":{"date":"10.07.2020","type":"GIGA Event","links":[{"url":"https://www.giga-hamburg.de/de/veranstaltungen/19964832-giga-roundtable/"}],"pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/attendance/participating","value":"Beteiligung"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"discussant","value":"Diskutant:in"},"uuids":["3ef2b9c5-30bc-48fa-a6bf-6095f8ce97d5","cd32d8e9-71f9-4f40-b201-489fa4d2e76c","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","e35dec05-3a00-4e73-a5a0-ac61fa931bdc"]},{"role":{"key":"moderator","value":"Moderator:in"},"uuids":["b904e04f-3f34-417e-bbd9-aa609c4a23b0"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"Venezuela’s Protracted Crisis: Any Way Forward?","expertUuids":["3ef2b9c5-30bc-48fa-a6bf-6095f8ce97d5","cd32d8e9-71f9-4f40-b201-489fa4d2e76c","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","e35dec05-3a00-4e73-a5a0-ac61fa931bdc","b904e04f-3f34-417e-bbd9-aa609c4a23b0"],"personNames":["Daniel Kriener","Merike Blofield","Sabine Kurtenbach","Alejandro Márquez","Bert Hoffmann"],"referencedEventUuid":"3c95a140-4b25-4864-8819-b767fd8c85c0"},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2020-07-10T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["5e5444d0-c34b-4d22-80ce-604c80b7f116",{"sys":{"id":"5e5444d0-c34b-4d22-80ce-604c80b7f116","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Entwicklungszusammenarbeit mit Afrika: mehr Kohärenz wagen","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/entwicklungszusammenarbeit-mit-afrika-mehr-kohaerenz-wagen/","dataTeaser":{"date":"5/2021","link":"https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-75132-3","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["c4bed983-2ed2-452f-b09f-ce511babdc89","16530dfc-edfa-486b-9279-a901c5a89234","f69733cc-4ec2-44f7-bd25-3fdf05c4eb91"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"10.2021","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/28545987/web_afrika_2021_05_de.pdf","title":"Text (PDF Deutsch)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Oktober 2021","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["c4bed983-2ed2-452f-b09f-ce511babdc89","16530dfc-edfa-486b-9279-a901c5a89234","f69733cc-4ec2-44f7-bd25-3fdf05c4eb91"]}],"subtitle":"2021 | ISSN: 1862-3603","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-75132-3"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2021","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","1b9d3c92-63ad-49fe-bb02-119e2a17eef4","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3603"],"personNames":["Jann Lay","Tevin Tafese","Christian von Soest"],"personUuids":["c4bed983-2ed2-452f-b09f-ce511babdc89","16530dfc-edfa-486b-9279-a901c5a89234","f69733cc-4ec2-44f7-bd25-3fdf05c4eb91"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"seriesNumber":["5"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"52AbBpqziGsJKF825Pds57","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Afrika 2021_05 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Afrika 2021_05 (Header)","altText":"Bundeskanzlerin Angela Merkel im Gespräch mit dem ghanaischen Präsidenten Nana Akufo-Addo.","copyright":"Reuters / John Mac Dougall","media":{"sys":{"id":"2JCN1XLRdkYTuJpLibJPWQ","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA_Merkel_CwA_Nov2019_Merkel-Akuf-Addo_G20_Investment-Summit_Berlin_Reuters_JohnMacDougall.JPG_Website","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2JCN1XLRdkYTuJpLibJPWQ/4cbac62ea24603a264c74af4901e25d6/GIGA_Merkel_CwA_Nov2019_Merkel-Akuf-Addo_G20_Investment-Summit_Berlin_Reuters_JohnMacDougall.JPG_Website-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserText":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Der Entwicklungspolitik kommt bei der Bewältigung globaler und afrikanischer Herausforderungen eine entscheidende Bedeutung zu. Die Autor:innen dieses GIGA Focus erwarten von der künftigen Bundesregierung Kohärenz in der Entwicklungspolitik und das gemeinsame Handeln von Außen-, Wirtschafts- und Umweltministerium.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"2JCN1XLRdkYTuJpLibJPWQ","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA_Merkel_CwA_Nov2019_Merkel-Akuf-Addo_G20_Investment-Summit_Berlin_Reuters_JohnMacDougall.JPG_Website","description":"","file":"$36:350:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Africa","date":"2021-10-04T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Entwicklungszusammenarbeit mit Afrika: mehr Kohärenz wagen"}}],["5e7a56a4-e8d6-4804-ae7d-f4a47f157ed2",{"sys":{"id":"5e7a56a4-e8d6-4804-ae7d-f4a47f157ed2","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Elections and Government Legitimacy in Fragile States","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/wahlen-und-legitimitaet-in-fragilen-staaten/","dataTeaser":{"date":"7/2021","link":"https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-76659-2","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["194d08d0-2b84-4ec1-8f43-bdea2f8a1909"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"12.2021","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/28762346/web_Afrika_2021_07_en.pdf","title":"Text (pdf English)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Dezember 2021","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["194d08d0-2b84-4ec1-8f43-bdea2f8a1909"]}],"subtitle":"2021 | ISSN: 1862-3603","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-76659-2"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2021","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3603"],"personNames":["Malte Lierl"],"personUuids":["194d08d0-2b84-4ec1-8f43-bdea2f8a1909"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"seriesNumber":["7"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"4lwASIpICYQAw9WfW2fD9e","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Afrika 2021_07 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Afrika 2021_07 (Header)","altText":"People are seen around members of Guinea s special forces in Conakry, Guinea.","copyright":"imago images / Xinhua","media":{"sys":{"id":"2OkVL7Tm7HbvgR0Hq5jDUB","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA_CONAKRY_Sept2021_People_around_Guinea s special forces_imago_0133453346_images_Xinhua_Website","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2OkVL7Tm7HbvgR0Hq5jDUB/49935cf0e5897b38ef42e13c0676f0cd/GIGA_CONAKRY_Sept2021_People_around_Guinea_s_special_forces_imago_0133453346_images_Xinhua_Website.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserText":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Der Zusammenbruch gewählter Zivilregierungen – wie in Mali, Afghanistan und Guinea – wirft die Frage nach der Legitimität einer Regierung auf. Der Autor dieses GIGA Focus erläutert, dass Wahlen allein in instabilen Staaten oft nicht ausreichen, um eine Regierung in den Augen der Bürger zu legitimieren.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"2OkVL7Tm7HbvgR0Hq5jDUB","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA_CONAKRY_Sept2021_People_around_Guinea s special forces_imago_0133453346_images_Xinhua_Website","description":"","file":"$36:351:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Africa","date":"2021-12-20T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Wahlen und Legitimität in fragilen Staaten"}}],["5e808aba-232a-4883-b298-e75ed9a24ab3",{"sys":{"id":"5e808aba-232a-4883-b298-e75ed9a24ab3","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Iran: Präsidentschaftswahlen 2013 mit überraschendem Ausgang","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/iran-praesidentschaftswahlen-2013-mit-ueberraschendem-ausgang/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"type":"GIGA Focus","date":"6/2013","personUuids":["59929eaf-acde-4e78-aaef-e19d22a5ab1e"],"tagline":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-347950"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"2013","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/24481536/gf_nahost_1306.pdf","title":"Text (pdf Deutsch)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"2013","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["59929eaf-acde-4e78-aaef-e19d22a5ab1e"]}],"subtitle":"2013 | ISSN: 1862-3611","urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-347950"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2013","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3611"],"personNames":["Henner Fürtig"],"personUuids":["59929eaf-acde-4e78-aaef-e19d22a5ab1e"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"seriesNumber":["6"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"Am 14. Juni 2013 waren knapp 50 Millionen wahlberechtigte Iranerinnen und Iraner aufgerufen, ihren neuen Präsidenten zu bestimmen. Bereits im ersten Wahlgang sicherten sie dem Geistlichen Hassan Rowhani mit 50,7 Prozent der Stimmen den Sieg.Angesichts der desolaten Wirtschaftslage und der immer noch…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"5DzfsvqkJW2mDMgpdh2Cez","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:335:1:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Grafik Logo Focus Nahost alt","title":"Bild Grafik Logo Focus Nahost alt","altText":"Grafik Logo Focus Nahost alt","copyright":"GIGA","media":{"sys":{"id":"3pPoCKwHWE2N2T37pyYYUj","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Logo GIGA_Focus_Nahost","file":"$36:335:1:fields:media:file"}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3pPoCKwHWE2N2T37pyYYUj","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Logo GIGA_Focus_Nahost","file":"$36:335:1:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Middle East","date":"2013-01-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["5eac2d1a-a4df-48be-9d9e-2301bfd8123a",{"sys":{"id":"5eac2d1a-a4df-48be-9d9e-2301bfd8123a","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"\"Weltpolitische Interessenslage in Venezuela schwierig\"","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"CLIPPING","pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"type":"Interview","tagline":["WDR 5","Interview"],"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"date":"05.02.2019","link":"https://www1.wdr.de/mediathek/audio/wdr5/wdr5-morgenecho-interview/audio-weltpolitische-interessenslage-in-venezuela-schwierig-100.html"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"CLIPPING","type":"Interview","pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"links":[{"url":"https://www1.wdr.de/mediathek/audio/wdr5/wdr5-morgenecho-interview/audio-weltpolitische-interessenslage-in-venezuela-schwierig-100.html"}],"date":"05.02.2019","mediums":["WDR 5"],"mediaFormats":["Radio"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2019-02-05T12:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["5eclaO8YQW1aEmwEy7qnFF",{"sys":{"id":"5eclaO8YQW1aEmwEy7qnFF","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"columnContent"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Lektorat GIGA Focus Lateinamerika Meenakshi","headline":"Lektorat GIGA Focus Lateinamerika","showHeadlineLeft":true,"backgroundColour":"White","columnCount":3,"topics":[{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"f888036a-4820-4e7e-8152-b693e35b48f7"}},{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"Entry","id":"edf596ad-f3eb-4dbe-ab0c-4f3ab5c03b69"}}]}}],["5f6d1e37-0c63-43ba-ada0-8fd14f60204b",{"sys":{"id":"5f6d1e37-0c63-43ba-ada0-8fd14f60204b","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"The Political Dynamics of Human Mobility: Migration out of, as and into Violence","path":"/de/publikationen/referierte-aufsaetze/political-dynamics-human-mobility-migration-of-violence/","dataTeaser":{"date":"2017","link":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.12384","type":"Artikel","tagline":["Global Policy"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849","204afd0d-04eb-4990-88df-7c4430f1e239","c24d0023-34e1-4128-b8d2-f508da3dba28"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Artikel","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"subtitle":"Artikel | 2017","keywords":{"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/mena/Syria","title":"Syrien"}],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"2017","dateShort":"2017","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":[],"personNames":["André Bank","Christiane Fröhlich","Andrea Schneiker"],"dateLong":"2017","isbns":[],"issueNumber":"S1","journal":"Global Policy","pages":"12-18","urnLinks":["https://doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.12384"],"volume":"8","unitUuids":["af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b","ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d"],"personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849","204afd0d-04eb-4990-88df-7c4430f1e239","c24d0023-34e1-4128-b8d2-f508da3dba28"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849","204afd0d-04eb-4990-88df-7c4430f1e239","c24d0023-34e1-4128-b8d2-f508da3dba28"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"79Iw2W1y5I439nIQKWTblO","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild referierte Artikel","title":"Bild referierte Artikel","altText":"Ein Stapel Zeitschriften","copyright":"iStock.com/ pinkomelet","media":{"sys":{"id":"3MVDYqgKxq8a8ZuszO7pV9","type":"Asset"},"title":"iStock-831942476","file":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3MVDYqgKxq8a8ZuszO7pV9","type":"Asset"},"title":"iStock-831942476","file":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Articles","date":"2017-01-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["5f818b2a-4ea1-48d9-bdc2-f036656776f0",{"sys":{"id":"5f818b2a-4ea1-48d9-bdc2-f036656776f0","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Nobelpreis für Machado","dataTeaser":{"date":"10.12.2025","link":"https://www.br.de/radio/bayern2/sendungen/welt-am-morgen/interview-mit-sabine-kurtenbach-100.html","type":"Interview","tagline":["Bayern 2","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Friedensnobelpreis für Machado: GIGA-Expertin Prof. Dr. Sabine Kurtenbach spricht im Interview mit Veronika Lohmüller von Bayern2 über die Bedeutung der Auszeichnung für Venezuela, die Opposition und den Kampf für Demokratie im Land.

","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"10.12.2025","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.br.de/radio/bayern2/sendungen/welt-am-morgen/interview-mit-sabine-kurtenbach-100.html"}],"mediums":["Bayern 2"],"keywords":{"free":["Venezuela","Maduro","Regime Change"],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/venezuela","title":"Venezuela"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/andean_region","title":"Andenregion"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/north_america/usa","title":"Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika"}]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Radio"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"1POk5AVnifHhJgvsTLeQUg","type":"Asset"},"title":"Titelbild Nobelpreis für Machado","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1POk5AVnifHhJgvsTLeQUg/df4d2f7cdb3bc0ae89ebacd445af74e1/machado_nppjpg.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1600,"height":900}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2025-12-10T11:00:00.000Z"}}],["5f9b9ee4-b92d-4c88-b001-6c62902c912a",{"sys":{"id":"5f9b9ee4-b92d-4c88-b001-6c62902c912a","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Transfer for Transformation - Knowledge Exchange with Global Reach","path":"/de/forschung-und-transfer/projekte/transfer-for-transformation-knowledge-exchange-with-global-reach/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PROJECT","pureType":{"key":"upmproject/upmprojecttypes/upmproject/research","value":"Forschung"},"type":"Forschung","teaserText":"Transfer for Transformation (T4T) is an application lab. T4T will innovate in the practice of knowledge transfer through consequent target-group-integration and novel access strategies. It will also advance the scholarship on the subject by analysing the effectiveness and impact of different types of knowledge transfer.
Leibniz Association, 2022-2026
","date":"01.07.2022 - 30.06.2026","personUuids":["440fbc3f-986d-40b0-bcb2-5766c222afeb","e5b11d21-1e95-40bf-8f17-1c07904be38e","c76d92d6-80a0-4c2b-b2a3-45c70c15feb8","94b0957f-ff06-4e61-94c1-eec0a8df61f6","15a06785-085e-41a6-bc58-6e14da522863","12f2325e-b027-4ddc-800c-a4cbc7c7ef30","ffcf4da3-7d7c-47cb-a913-e46693a239c8","921b6603-6f21-4515-8afb-a53c9ddaea81"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PROJECT","type":"Forschung","pureType":{"key":"upmproject/upmprojecttypes/upmproject/research","value":"Forschung"},"headUuids":["440fbc3f-986d-40b0-bcb2-5766c222afeb"],"associateUuids":[],"cooperationPersonUuids":[],"coordinatorUuids":["b75cd502-ed2b-4404-95a9-df9a7cbd4f6c"],"teamExternUuids":[],"teamUuids":["e5b11d21-1e95-40bf-8f17-1c07904be38e","c76d92d6-80a0-4c2b-b2a3-45c70c15feb8","94b0957f-ff06-4e61-94c1-eec0a8df61f6","15a06785-085e-41a6-bc58-6e14da522863","12f2325e-b027-4ddc-800c-a4cbc7c7ef30","ffcf4da3-7d7c-47cb-a913-e46693a239c8","921b6603-6f21-4515-8afb-a53c9ddaea81"],"period":"01.07.2022 - 30.06.2026"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"3647SjuZkwMdVKpUGb5DlP","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"T4T Logo","title":"Transfer for Transformation Logo","media":{"sys":{"id":"21C34t3FXBnsQiKZJFQNq4","type":"Asset"},"title":"T4T logo","description":"Transfer for Transformation Logo","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/21C34t3FXBnsQiKZJFQNq4/0ac229f1b7418d4c6fb576387a513d71/T__2_.png","details":{"image":{"width":1000,"height":1000}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"linkUrl":"https://www.giga-hamburg.de/en/research-and-transfer/projects/transfer-for-transformation-knowledge-exchange-with-global-reach"}}],"typeOrSubtype":"Projects","date":"2022-07-01T10:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Transfer for Transformation – Knowledge Exchange with Global Reach (T4T)"}}],["5fa7bc06-9d48-46f6-bd5d-4fde7051e780",{"sys":{"id":"5fa7bc06-9d48-46f6-bd5d-4fde7051e780","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Back from the Depths: Brazil, the World and the EU after Lula’s Electoral Victory","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/back-from-the-depths-brazil-the-world-eu-after-lula-s-electoral-victory/","dataTeaser":{"date":"5/2022","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfla-22052","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Unter Lula wird Brasilien wieder an seine multilateralen diplomatischen Traditionen anknüpfen und der Außenpolitik der EU näherstehen. Allerdings sind die politischen und wirtschaftlichen Bedingungen wesentlich schwieriger als unter Lulas erster Präsidentschaft.","personUuids":["e9902e79-8ec2-45e8-bc4f-8a8a418a26e6"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2022 | ISSN: 1862-3573","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"11.2022","dateShort":"2022","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfla-22052"],"personNames":["Kai Michael Kenkel"],"dateLong":"November 2022","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Lateinamerika"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-83452-2"],"unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesNumber":["5"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3573"],"useDynamicPdf":true,"personUuids":["e9902e79-8ec2-45e8-bc4f-8a8a418a26e6"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["e9902e79-8ec2-45e8-bc4f-8a8a418a26e6"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"5KJJ2V5n12eXlPKXyYTqs6","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2022_05 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5KJJ2V5n12eXlPKXyYTqs6/1fd6f9d7e63294729259fcfea68ba208/Bild_GIGA_Focus_Lateinamerika_2022_05__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Latin America","date":"2022-11-09T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["5fe081b5-14e9-4f19-be1b-57d7ec9665ea",{"sys":{"id":"5fe081b5-14e9-4f19-be1b-57d7ec9665ea","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"`Desestadounidizar` no es descolonizar: apuntes sobre las relaciones entre China y Venezuela de cara a la crisis venezolana","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/desestadounidizar-descolonizar-apuntes-sobre-las-relaciones-entre-china-venezuela-cara-crisis-venezolana/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","date":"2019","personUuids":["eb5012a0-1d9a-4f99-b652-cf68ae8b5e05"],"tagline":["Kapitel in Sammelband"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"2019","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","isbns":["978-958-56871-5-8"],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"2019","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["eb5012a0-1d9a-4f99-b652-cf68ae8b5e05"]}],"subtitle":"Kapitel in Sammelband | Fundación Konrad Adenauer | 2019","blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2019","hostTitle":"La crisis venezolana: impactos y desafíos","publisher":"Fundación Konrad Adenauer","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"personNames":["Rafael Castro"],"personUuids":["eb5012a0-1d9a-4f99-b652-cf68ae8b5e05"],"isForthcoming":false,"hostEditorNames":["Eduardo Pastrana Buelvas","Hubert Gehring"],"publicationLocation":"Bogotá","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["5hG3v7SRPCM3oqEXVACBqV",{"sys":{"id":"5hG3v7SRPCM3oqEXVACBqV","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur Closing Spaces: The Last Bulwark of Nicaraguan Civil Society under Attack","headline":"Literatur","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Aragón, Rafael (2011), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Revista Envío"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 349, April, accessed 3 Januar 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Casla Institute (2022), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Tamara Suju, Tweet, accessed 3 January 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"CENIDH (2022), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Tweet, accessed 3 January 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Dirección Nacional del FSLN (1980), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 7 October, FSLN National Directive, accessed 3 January 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Equipo Envío (1983), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Revista Envío"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 30, December, accessed 3 January 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Espinoza Rizo, Álvaro Augusto (2021), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: Christine Hatzky, Sebastian Martínez Fernández, Joachim Michael, and Heike Wagner (eds), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Las Iglesias ante la violencia estatal en las protestas contra el gobierno sandinista en Nicaragua (desde abril de 2018 hasta la actualidad)"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Argentina: Editorial Teseo, accessed 3 January 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Kurtz, Lester R., and Lee A. Smithey (eds) (2018), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Syracuse University Press, accessed 3 January 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Orozco, Manuel (2022), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Washington, DC: Inter-American Dialogue, accessed 3 January 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"PCIN (2021),"},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Periodistas y Comunicadores Independentes de Nicaragua, accessed 3 January 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"PEN International (2022), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 15 December, accessed 3 January 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Peña, Marco Aurelio (2022), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Agenda Estado de Derecho (blog), 24 May, accessed 3 January 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Sismologia Social (2021),"},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", sismologiasocial.com (blog), 1 August, accessed 3 January 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"UNHRC (2022), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", A/HRC/51/42, accessed 3 January 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Urnas Abiertas (2022), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 5, accessed 3 January 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Urnas Abiertas (2021), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 9, 22 November, accessed 3 January 2023."}]}]}}}],["5huqjro8mGetDEGSdKsXw9",{"sys":{"id":"5huqjro8mGetDEGSdKsXw9","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Afrika 2019_06 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Afrika 2019_06 (Header)","altText":"UN-Blauhelme im Südsudan.","copyright":"Reuters / Siegfried Modola","media":{"sys":{"id":"1BGnAV6XJaOPwC1fnlJCfa","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Afrika 2019_06 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1BGnAV6XJaOPwC1fnlJCfa/3156139c4f1aaa1fb770f2c45635ab6a/Bild_Focus_Afrika_2019_06__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1143}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["5i9DNa97fjEmbEEB9g3O3h",{"sys":{"id":"5i9DNa97fjEmbEEB9g3O3h","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Global 2021_01_1","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Missing Piece – The Regional Dimension"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Peacebuilding is a complex undertaking shaped by a variety of different factors. These include the ripeness of a conflict as well as other properties of war and violence such as power relations between the armed groups involved. Regional and international contexts such as norms or aid patterns also influence peace and conflict transformation. Since the end of the Cold War, the United Nations as well as international donors have increasingly supported peacebuilding as a transformative process under the former’s “Agenda for Peace” (Boutros-Ghali 1992). Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 16 aims at the supporting of peaceful, just, and inclusive societies with strong institutions, including not just the termination of war but also a broader notion of violence prevention."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$9a"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A mapping of the regional experiences with conflict, violence, and peacebuilding between 1990 and 2018 provides evidence that this avenue of research is promising (see Figures 1–6 below). Based on available data sets, the following figures show variation in armed conflict per year (Gleditsch et al. 2002)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":""}],"data":{}}]}}}],["5kJ8hWfe7GGzAOcfrFv0F7",{"sys":{"id":"5kJ8hWfe7GGzAOcfrFv0F7","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05_2","title":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05_2","altText":"Map of Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zones in the world.","copyright":"UNODA","caption":"Figure 2 \nNuclear-Weapon-Free Zones","media":{"sys":{"id":"7xIZP6SELV2V001vUuSwGh","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05_2","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/7xIZP6SELV2V001vUuSwGh/99befdda6d617bba54d3fdd5c003e41a/Grafik-2.png","details":{"image":{"width":1127,"height":763}},"contentType":"image/png"}}}}],["5kouiPtmmlgCljO2tW7ejy",{"sys":{"id":"5kouiPtmmlgCljO2tW7ejy","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text GIGA Focus Global_2016_02_2","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Emigration aus Nachkriegsländern","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"heading-2"},{"data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Erzwungene oder freiwillige Emigration ist kein neues Phänomen. Dennoch hat die Zahl der Menschen, die nicht in ihrem Geburtsland leben, gegenwärtig eine Rekordhöhe erreicht. Der Hochkommissar der Vereinten Nationen für Flüchtlinge (UNHCR) berichtete im Juni 2015, dass erstmals seit Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges über 50 Millionen Menschen gewaltsam vertrieben worden seien. Diese Gruppe stellt allerdings nur ungefähr ein Viertel der weltweiten Migranten dar. Diese Zahlen sind – ebenso wie die von uns im Ländervergleich verwendeten – lediglich sehr konservative Schätzungen. Die tatsächliche Zahl der Flüchtlinge ergibt sich nicht direkt aus der Definition des UNHCR. Hier werden nur diejenigen Menschen erfasst, die außerhalb ihres Landes wegen politischer Verfolgung Asyl beantragen."},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-inline"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Personen, die ihr Land verlassen, ohne sich selbst als politischen Flüchtling zu deklarieren, gehen dagegen nicht in die Statistiken ein. Deshalb ist die Zahl derjenigen, die Nachkriegsgesellschaften aus den von uns unten dargestellten Gründen verlassen, wahrscheinlich wesentlich höher als es die Statistiken des UNHCR zeigen."}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Die Grenzen zwischen freiwilliger wirtschaftlicher Migration und gewaltsamer Vertreibung sind fließend. In Nachkriegsgesellschaften häufen sich die Faktoren, welche die verstärkte Emigration vielfach antreiben: schwache Ökonomien, politisch instabile Staaten mit verbrecherischen und korrupten Eliten oder weit verbreitete Menschenrechtsverletzungen (Castles 2013). Die individuelle Entscheidung zur Emigration basiert auf einer Mischung verschiedener struktureller und individueller Beweggründe. Im Gegensatz zu anderen Kontexten variiert die Emigration aus Nachkriegsgesellschaften vor allem deshalb, weil häufig drei eng verbundene Faktoren zusammenwirken: die Qualität des Nachkriegsfriedens, der Institutionen und der sozioökonomischen Lebensperspektiven.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Emigration und die Qualität von Frieden","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"heading-2"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Die Qualität des Friedens in Nachkriegsgesellschaften kann offenbar als Erklärung für Emigration dienen: Wenn Menschen ihr Leben durch direkte oder mögliche Angriffe (beispielsweise staatlich toleriertes, erzwungenes Verschwinden von Menschen und Gruppen) auch nach Kriegsende weiter in Gefahr sehen, werden sie eher bereit sein, das Land zu verlassen, um Schutz zu suchen (Davenport, Moore und Poes 2003).","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Gewalt kann in Nachkriegsgesellschaften viele Formen annehmen, die oftmals nur indirekt mit der Gewalt bei direkten Konfrontationen im Krieg zusammenhängen. Direkte Konfrontationen zwischen den Kriegsparteien werden vielfach von vielen anderen Formen der Gewalt begleitet wie einseitige Gewalt gegen die Zivilbevölkerung, sexuelle Gewalt, Folter, Verschwindenlassen von Personen, private Fehden, Gewaltkriminalität oder Rache. Manchmal dürfen staatlich geförderte Milizen als Art „Bezahlung“ vergewaltigen und Vieh oder anderes Eigentum stehlen, weil das Militär ihnen keinen Sold zahlen kann, solange es gegen Rebellengruppen kämpft. Diese Erscheinungsformen der Gewalt sind also nicht zwangsläufig Teil der „Mastererzählung“ (Kalyvas 2005) über die Kontrolle von Regierungen oder Territorien, aber mit dieser eng verbunden, ohne dass sich die Grenzen klar benennen lassen.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Wenn interne Kriege formal beendet wurden, weil die Kriegsparteien zum Beispiel ein Friedensabkommen unterzeichnet haben, in dem sie sich zur Beendigung der Kämpfe verpflichten, enden diese anderen Formen der Gewalt aber nicht automatisch. Selbst wenn es keinen Rückfall in den Krieg gibt, befinden sich viele Nachkriegsgesellschaften in einer Grauzone, die „weder Frieden noch Krieg“ ist und in der Gewalt für die Bevölkerungsmehrheit eine alltägliche Erfahrung bleibt. Auch wenn die Kriegsparteien nicht erneut für den Krieg mobilisieren, können einige von ihnen die neu gewählten Nachkriegsregierungen mit kriminellen Aktivitäten destabilisieren (Westendorf 2015). Da wir wissen, dass Menschen vor Gewalt flüchten und angesichts der Tatsache, dass verschiedene Formen der Gewalt auch nach Kriegsende andauern, werden viele Menschen versuchen, sich durch das Verlassen des Landes außerhalb der Grenzen in Sicherheit zu bringen.\n\n","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}]}}}],["5mLO2P0odi7dpY1q9PjMsR",{"sys":{"id":"5mLO2P0odi7dpY1q9PjMsR","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur GIGA Focus From Crisis to Comeback: The Global Story of Re-Democratisation","headline":"Literatur","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"ACCORD (2015), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 23 October, accessed 15 October 2025."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Coppedge, Michael, John Gerring, Carl Henrik Knutsen, et al. (2024), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", SSRN Scholarly Paper No. 4774440, Rochester, NY, 7 March, accessed 15 October 2025."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"De la Torre, Carlos (2018), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Journal of Democracy"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 29, 4, 77–88, accessed 16 October 2025."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"De la Torre, Carlos (2015), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"World Politics Review"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 19 March, accessed 16 October 2025."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Edgell, Amanda B., Seraphine F. Maerz, Laura Maxwell, et al. (2020), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", University of Gothenburg, V-Dem Institute, accessed 16 October 2025."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"EIU (2025), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 16 October 2025."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Gorokhovskaia, Yana, and Cathryn Grothe (2024), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", February, Freedom House, accessed 15 October 2025."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"InSight Crime (2025), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", January, accessed 15 October 2025."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Kurtenbach, Sabine, Désirée Reder, and Alina Ripplinger (2024), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", GIGA Focus Latin America, 1, Hamburg: German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA), accessed 15 October 2025."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Matlosa, Khabele (2010), The Role of the Southern African Development Community in Mediating Post-Election Conflicts: Case Studies of Lesotho and Zimbabwe, in: Khabele Matlosa, Gilbert M. Khadiagala, and Victor Shale (eds), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Johannesburg: EISA, accessed 15 October 2025."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Reder, Désirée (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", interview by tagesschau.de, 9 January, accessed 15 October 2025."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Shale, Itumeleng (2018), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", African Judges and Jurists Forum, accessed 15 October 2025."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Southall, R. (2003), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Journal of Modern African Studies"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 41, 2, 269–296, accessed 15 October 2025."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Stuenkel, Oliver (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 22 June, accessed 16 October 2025."}]}]}}}],["5uFNEuIr1aPpac10ryLfLj",{"sys":{"id":"5uFNEuIr1aPpac10ryLfLj","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur GIGA Focus From Ending War to Building Peace – Lessons from Latin America","headline":"References","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Bethke, Felix S, and Jonathan Pinckney (2021), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Conflict Management and Peace Science"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 38, 5, 503–523."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Birke Daniels, Kristina, and Sabine Kurtenbach (eds) (2021),"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Entanglements of Peace. Reflections on the Long Road of Transformation in Colombia"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Bogotá, Washington: FESCOL."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Cockayne, James, John de Boer, and Louise Bosetti (2017), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", New York: United Nations University Centre for Policy Research, Crime-Conflict-Nexus Series No. 5, accessed 13 January 2022."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Coppege, Michel, John Gerring, Carl Henrik Knutsen, and Staffan I. Lindberg (2021),"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" “V-Dem Codebook V11” Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Project"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", V-Dem Institute, University of Gothenburg."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"ERCA (2021), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 6, San José, Costa Rica: Estado de la Región Centroamericana, accessed 13 January 2022."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"INDEPAZ (2021),"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Bogotá: Instituto de estudios para el desarrollo y la paz, accessed 13 January 2022."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"International Crisis Group (2021),"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 29 December, accessed 13 January 2022."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"JEP (2021), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Comunicado 046, Bogotá: Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz, accessed 13 January 2022."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Latinobarómetro (2021), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 29 December 2021."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Lewis, David, John Heathershaw, and Nick Megoran (2018), Illiberal Peace? Authoritarian Modes of Conflict Management, in:"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Cooperation and Conflict"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 53, 4, 486–506."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Mac Ginty, Roger, and Oliver P Richmond (2013), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Third World Quarterly"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 34, 5, 763–783."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"United Nations (2021),"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 13 January 2022."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"United Nations (2015), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 13 January 2022."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"United Nations (1987), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", UN A/42/521 S/19085, accessed 13 January 2022."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"World Bank (2021), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 29 December 2021."}],"data":{}}]}}}],["5wxpbzXvFcYwcyZCrmqCLn",{"sys":{"id":"5wxpbzXvFcYwcyZCrmqCLn","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur GIGA Focus Legitimacy Crisis and Venezuela’s Long Road to Democratic Transition","headline":"Literatur","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Cardozo Uzcátegui, Alejandro, and Víctor M. Mijares (2020), The Versatile Amalgam: Interests and Corruption in Russia-Venezuela Relations, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 109, 181–202."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Castillo, Linda G., Flor V. Perez, Rosalinda Castillo, and Mona R. Ghosheh (2010), Construction and Initial Validation of the Marianismo Beliefs Scale, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Counselling Psychology Quarterly"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 23, 2, 163–175."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Corrales, Javier (2023), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Autocracy Rising: How Venezuela Transitioned to Authoritarianism"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Corrales, Javier (2015), The Authoritarian Resurgence: Autocratic Legalism in Venezuela, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Journal of Democracy"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 26, 2, 37–51."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Erazo Patiño, Lorena Andrea, Carlos Alfonso Laverde Rodríguez, and Emerson David Devia Acevedo (2024), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Revista Científica General José María Córdova"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 22, 46, 457–482, accessed 19 August 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"López Romero, July Vanesa (2023), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Latin American Post"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 11 May, accessed 19 August 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"McCarthy-Jones, Anthea, and Mark Turner (2022), What is a “Mafia State”and how is one created?, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Policy Studies"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 43, 6, 1195–1215."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Mijares, Víctor M., and Alejandro Cardozo Uzcátegui (2020), Militares bajo control. Fallas teóricas detrás del estancamiento de Juan Guaidó, in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Foreign Affairs Latinoamérica"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 20, 2, 16–23."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Moreno, Alejandro (1993), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"El aro y la trama: Episteme, modernidad y pueblo"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Caracas: Centro de Investigaciones Populares."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Munck, Gerardo L., and Carol Skalnik Leff (1999), Modes of Transition and Democratisation: South America and Eastern Europe in Comparative Perspective, in: Lisa Anderson (ed.), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Transitions to Democracy"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", New York: Columbia University Press, 193–204."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"R4V (2024), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 19 August 2024."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"United Nations Human Rights Council (2024), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", in: "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"X (formerly Twitter)"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 22 August, accessed 19 August 2024."}]}]}}}],["5xXzLePFtE3vvHRny6BhAt",{"sys":{"id":"5xXzLePFtE3vvHRny6BhAt","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik Focus Lateinamerika 2019_07_1","title":"Grafik Focus Lateinamerika 2019_07_1","altText":"Grafische Darstellung Venezuela: Dimensionen der Demokratie.","copyright":"Eigene Darstellung nach Coppedge et al. 2019.","caption":"Abb. 1\nVenezuela: Dimensionen der Demokratie","media":{"sys":{"id":"68i2bmgQgiLpP55sMxh6BT","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Focus Lateinamerika 2019_07_1","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/68i2bmgQgiLpP55sMxh6BT/2d73471708e249da462b506f89e555fc/Focus-LA-2019-07-Figure1-de-website.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["603285cd-bbe1-455b-95e6-eb66b9821a5a",{"sys":{"id":"603285cd-bbe1-455b-95e6-eb66b9821a5a","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Rumours about the release of a prominent political prisoner in Nicaragua","dataTeaser":{"date":"05.07.2023","link":"https://www.bbc.co.uk/sounds/play/w172z09h7fzj25r","type":"Interview","tagline":["BBC World Service. Newshour","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

There are strong rumors about the negotiated release of bishop Rolando Álvarez, one of Nicaraguas most prominent political prisoners. GIGA researcher Désirée Reder discusses the questions: What is known about the content of these negotiations? Why might he not accept the conditions of his release? Why would the regime release him now?

","personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"05.07.2023","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.bbc.co.uk/sounds/play/w172z09h7fzj25r"}],"mediums":["BBC World Service. Newshour"],"keywords":{"free":["Nicaragua","Repression","Church","Negotiations","Political Prisoners"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"mediaFormats":["Radio"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"4ULWXavtPaxXYnAifr4OHq","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2023_01 (Header)","description":"","file":"$36:197:1:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2023-07-05T12:00:00.000Z"}}],["612031a1-3cf3-4f95-886d-65c01ba1c56a",{"sys":{"id":"612031a1-3cf3-4f95-886d-65c01ba1c56a","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Elementos de reflexión sobre elecciones autoritarias: el caso Venezuela","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/elementos-de-reflexion-sobre-elecciones-autoritarias-el-caso-venezuela/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"type":"Artikel","date":"11.2018","personUuids":["7ffa4ee6-9757-420e-9856-e60281396f1c","909e47be-8fa6-4db1-a60a-090e80257422"],"tagline":["Iberoamericana"],"link":"https://doi.org/10.18441/ibam.18.2018.69.227-254"},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.18441/ibam.18.2018.69.227-254"],"date":"11.2018","type":"Artikel","isbns":[],"links":[],"pages":"238-243","status":"Veröffentlicht","volume":"18","journal":"Iberoamericana","dateLong":"November 2018","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["7ffa4ee6-9757-420e-9856-e60281396f1c","909e47be-8fa6-4db1-a60a-090e80257422"]}],"subtitle":"Artikel | 2018","urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-61056-4"],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2018","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"issueNumber":"69","personNames":["Nastassja Rojas Silva","Víctor M. Mijares"],"personUuids":["7ffa4ee6-9757-420e-9856-e60281396f1c","909e47be-8fa6-4db1-a60a-090e80257422"],"isForthcoming":false,"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"7EL3PR1atPREGQCIAPrxYN","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:13:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Contributions","title":"Bild Contributions","media":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"},"altText":"Foto von Rand offener Buchseiten","copyright":"istock / FactoryTh"}}],"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2018-11-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["621d5fc6-2850-4f90-b92e-5246be96b1d7",{"sys":{"id":"621d5fc6-2850-4f90-b92e-5246be96b1d7","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Los retos y dilemas de la democracia en América Latina","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/attendance/participating","value":"Beteiligung"},"type":"Seminar","eventName":"Los retos y dilemas de la democracia en América Latina","date":"28.11.2019 - 29.11.2019","link":"https://www.utdt.edu/ver_evento_agenda.php?id_evento_agenda=6644&id_item_menu=443","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"role":{"key":"panelist","value":"Panelbeitragende:r"}}],"referencedEventUuid":"b2392ef4-e40e-4a9d-8be8-cd13b1c70d06"},"dataDetail":{"date":"28.11.2019 - 29.11.2019","type":"Seminar","links":[{"url":"https://www.utdt.edu/ver_evento_agenda.php?id_evento_agenda=6644&id_item_menu=443"}],"pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/attendance/participating","value":"Beteiligung"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"panelist","value":"Panelbeitragende:r"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"Los retos y dilemas de la democracia en América Latina","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach"],"referencedEventUuid":"b2392ef4-e40e-4a9d-8be8-cd13b1c70d06"},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2019-11-28T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["624a79fd-e435-4377-9b9b-4f2b97130af8",{"sys":{"id":"624a79fd-e435-4377-9b9b-4f2b97130af8","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Venezuelas Rolle im amerikanischen Drogenhandel","dataTeaser":{"date":"07.01.2026","type":"Interview","tagline":["Tagesschau","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Südamerika bleibt Zentrum der Kokainproduktion, viel davon gelangt in die USA. Venezuela gilt als mögliches Transitland und wird mit dem Cártel de los Soles verknüpft. Welche Rolle spielt das Land im Drogenhandel? Prof. Dr. Sabine Kurtenbach ordnet für das Tagesschau‑Format „Fünf Fragen Fünf Antworten“ ein.

","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"07.01.2026","type":"Interview","links":[],"mediums":["Tagesschau"],"keywords":{"free":["Venezuela","USA"],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/venezuela","title":"Venezuela"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/andean_region","title":"Andenregion"}]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2026-01-07T11:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["625134aa-c77e-411b-87af-a58d55856123",{"sys":{"id":"625134aa-c77e-411b-87af-a58d55856123","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"¿Cuánta desigualdad puede soportar el Acuerdo de Paz en Colombia?","dataTeaser":{"date":"23.11.2021","link":"https://www.dw.com/es/cu%C3%A1nta-desigualdad-puede-soportar-el-acuerdo-de-paz-en-colombia/a-59911105","type":"Erwähnung","tagline":["Deutsche Welle","Erwähnung"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/mention","value":"Erwähnung"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"23.11.2021","type":"Erwähnung","links":[{"url":"https://www.dw.com/es/cu%C3%A1nta-desigualdad-puede-soportar-el-acuerdo-de-paz-en-colombia/a-59911105"}],"mediums":["Deutsche Welle"],"keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/mention","value":"Erwähnung"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"7INWM8pe8cm5LVVp5FNyEe","type":"Asset"},"title":"Presse Zuschnitt Intro A","file":"$36:37:1:fields:teaserImage:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Mention","date":"2021-11-23T11:00:00.000Z"}}],["6292f9c3-08b9-4377-8a59-6653742b22a7",{"sys":{"id":"6292f9c3-08b9-4377-8a59-6653742b22a7","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Context Matters – Country-Specific Politico-Economic Analyses, Conflict and Crisis Potentials, as well as Global and Regional Trends / Phase III","path":"/de/forschung-und-transfer/projekte/context-matters-country-specific-politico-economic-analyses-conflict-and-crisis-potentials-as-well-as-global-and-regional-trends-phase-iii/","dataTeaser":{"date":"01.04.2023 - 31.03.2027","type":"Forschung","pureType":{"key":"upmproject/upmprojecttypes/upmproject/research","value":"Forschung"},"blueprint":"PROJECT","teaserText":"The achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals and the strategic capability of German development cooperation in the context of the BMZ 2030 reform concept are based on in-depth knowledge of country-specific, regional and global developments. The GIGA provides annual information on actors and governance structures as well as on conflict potentials in countries of the Global South. Additionally, important regional and global trends are analysed with a comparative area perspective.
BMZ, 2023-2027","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","c6a743b4-1b2f-4217-9e66-3f9da6238667","209d59bf-e679-425b-b983-06e48126993f","cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab","54f7d595-8bda-4e16-bb37-2ce0527bb471"]},"dataDetail":{"type":"Forschung","period":"01.04.2023 - 31.03.2027","pureType":{"key":"upmproject/upmprojecttypes/upmproject/research","value":"Forschung"},"blueprint":"PROJECT","headUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"teamUuids":["c6a743b4-1b2f-4217-9e66-3f9da6238667","209d59bf-e679-425b-b983-06e48126993f","cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab","54f7d595-8bda-4e16-bb37-2ce0527bb471"],"associateUuids":[],"teamExternUuids":[],"coordinatorUuids":[],"cooperationPersonUuids":[]},"typeOrSubtype":"Projects","date":"2023-04-01T10:00:00.000Z"}}],["62DlTK4Nl54ZX51qKi2iWY",{"sys":{"id":"62DlTK4Nl54ZX51qKi2iWY","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2024_01_03","title":"Central America Core Civil Society Index","media":{"sys":{"id":"58wjGqSVPoqSmIS8VZcUat","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2024_01_03","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/58wjGqSVPoqSmIS8VZcUat/67f6585cadb8a8d16131a93dc35dd82f/web-Focus-LA-2024-01-Figure3.png","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Central America Core Civil Society Index"}}],["6365e645-241f-4759-805c-af586c2a1ffb",{"sys":{"id":"6365e645-241f-4759-805c-af586c2a1ffb","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Friedensprozesse in Kolumbien: Teilerfolge, Misserfolge und aktuelle Herausforderungen","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/friedensprozesse-kolumbien-teilerfolge-misserfolge-und-aktuelle-herausforderungen/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","date":"06.2013","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"tagline":["Friedensgutachten"],"link":"http://lit-verlag.de/isbn/3-643-12151-6"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"06.2013","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","isbns":[],"links":[],"pages":"208-219","status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Juni 2013","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]}],"subtitle":"Kapitel in Sammelband | LIT Verlag | 2013","urnLinks":["http://lit-verlag.de/isbn/3-643-12151-6"],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2013","hostTitle":"Friedensgutachten 2013","publisher":"LIT Verlag","unitUuids":["af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b","adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b"],"seriesIssn":[],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach"],"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"seriesTitle":["Friedensgutachten"],"seriesNumber":["21"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"hostEditorNames":["Marc von Boemcken","Ines-Jacqueline Werkner","Margret Johannsen","Bruno Schoch"],"publicationLocation":"Berlin/Münster","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2013-06-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["63ArDjvBpbg6Iym5yOFaGC",{"sys":{"id":"63ArDjvBpbg6Iym5yOFaGC","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Nahost 2019_07_1.Seite","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Zum Jahresende 2019 kontrolliert das Regime unter Präsident Bashar al-Assad zusammen mit Russland und Iran fast drei Viertel des syrischen Staatsgebietes. Trotz andauernder Kämpfe um die letzte Rebellenhochburg Idlib sowie der fragmentierten Gebietskontrolle im Nordosten ist der Krieg in Syrien militärisch entschieden."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-3","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Fazit"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Der militärische Sieg des Assad-Regimes hat die diplomatischen Möglichkeiten europäischer Staaten weiter verringert. Ein internationales Wiederaufbauprogramm für Syrien verbietet sich in naher Zukunft, da es die existierenden autoritären, kriegsökonomischen Strukturen festigen würde. Im multilateralen Verbund sollte sich Deutschland stattdessen intensiver in angrenzenden Bereichen engagieren. Dazu gehört die verstärkte Dokumentation von Menschenrechtsverletzungen, um zukünftig eine internationale Strafverfolgung zu intensivieren."}],"data":{}}]}}}],["63de6801-1662-4323-a04a-62dd231afb44",{"sys":{"id":"63de6801-1662-4323-a04a-62dd231afb44","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"COVID-19 and Violent Actors in the Global South: An Inter- and Cross-Regional Comparison","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/covid-19-violent-actors-global-south-inter-cross-regional-comparison/","dataTeaser":{"date":"07.2023","link":"https://vimeo.com/846920808","type":"Video","tagline":["Video"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/nontextual/video","value":"Video"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"This trend analysis examines the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on state and non-state violent actors in the Global South. We provide an ACLED-based interregional mapping of trends in Latin America and the Caribbean, the Middle East and North Africa, and sub-Saharan Africa.","personUuids":["3f627518-7e50-4d00-9c5c-65dc11c72c41","357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849","5c705718-e96f-4625-8045-c056da9c93ac","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"07.2023","type":"Video","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Juli 2023","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/nontextual/video","value":"Video"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"expert","value":"Expert:in"},"uuids":["3f627518-7e50-4d00-9c5c-65dc11c72c41","357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849","5c705718-e96f-4625-8045-c056da9c93ac","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},{"role":{"key":"host","value":"Host"},"uuids":["22e64e2a-dfbe-491d-8bf6-ccbbc9a0d71d"]},{"role":{"key":"producer","value":"Produzent:in"},"uuids":["6444efe7-d2ee-460a-8fed-45be62558b8e"]}],"subtitle":"Video | German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) | 2023","urnLinks":["https://vimeo.com/846920808"],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2023","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b","ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d","df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550"],"personNames":["Yannick Deepen","André Bank","Julia Grauvogel","Sabine Kurtenbach"],"personUuids":["3f627518-7e50-4d00-9c5c-65dc11c72c41","357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849","5c705718-e96f-4625-8045-c056da9c93ac","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","22e64e2a-dfbe-491d-8bf6-ccbbc9a0d71d","6444efe7-d2ee-460a-8fed-45be62558b8e"],"isForthcoming":false,"relatedProjectUuids":["d20254bd-e1b3-4edd-a964-59d93b2ca42f"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2023-07-20T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["64f46a45-239a-49e0-81e3-797d3e3b78f8",{"sys":{"id":"64f46a45-239a-49e0-81e3-797d3e3b78f8","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Machtkampf in Venezuela - Welcher Weg führt aus der Krise?","dataTeaser":{"date":"19.08.2019","link":"https://www.ndr.de/fernsehen/sendungen/weltbilder/Machtkampf-in-Venezuela-Wege-aus-der-Krise,grenzgaenger178.html","type":"GIGA NDR","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/consultancy/participating_in_or_organising_an_knowledge_transfer_event","value":"Beteiligung an oder Organisation einer Veranstaltung zur Wissensvermittlung"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"panelist","value":"Panelbeitragende:r"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","7901b6c9-506c-4aa3-bec1-460078d5ac23","762c700e-8ae0-4a09-8800-06e53ef72e4b"]},{"role":{"key":"moderator","value":"Moderator:in"},"uuids":["9b25d329-e9eb-4204-8007-06df2cf933bd"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"Machtkampf in Venezuela - Welcher Weg führt aus der Krise? ","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"Machtkampf in Venezuela – Welcher Weg führt aus der Krise?"},"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","7901b6c9-506c-4aa3-bec1-460078d5ac23","762c700e-8ae0-4a09-8800-06e53ef72e4b","9b25d329-e9eb-4204-8007-06df2cf933bd"],"referencedEventUuid":"ca0bd187-f473-46ec-b2e3-dffae9d12ea2"},"dataDetail":{"date":"19.08.2019","type":"GIGA NDR","links":[{"url":"https://www.ndr.de/fernsehen/sendungen/weltbilder/Machtkampf-in-Venezuela-Wege-aus-der-Krise,grenzgaenger178.html"}],"pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/consultancy/participating_in_or_organising_an_knowledge_transfer_event","value":"Beteiligung an oder Organisation einer Veranstaltung zur Wissensvermittlung"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"panelist","value":"Panelbeitragende:r"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","7901b6c9-506c-4aa3-bec1-460078d5ac23","762c700e-8ae0-4a09-8800-06e53ef72e4b"]},{"role":{"key":"moderator","value":"Moderator:in"},"uuids":["9b25d329-e9eb-4204-8007-06df2cf933bd"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"Machtkampf in Venezuela - Welcher Weg führt aus der Krise? ","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd","7901b6c9-506c-4aa3-bec1-460078d5ac23","762c700e-8ae0-4a09-8800-06e53ef72e4b","9b25d329-e9eb-4204-8007-06df2cf933bd"],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach","Xenia Böttcher","Kai Küstner","Julia-Niharika Sen"],"referencedEventUuid":"ca0bd187-f473-46ec-b2e3-dffae9d12ea2"},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Knowledge Transfer","date":"2019-08-19T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["6504cd2d-0bda-4f97-ac35-dce79e2d2e95",{"sys":{"id":"6504cd2d-0bda-4f97-ac35-dce79e2d2e95","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Gewaltakteure im Schatten der Pandemie (Lateinamerika, Naher Osten, Subsahara Afrika)","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/invited_talk","value":"Geladener Gastvortrag"},"type":"Seminar","eventName":"Vorlesungsreihe zur Friedensbildung","date":"16.12.2021","personUuids":["5c705718-e96f-4625-8045-c056da9c93ac","3f627518-7e50-4d00-9c5c-65dc11c72c41"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["5c705718-e96f-4625-8045-c056da9c93ac","3f627518-7e50-4d00-9c5c-65dc11c72c41"],"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"}}],"referencedEventUuid":"bd23bb54-f3a3-4658-94ad-90345d4445d8"},"dataDetail":{"date":"16.12.2021","type":"Seminar","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/talk/invited_talk","value":"Geladener Gastvortrag"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"speaker","value":"Vortragende:r"},"uuids":["5c705718-e96f-4625-8045-c056da9c93ac","3f627518-7e50-4d00-9c5c-65dc11c72c41"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","eventName":"Vorlesungsreihe zur Friedensbildung","expertUuids":["5c705718-e96f-4625-8045-c056da9c93ac","3f627518-7e50-4d00-9c5c-65dc11c72c41"],"personNames":["Julia Grauvogel","Yannick Deepen"],"referencedEventUuid":"bd23bb54-f3a3-4658-94ad-90345d4445d8"},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Academic","date":"2021-12-16T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["651a91be-20a0-4eba-bb0a-85868f68c161",{"sys":{"id":"651a91be-20a0-4eba-bb0a-85868f68c161","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Claims to Legitimacy Count: Why Sanctions Fail to Instigate Democratization in Authoritarian Regimes","path":"/de/publikationen/referierte-aufsaetze/claims-legitimacy-count-sanctions-fail-instigate-democratization-authoritarian-regimes/","dataTeaser":{"date":"2014","link":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12065","type":"Artikel","tagline":["European Journal of Political Research"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["5c705718-e96f-4625-8045-c056da9c93ac","f69733cc-4ec2-44f7-bd25-3fdf05c4eb91"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","type":"Artikel","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"subtitle":"Artikel | 2014","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"2014","dateShort":"2014","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":[],"personNames":["Julia Grauvogel","Christian von Soest"],"dateLong":"2014","isbns":[],"issueNumber":"4","journal":"European Journal of Political Research","pages":"635-653","urnLinks":["https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12065"],"volume":"53","unitUuids":["af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b","df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550"],"personUuids":["5c705718-e96f-4625-8045-c056da9c93ac","f69733cc-4ec2-44f7-bd25-3fdf05c4eb91"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["5c705718-e96f-4625-8045-c056da9c93ac","f69733cc-4ec2-44f7-bd25-3fdf05c4eb91"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"79Iw2W1y5I439nIQKWTblO","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild referierte Artikel","title":"Bild referierte Artikel","altText":"Ein Stapel Zeitschriften","copyright":"iStock.com/ pinkomelet","media":{"sys":{"id":"3MVDYqgKxq8a8ZuszO7pV9","type":"Asset"},"title":"iStock-831942476","file":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3MVDYqgKxq8a8ZuszO7pV9","type":"Asset"},"title":"iStock-831942476","file":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Articles","date":"2014-01-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["655cc181-9911-4ab4-ad28-824d83c45ce1",{"sys":{"id":"655cc181-9911-4ab4-ad28-824d83c45ce1","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Der Atomvertrag mit Iran: erfolgreiche Beilegung einer internationalen Krise","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/der-atomvertrag-mit-iran-erfolgreiche-beilegung-einer-internationalen-krise/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"type":"GIGA Focus","date":"4/2015","personUuids":["59929eaf-acde-4e78-aaef-e19d22a5ab1e"],"tagline":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"link":"http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-440904"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"07.2015","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[{"url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/24403714/giga_focus_nahost_04_2015.pdf","title":"Text (pdf Deutsch)"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Juli 2015","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["59929eaf-acde-4e78-aaef-e19d22a5ab1e"]}],"subtitle":"2015 | ISSN: 1862-3611","urnLinks":["http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-440904"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2015","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3611"],"personNames":["Henner Fürtig"],"personUuids":["59929eaf-acde-4e78-aaef-e19d22a5ab1e"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"seriesNumber":["4"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":false,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","abstractSnippet":"Am 14. Juli 2015 unterzeichneten Delegierte der ständigen UN-Sicherheitsratsmitglieder, der EU und Deutschlands auf der einen und Irans auf der anderen Seite in Wien den \"Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action\" (JCPOA), der eine seit 12 Jahren andauernde internationale Krise nach intensiv und…"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"5DzfsvqkJW2mDMgpdh2Cez","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:335:1:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Grafik Logo Focus Nahost alt","title":"Bild Grafik Logo Focus Nahost alt","altText":"Grafik Logo Focus Nahost alt","copyright":"GIGA","media":{"sys":{"id":"3pPoCKwHWE2N2T37pyYYUj","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Logo GIGA_Focus_Nahost","file":"$36:335:1:fields:media:file"}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3pPoCKwHWE2N2T37pyYYUj","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Logo GIGA_Focus_Nahost","file":"$36:335:1:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Middle East","date":"2015-07-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["65863b34-2afd-44f3-9738-c8a5c5c36d37",{"sys":{"id":"65863b34-2afd-44f3-9738-c8a5c5c36d37","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Venezuela: Was aus Nicolás Maduro wurde","dataTeaser":{"date":"11.03.2026","link":"https://www.sueddeutsche.de/politik/maduro-venezuela-li.3450374?reduced=true","type":"Zitat","tagline":["Süddeutsche Zeitung","Zitat"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Nach dem US-Angriff und seiner Entführung sitzt Nicolás Maduros in New York in Haft; eine Anhörung in Manhattan steht bevor. Präsidentin Delcy Rodríguez laviert zwischen US-Druck und heimischen Eliten. Öl-Deals laufen, Sanktionen bleiben, Neuwahlen sind ungewiss.

","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"11.03.2026","type":"Zitat","links":[{"url":"https://www.sueddeutsche.de/politik/maduro-venezuela-li.3450374?reduced=true"}],"mediums":["Süddeutsche Zeitung"],"keywords":{"free":["Venezuela","USA"],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/venezuela","title":"Venezuela"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/north_america/usa","title":"Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/andean_region","title":"Andenregion"}]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/quote","value":"Zitat"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"6UQXQsZaqDzSgqekkyvDL1","type":"Asset"},"title":"Teaserbild SZ Was aus Nicolás Maduro wurde","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/6UQXQsZaqDzSgqekkyvDL1/2c8ff79898179b5be5e16daf7e040290/Teaserbild_SZ_Was_aus_NicolÃ_s_Maduro_wurde.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":1600,"height":900}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Quote","date":"2026-03-11T11:00:00.000Z"}}],["658790d3-b983-4049-b35a-df5866fcb9fb",{"sys":{"id":"658790d3-b983-4049-b35a-df5866fcb9fb","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Präsidentenwahlen in Syrien","dataTeaser":{"date":"26.05.2021","link":"https://www.tagesschau.de/multimedia/video/video-869057.html","type":"Interview","tagline":["Tagesschau24","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","personUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"26.05.2021","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.tagesschau.de/multimedia/video/video-869057.html"}],"mediums":["Tagesschau24"],"keywords":{"free":["Syria","Assad","Elections","Authoritarianism"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["357cfdcc-80a2-468d-8051-45cb37e94849"],"mediaFormats":["Fernsehen"]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3yP0nUq4HENrKXDZkFtkAY","type":"Asset"},"title":"Medienbeiträge Teaser Image","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/3yP0nUq4HENrKXDZkFtkAY/74c1b33166a44cb245cabdb151f32187/Medienbeitr_ge_Teaser_Image-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1333}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2021-05-26T10:00:00.000Z"}}],["65943883-3ac7-4bc9-8750-6e1c27aa6320",{"sys":{"id":"65943883-3ac7-4bc9-8750-6e1c27aa6320","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Friedensnobelpreis für María Corina Machado","dataTeaser":{"date":"10.10.2025","link":"https://www.tagesschau.de/multimedia/video/video-1514036.html","type":"Interview","tagline":["Tagesschau24","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Die venezolanische Oppositionsführerin María Corina Machado erhält den Friedensnobelpreis 2025 für ihren Einsatz für Demokratie und Menschenrechte. In einem Interview mit Tagesschau24 erläutert Prof. Dr. Sabine Kurtenbach die Entscheidung und deren politische und gesellschaftliche Bedeutung.

","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"10.10.2025","type":"Interview","links":[{"url":"https://www.tagesschau.de/multimedia/video/video-1514036.html"}],"mediums":["Tagesschau24"],"keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/venezuela","title":"Venezuela"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/andean_region","title":"Andenregion"}]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Fernsehen"]},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"7anBAUetos07nXV9DOHVDR","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaVideo"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Video Nobel Preis Maria Machado","title":"Sabine Kurtenbach, Präsidentin GIGA-Institut Hamburg, zur Friedensnobelpreisträgerin María Corina Machado","type":"File","source":"https://www.tagesschau.de/multimedia/video/video-1514036.html","copyright":"ARD"}}],"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2025-10-10T10:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["65f2cafd-b052-45ea-aa41-5380970ca007",{"sys":{"id":"65f2cafd-b052-45ea-aa41-5380970ca007","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Rising Anti-China Sentiment Supports South Korea’s Alignment with the US","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/rising-anti-china-sentiment-supports-south-koreas-alignment-with-the-us/","dataTeaser":{"date":"5/2023","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-23052","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Jüngere Umfragen aus Südkorea weisen auf ein Erstarken antichinesischer Ressentiments. Statistische Analysen zeigen, dass diese negativen Einstellungen mit einer wachsenden pro-amerikanischen Haltung einhergehen und sich erheblich auf die außenpolitische Ausrichtung der Yoon-Regierung auswirken.","personUuids":["731643c0-9260-497f-bb64-9ee7604755dd"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-23052"],"date":"07.2023","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Juli 2023","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/asia/China","title":"China"}]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["731643c0-9260-497f-bb64-9ee7604755dd"]}],"subtitle":"2023 | ISSN: 1862-359X","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-87586-0"],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2023","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesIssn":["1862-359X"],"personNames":["Esther Song"],"personUuids":["731643c0-9260-497f-bb64-9ee7604755dd"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"seriesNumber":["5"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":true,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"5OxH1T90qUFYvagI84m4po","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2023_05 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5OxH1T90qUFYvagI84m4po/c303003a86f1650df230ec3075617850/Bild_GIGA_Focus_Asien_2023_05__Header_-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Asia","date":"2023-07-07T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["668ebe48-4fee-43f0-81ed-3708a27e5408",{"sys":{"id":"668ebe48-4fee-43f0-81ed-3708a27e5408","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"America’s 2024 Election and Europe’s Middle East Dilemma","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/america-s-2024-election-and-europe-s-middle-east-dilemma/","dataTeaser":{"date":"8/2024","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfme-24082","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Die Rolle der USA im Nahen Osten ist ein Schlüsselthema der Präsidentschaftswahlen 2024. Während sich in Amerika ein Paradigmenwechsel abzeichnet, muss Europa seine eigene Rolle in der Region neu definieren, um Interessen bezüglich regionaler Stabilität, Energiesicherheit und Migration zu wahren.","personUuids":["501b6468-87cc-449c-8058-0cdbf7ca9f91","acf7a1aa-38ce-4d43-8482-226f8319c571"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfme-24082"],"date":"10.2024","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Oktober 2024","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["501b6468-87cc-449c-8058-0cdbf7ca9f91","acf7a1aa-38ce-4d43-8482-226f8319c571"]}],"subtitle":"2024 | ISSN: 1862-3611","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2024","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3611"],"personNames":["Nils Lukacs","Corina Lozovan"],"personUuids":["501b6468-87cc-449c-8058-0cdbf7ca9f91","acf7a1aa-38ce-4d43-8482-226f8319c571"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"seriesNumber":["8"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":true,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"5eYtYb38BsMgiy2S8VhNDY","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Nahost 2024_08 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5eYtYb38BsMgiy2S8VhNDY/c344542ef4490b134b264a2e369c862b/GIGA_Oct23_the_white_house_flickr_Adam_Schultz.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Middle East","date":"2024-10-25T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["669eca1f-bbd3-4448-942a-65e1cf251c8c",{"sys":{"id":"669eca1f-bbd3-4448-942a-65e1cf251c8c","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Amerika-Gipfel. Wer darf kommen und wer nicht?","dataTeaser":{"date":"06.06.2022","link":"https://www.tagesschau.de/ausland/amerika/amerika-gipfel-105.html","type":"Interview","tagline":["Tagesschau","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Ein Streit über die Gästeliste überschattet den Auftakt des Amerika-Gipfels. Die US-Regierung will die autoritär geführten Staaten Kuba, Venezuela und Nicaragua ausschließen. Andere Länder drohen ihrerseits mit Boykott. US-Präsident Biden steht vor einem Dilemma.

","personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"CLIPPING","type":"Interview","pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":["Nicaragua","America Gipfel","Regionale Zusammenarbeit","Autoritarismus","Demokratie","Repression"]},"expertUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"links":[{"url":"https://www.tagesschau.de/ausland/amerika/amerika-gipfel-105.html"}],"date":"06.06.2022","mediums":["Tagesschau"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2022-06-06T12:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["66DQhyX53BCnlfxJi8cx6A",{"sys":{"id":"66DQhyX53BCnlfxJi8cx6A","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur Pandemic, Protest, and Petro Presidente: Rescuing Colombia’s Peace ","headline":"References","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Birke Daniels, Kristina, Susanne Stollreiter, and Katharina Wegner (2021), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Brüssel, Berlin: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung EU-Büro, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Referat Lateinamerika und Karibik, Februar¸ accessed 18 July 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Birke Daniels, Kristina, and Sabine Kurtenbach (eds) (2021), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Bogotá, Washington: FESCOL, accessed 18 July 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Blavatnik School of Government, University of Oxford (2022),"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 28 June 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Borda, Sandra (2020), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Parar para avanzar. Crónica del movimiento estudiantil que paralizó Colombia"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Bogotá: Crítica."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"CIDH-IACHR (2021), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 11 July 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Cifras & Conceptos, and National University of Colombia (2022), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 11 July 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"DANE (2022), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 28 June 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Central Bank of Colombia (2022), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", July, accessed 18 July 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Gutiérrez Sanín, Francisco (2020), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"¿Un Nuevo Ciclo de la Guerra en Colombia?"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Bogotá: Penguin Random House Grupo Editorial."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"INDEPAZ (2022), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 24 June 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"INDEPAZ, and Temblores (2021), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", accessed 11 July 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"International Crisis Group (2021), "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", Latin America Report No. 90, Brussels, Bogotá, accessed 14 July 2022."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Kurtenbach, Sabine, and Pau Palop (2021), National Peace, in: Kristina Birke Daniels, and Sabine Kurtenbach (eds) (2021), "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Entanglements of Peace. Reflections on the Long Road of Transformation in Colombia"},{"nodeType":"text","value":", 49–63."}]}]}}}],["6735e5b8-d90b-4328-80f9-514f4bc2be39",{"sys":{"id":"6735e5b8-d90b-4328-80f9-514f4bc2be39","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"The Shadow Pandemic: Policy Efforts on Gender-Based Violence during COVID-19 in the Global South","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/schattenpandemie-politikansaetze-geschlechtsspezifischer-gewalt-covid-19-pandemie-globalen-sueden/","dataTeaser":{"date":"6/2021","link":"https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-75502-7","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Global"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["cd32d8e9-71f9-4f40-b201-489fa4d2e76c","15e9c7d0-305b-47b6-9a8f-c3da0d4fa6ef","fbeb5bab-56a8-42d5-9bcb-216946e352eb","20069d5d-f4f0-4d49-8c98-f9a03f7314d8"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2021 | ISSN: 1862-3581","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"10.2021","dateShort":"2021","links":[{"title":"Text (pdf English)","url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/28570932/gf_web_global_2021_06_E_Blofield_etal3.pdf"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":[],"personNames":["Merike Blofield","Asma Khalifa","Nancy Madera","Johanna Pieper"],"dateLong":"Oktober 2021","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Global"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-75502-7"],"unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e","ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesNumber":["6"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3581"],"useDynamicPdf":false,"personUuids":["cd32d8e9-71f9-4f40-b201-489fa4d2e76c","15e9c7d0-305b-47b6-9a8f-c3da0d4fa6ef","fbeb5bab-56a8-42d5-9bcb-216946e352eb","20069d5d-f4f0-4d49-8c98-f9a03f7314d8"],"relatedProjectUuids":["ef142814-7fbd-432a-ac30-76d9075f8ba3","d20254bd-e1b3-4edd-a964-59d93b2ca42f"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["cd32d8e9-71f9-4f40-b201-489fa4d2e76c","15e9c7d0-305b-47b6-9a8f-c3da0d4fa6ef","fbeb5bab-56a8-42d5-9bcb-216946e352eb","20069d5d-f4f0-4d49-8c98-f9a03f7314d8"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"6mm82RAgmndGoCcoVYRaws","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Global 2021_06 (Header)","title":"Bild Focus Global 2021_06 (Header)","altText":"Many women parties gathered in Shahbagh of Dhaka to protest against rape and violence with childs & women.","copyright":"imago images / Pacific Press Agency","media":{"sys":{"id":"5uoDZoiQ4yqePuNMNSqQOE","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA_Bangladesh_Nov2020_Dhaka_women_protest_violence_rape_imago0049376933h_PacificPressAgency_Website","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5uoDZoiQ4yqePuNMNSqQOE/930544c8da2868121afec36e6388bf6b/GIGA_Bangladesh_Nov2020_Dhaka_women_protest_violence_rape_imago0049376933h_PacificPressAgency_Website.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserText":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Mit der Pandemie stieg das Risiko von häuslicher Gewalt gegen Frauen und Kinder weiter an, da Menschen zu Hause Schutz suchten, während sie gleichzeitig unter großem finanziellen und emotionalen Stress standen. Die Autorinnen dieses GIGA Focus bewerten Maßnahmen gegen geschlechtsspezifische Gewalt von Regierungen.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"5uoDZoiQ4yqePuNMNSqQOE","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA_Bangladesh_Nov2020_Dhaka_women_protest_violence_rape_imago0049376933h_PacificPressAgency_Website","description":"","file":"$36:390:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Global","date":"2021-10-19T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Die Schattenpandemie: Politikansätze bei geschlechtsspezifischer Gewalt während der COVID-19-Pandemie im Globalen Süden"}}],["67529325-38ab-4eb1-a551-2e0db7d34765",{"sys":{"id":"67529325-38ab-4eb1-a551-2e0db7d34765","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Competition and Cooperation: India and China in the Global Climate Regime","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/competition-and-cooperation-india-and-china-in-the-global-climate-regime/","dataTeaser":{"date":"4/2022","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-22042","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Der Klimawandel erfordert die Kooperation aller großen Wirtschaftsmächte. Wachsende Spannungen zwischen Indien und China beeinflussen das globale Klimaregime. In einer zunehmend multipolaren Weltordnung ist eine solche Gleichzeitigkeit von Kooperation und Konflikt unvermeidbar.","personUuids":["e216821d-4f25-4af1-92d4-ead4bda457e3"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2022 | ISSN: 1862-359X","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"07.2022","dateShort":"2022","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-22042"],"personNames":["Miriam Prys-Hansen"],"dateLong":"Juli 2022","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Asien"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-80946-6"],"unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesNumber":["4"],"seriesIssn":["1862-359X"],"useDynamicPdf":true,"personUuids":["e216821d-4f25-4af1-92d4-ead4bda457e3"],"relatedProjectUuids":["a889d23d-8a25-4902-85e2-7703ecd1c2f1","207dd7c0-cd22-4aa2-976e-e2748f79e103"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["e216821d-4f25-4af1-92d4-ead4bda457e3"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"Em2jT7GlmThLSuNn7kKg2","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Asien 2022_04 (Header)","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/Em2jT7GlmThLSuNn7kKg2/0ef01f69093e0deee42273b8814dd7a3/GIGA_China_Sept2016_Jinping_welcomes_Modi_to_opening_ceremony_of_G20_Summit_imago_0073242982_UPI_Photo.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1349}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Asia","date":"2022-07-15T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["677cb2b4-455d-415d-ac3c-7f559e736618",{"sys":{"id":"677cb2b4-455d-415d-ac3c-7f559e736618","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Venezuela-Forscherin: \"Interventionen der USA sind für Opposition nicht hilfreich\"","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"CLIPPING","pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"type":"Interview","tagline":["Der Standard","Interview"],"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"date":"24.01.2019","link":"https://www.derstandard.de/story/2000096982147/venezuela-forscherin-interventionen-der-usa-sind-fuer-opposition-nicht-hilfreich"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"CLIPPING","type":"Interview","pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"links":[{"url":"https://www.derstandard.de/story/2000096982147/venezuela-forscherin-interventionen-der-usa-sind-fuer-opposition-nicht-hilfreich"}],"date":"24.01.2019","mediums":["Der Standard"],"mediaFormats":["Web"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2019-01-24T12:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["68479040-0028-46ec-90b4-7907cad070fc",{"sys":{"id":"68479040-0028-46ec-90b4-7907cad070fc","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Promoting Peace and Impunity? Amnesty Laws after War in El Salvador and Beyond","path":"/de/publikationen/referierte-aufsaetze/promoting-peace-impunity-amnesty-laws-war-el-salvador/","dataTeaser":{"date":"06.2023","link":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogad010","type":"Artikel","tagline":["Journal of Global Security Studies"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","teaserText":"Applying a Historical Institutionalist framework, the authors of this article assess the impact of the adoption of amnesty laws on societal impunity, defined as any person or group being exempt from punishment or free from the injurious consequences of an action.","personUuids":["63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogad010"],"date":"06.2023","type":"Artikel","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","volume":"8","journal":"Journal of Global Security Studies","dateLong":"Juni 2023","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontojournal/article","value":"Artikel"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]}],"subtitle":"Artikel | 2023","urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-86904-4"],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2023","unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b","adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b"],"issueNumber":"2","personNames":["Nadine Ansorg","Sabine Kurtenbach"],"personUuids":["63c8eea4-d12a-46a7-aed1-a9d24c666c00","3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"isForthcoming":false,"numberOfPages":19,"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"5EKeme6TPQt5cgXVDPw0c5","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA May19 El Salvador Civil war crime victims participate in a news conference after a hearing to discuss the new amnesty bill at the Salvadoran congress RTX6WSTA Reuters Jose Cabezas1","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5EKeme6TPQt5cgXVDPw0c5/a7ac416c15e67288488d1d4c45d07d15/GIGA_May19_El_Salvador_Civil_war_crime_victims_participate_in_a_news_conference_after_a_hearing_to_discuss_the_new_amnesty_b.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1125}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Articles","date":"2023-06-02T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["68JjPPrsiF3aRBd59KdzIn",{"sys":{"id":"68JjPPrsiF3aRBd59KdzIn","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Abstract Infografik \"How to deal with Non-state Armed Actors\"","headline":"Abstract","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Dealing with NSAAs is complicated and complex shifting between repression and dialogue. NSAAs are highly flexibkle and able to adapt to changing local and global contexts. Policies must be comprehensive and include local communities as well as structural drivers of violence.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"}}}],["68YwMiBT9lIPK7nV0kJHNI",{"sys":{"id":"68YwMiBT9lIPK7nV0kJHNI","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text GIGA Focus Global 2016_2_1.Seite","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Trotz formalem Kriegsende und umfangreicher internationaler Unterstützung fliehen und migrieren weiterhin viele Menschen aus Nachkriegsgesellschaften. Die internationalen Programme zielen in erster Linie darauf, die Kriegsfolgen zu bewältigen und die Eliten zu befrieden. Sie wirken kaum auf die Fluchtursachen ein; eine Friedensdividende für die Bevölkerungsmehrheit fehlt."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Fazit"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Internationale Akteure müssen ihre Strategien in Nachkriegskontexten so verändern, dass die Mehrheit der Bevölkerung vom Kriegsende profitiert und nicht nur die jeweiligen Eliten. Die Beendigung von Kriegen und formale Demokratisierung können hierfür ein erster Schritt sein. Damit wird jedoch nicht automatisch ein langfristig tragfähiger Frieden geschaffen, der die Ursachen von Flüchtlingsbewegungen vermindert."}],"data":{}}]}}}],["69105528-092d-4f6d-97ca-48bb28f320be",{"sys":{"id":"69105528-092d-4f6d-97ca-48bb28f320be","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"#ShrinkingSpaces: Freiheit und Zivilgesellschaft unter Druck. Die aktuelle Situation in El Salvador","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/consultancy/participating_in_or_organising_an_knowledge_transfer_event","value":"Beteiligung an oder Organisation einer Veranstaltung zur Wissensvermittlung"},"teaserText":"In El Salvador herrscht seit März 2022 ein Ausnahmezustand, um die Bandenkriminalität nach einem gravierenden Anstieg der Gewalt einzudämmen. Welche Schwerpunkte setzt die Regierung unter Präsident Nayib Bukele? Was kann Deutschland tun, um die Zivilgesellschaft vor Ort zu unterstützen?","date":"25.01.2024","link":"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8bRaOCvFshg","personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"role":{"key":"consultant","value":"Berater:in"}}],"externalOrganisationUuid":"520ccdbe-bf87-4e10-be01-6190a810adf6","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"Podiumsdiskussion - Webtalk
In El Salvador herrscht seit März 2022 ein Ausnahmezustand, um die Bandenkriminalität nach einem gravierenden Anstieg der Gewalt einzudämmen. Diese härtere Gangart, die Grundrechte beschneidet, ist im Land nicht unumstritten. Das zentralamerikanische Land erlebt einen autoritären Wandel, der die Zivilgesellschaft unter Druck setzt. Wie ist die gegenwärtige Lage in El Salvador? Welche Schwerpunkte setzt die Regierung unter Präsident Nayib Bukele? Was kann Deutschland tun, um die Zivilgesellschaft vor Ort zu unterstützen?

„Shrinking Spaces“, die zunehmende Einschränkung zivilgesellschaftlicher Räume, ist prägend für die Gesellschaften vor allem in Autokratien des globalen Südens. Das Phänomen ist Ausdruck einer globalen Krise des demokratischen Modells und dem gleichzeitigen Erstarken autokratischer Ordnungsmodelle. Im Rahmen der Webtalk-Reihe #ShrinkingSpaces soll die Thematik anhand von Länderbeispielen konkret veranschaulicht werden."}},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/consultancy/participating_in_or_organising_an_knowledge_transfer_event","value":"Beteiligung an oder Organisation einer Veranstaltung zur Wissensvermittlung"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"expertUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"externalOrganisationUuid":"520ccdbe-bf87-4e10-be01-6190a810adf6","date":"25.01.2024","links":[{"url":"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8bRaOCvFshg"},{"url":"https://shop.freiheit.org/#!/Veranstaltung/QIDOC"}],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab"],"role":{"key":"consultant","value":"Berater:in"}}],"personNames":["Désirée Reder"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Lectures - Knowledge Transfer","date":"2024-01-25T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-lectures-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Lectures All","description":"(c) iStock / Cecilie_Arcurs","file":"$36:22:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["69593aed-4424-4472-958c-2190b415089e",{"sys":{"id":"69593aed-4424-4472-958c-2190b415089e","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Promotionspreis der Leibniz-Gemeinschaft 2019","dataTeaser":{"date":"11.2019","type":"Auszeichnung","pureType":{"key":"prize/prizetypes/prize/prize","value":"Auszeichnung"},"blueprint":"PRIZE","personUuids":["17afe8c9-9a21-4ebb-8afd-b149f96bb697"],"awardingInstitutionUuids":["f0253850-31f1-493f-8de0-607fd6d27064"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"11.2019","type":"Auszeichnung","links":[{"url":"https://www.giga-hamburg.de/de/news/erneuter-erfolg-giga-forscher-gewinnt-diesj%C3%A4hrigen-promotionspreis-der-leibniz-gemeinschaft"},{"url":"https://www.leibniz-gemeinschaft.de/karriere/karriere-in-der-wissenschaft/promotion-in-der-leibniz-gemeinschaft/promotionspreis.html"}],"pureType":{"key":"prize/prizetypes/prize/prize","value":"Auszeichnung"},"blueprint":"PRIZE","expertUuids":["17afe8c9-9a21-4ebb-8afd-b149f96bb697"],"personNames":["Felix Haaß"],"awardingInstitutionUuids":["f0253850-31f1-493f-8de0-607fd6d27064"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Prizes","date":"2019-11-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["6982fe41-e8ac-4161-a354-6c2d866fbc07",{"sys":{"id":"6982fe41-e8ac-4161-a354-6c2d866fbc07","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"From Crisis to Comeback: The Global Story of Re-Democratisation","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/from-crisis-to-comeback-the-global-story-of-re-democratisation/","dataTeaser":{"date":"4/2025","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfgl-25042","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Global"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Der Niedergang der Demokratie ist kein unabwendbares Schicksal. Viele Länder haben sich trotz massiver Autokratisierung und angesichts der globalen Demokratiekrise erholt. Die Anerkennung dieser Erfolge erfordert die Unterstützung von pro-demokratischen Akteuren weltweit.","personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab","54f7d595-8bda-4e16-bb37-2ce0527bb471"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfgl-25042"],"date":"10.2025","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Oktober 2025","keywords":{"free":[],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/guatemala","title":"Guatemala"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/ecuador","title":"Ekuador"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/africa/Lesotho","title":"Lesotho"}]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab","54f7d595-8bda-4e16-bb37-2ce0527bb471"]}],"subtitle":"2025 | ISSN: 1862-3581","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2025","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3581"],"personNames":["Désirée Marlen Reder","Monika Onken"],"personUuids":["cc5183ab-ab92-474a-95df-dc0d017e21ab","54f7d595-8bda-4e16-bb37-2ce0527bb471"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Global"],"seriesNumber":["4"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":true,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","relatedProjectUuids":["6292f9c3-08b9-4377-8a59-6653742b22a7"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3aZyBoCGj1kkSxKZrpxazT","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Global 2025_04 (Header)","description":"","file":"$36:296:1:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Global","date":"2025-10-17T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["69d4ef0d-3f91-48a5-a744-0e32b143e738",{"sys":{"id":"69d4ef0d-3f91-48a5-a744-0e32b143e738","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Can South America Become Neglected in EU diplomacy?","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/can-south-america-become-neglected-in-eu-diplomacy/","dataTeaser":{"date":"03.2020","link":"https://gem-stones.eu/uploads/publications/gem-stones-jessica-gomes-agora-brief-march-2020.pdf","type":"Policypaper","tagline":["GEM-STONES Policy Briefs"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/policypaper","value":"Policypaper"},"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","personUuids":["0c8a2a49-d265-43b2-ab8e-ebfdcdaf3696"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"03.2020","type":"Policypaper","isbns":[],"links":[],"pages":"1-3","status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"März 2020","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/policypaper","value":"Policypaper"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["0c8a2a49-d265-43b2-ab8e-ebfdcdaf3696"]}],"subtitle":"Policypaper | GEM-STONES AGORA Forum Policy Brief | 2020","urnLinks":["https://gem-stones.eu/uploads/publications/gem-stones-jessica-gomes-agora-brief-march-2020.pdf"],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2020","publisher":"GEM-STONES AGORA Forum Policy Brief","unitUuids":["adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesIssn":[],"personNames":["Jessica Gomes"],"personUuids":["0c8a2a49-d265-43b2-ab8e-ebfdcdaf3696"],"seriesTitle":["GEM-STONES Policy Briefs"],"seriesNumber":[],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"79Iw2W1y5I439nIQKWTblO","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild referierte Artikel","title":"Bild referierte Artikel","altText":"Ein Stapel Zeitschriften","copyright":"iStock.com/ pinkomelet","media":{"sys":{"id":"3MVDYqgKxq8a8ZuszO7pV9","type":"Asset"},"title":"iStock-831942476","file":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3MVDYqgKxq8a8ZuszO7pV9","type":"Asset"},"title":"iStock-831942476","file":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Policy Papers","date":"2020-03-01T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["6Ao1VRFYx114AWenuQjKf6",{"sys":{"id":"6Ao1VRFYx114AWenuQjKf6","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Global 2021_01_1.Seite","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Wissenschaftliche und politische Debatten zu den Dynamiken von Konflikt und Frieden erkennen zunehmend an, dass internationale und lokale Entwicklungen interagieren. Die Bedeutung der regionalen Nachbarschaft wird als intervenierende Variable dagegen vielfach vernachlässigt. Das Konzept regionaler Friedensformationen als Faktor, der Friedensentwicklung entweder ermöglicht oder erschwert, füllt diese Lücke. Empirische Evidenz aus Lateinamerika, dem Nahen Osten und Subsahara-Afrika zeigt den Mehrwert des Konzepts zur Erklärung regionaler Varianz."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Fazit"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Auf der regionalen Ebene ergibt sich eine Vielzahl von Möglichkeiten für die Koordination und Abstimmung der Geber. Allerdings ist ein minimalistischer Ansatz, der Frieden auf die Abwesenheit von Krieg reduziert, nicht ausreichend. Initiativen zur Friedensentwicklung benötigen eine langfristige Perspektive eines Prozesses konstruktiver Konflikttransformation. Regionale soziale und politische Netzwerke sind für nachhaltige Entwicklung und strukturelle Transformation zentral. Sie können entweder die gewaltsame Eskalation von Konflikten oder friedvollere Gesellschaften befördern."}],"data":{}}]}}}],["6FLRG2PfHsCgJAq6hNbFwP",{"sys":{"id":"6FLRG2PfHsCgJAq6hNbFwP","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Tabelle GIGA Focus Global_2017_05_1","title":"Tabelle GIGA Focus Global_2017_05_1","altText":"Tabelle der Liberale friedensbildende Ergebnisse","copyright":"Author’s compilation based on Political Terror Scale 2017, The World Bank 2017, Freedom House 2017, and Center for Systemic Peace 2014","caption":"Table 1\nLiberal Peace-Building Results\nNote: Green indicates the most peaceful or democratic values, while red indicates the least peaceful or democratic.","media":{"sys":{"id":"446ZOCbiAeXWWcseU47XFa","type":"Asset"},"title":"Tabelle GIGA Focus Global_2017_05","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/446ZOCbiAeXWWcseU47XFa/8d51f1d0f4577564890852ecfa84d926/tabelle_focus_global_1705_web.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["6JOtW3vfVjg69qTj8NBeeC",{"sys":{"id":"6JOtW3vfVjg69qTj8NBeeC","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text GIGA Focus Global_2016_02_5","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"$9b","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Diese generellen Erklärungen und Trends im Ländervergleich variieren allerdings in ihrer jeweiligen Ausprägung. Nepal und El Salvador zeigen die komplexen Interaktionen zwischen den einzelnen Faktoren in der Nachkriegsentwicklung beider Länder.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Nepal: Nachkriegsemigration als stabilisierender Faktor","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"heading-2"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"$9c","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Obwohl die maoistischen Rebellen ihre Waffen im Jahr 2006 niederlegten, prägten physische Unsicherheit und Gewalt die Nachkriegsperiode in Nepal. Im Jahr 2007 wurde offensichtlich, dass die Übergangsregierung die Forderungen marginalisierter Gruppen im institutionellen Reformprozess nicht vollständig berücksichtigen würde. Nichtstaatliche Gewalt zwischen maoistischen Kadern und Madhesis"},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-inline"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" im südlichen Terai forderte 30 Todesopfer. Auch im August 2015 war das Terai Schauplatz der jüngsten Auseinandersetzung über die Verfassung, als bei Zusammenstößen zwischen Madhesis und Sicherheitskräften 57 Menschen starben."}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Ein beträchtlicher Teil der Nachkriegsgewalt unterhalb der Schwelle zu einem neuen Krieg fand folglich im Terai statt. Auch die Mehrheit der Emigranten sind junge Männer aus armen Familien im Terai (Government of Nepal 2014). Allerdings gibt es keine klare Verbindung zwischen beiden Phänomenen: Vielmehr deutet sich hier eine komplexere Beziehung zwischen Nachkriegsgewalt und Migration an, die erst dann vollständig zu verstehen ist, wenn die anderen „Qualitäten“ einbezogen werden. Die Gewalt allein erklärt die Emigration aus dem Terai nicht. Sowohl Gewalt als auch Migration sind Folgen tiefer liegender Probleme der fehlenden Repräsentation und wirtschaftlichen Möglichkeiten der Gemeinschaften im Terai.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Auf dem Papier sieht der institutionelle Reformprozess Nepals vor allem im Vergleich zu anderen Nachkriegsgesellschaften erfolgreich aus. So fanden ein umfangreicher Demokratisierungsprozess und eine erfolgreiche Transformation der Rebellen in eine politische Partei statt. Die institutionellen Reformen waren aber nicht ohne Fehler. Erstens gab es keinen wirklichen Prozess der Übergangsjustiz, da die Konfliktparteien daran kein Interesse hatten. Obwohl das Friedensabkommen die Bildung einer Wahrheits- und Versöhnungskommission bereits im Jahr 2006 vorsah, zog sich deren Einsetzung bis zum Jahr 2014 hin. Zweitens, auch wenn die institutionellen Reformen die Maoisten in verschiedene Machtteilungsregelungen einbezogen, argumentieren benachteiligte Gruppen im Terai, dass sie zunehmend marginalisiert werden und dass die ihnen versprochenen Reformen nicht bei ihnen ankommen.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"$9d","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Diese Debatte weist auf unser letztes Argument hin. Im Zuge des Friedensprozesses in Nepal wurden bisher die ökonomischen Ursachen des Krieges, wie die weit verbreitete Armut, Landlosigkeit und ökonomische Ungleichheit zwischen Kasten und ethnischen Gruppen, nur unzureichend bearbeitet. Die Schaffung wirtschaftlicher Perspektiven hatte keine Priorität; insbesondere die demobilisierten Kombattanten der Maoisten, die seit dem Jahr 2013 auf den Arbeitsmarkt streben, sind benachteiligt.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Auch wenn ökonomische Perspektiven für junge Männer (und Frauen) einen Schlüsselfaktor für die Emigration darstellen, macht vor allem ein Fokus auf die Ex-Kombattanten die Schwierigkeiten deutlich, einen klaren Zusammenhang zwischen der Qualität des Friedens in der Nachkriegsgesellschaft und dem Ausmaß der Emigration herzustellen. Obwohl der Ländervergleich zeigt, dass Gewalt und Unsicherheit ein wichtiger Faktor für Emigration sein können, beweist das Beispiel Nepal, dass Emigration die Risiken für Gewalt vermindern kann. Die Möglichkeit für Ex-Kombattanten aus wirtschaftlichen Gründen zu emigrieren – viele von ihnen arbeiten auf den Baustellen in Dubai oder Katar – ist ein wesentlicher Grund dafür, dass sie sich nicht an kriminellen Aktivitäten beteiligen oder sich erneut für einen Krieg mobilisiert haben. Ein Repräsentant einer zivilgesellschaftlichen Organisation erklärte im September 2015 im Interview in Katmandu scherzhaft, es gebe zwei Arbeitsmöglichkeiten für Ex-Kombattanten: „Milizen oder Malaysia“.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"El Salvador: Emigration als Sicherheitsventil","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"heading-2"},{"data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Auch mehr als zwanzig Jahre nach Kriegsende leben über 20 Prozent der salvadorianischen Bevölkerung außerhalb des Landes. Das UNHCR zählte im Jahr 1992 direkt nach Kriegsende 26.124 Flüchtlinge aus El Salvador. Obwohl die offiziellen Zahlen der Flüchtlinge seither zurückgegangen sind, wächst die Zahl der Migranten unaufhörlich. Die Mehrheit der Migranten lebt entweder legal oder, aufgrund fehlender Dokumente, illegal in den USA. Migration hat in El Salvador eine lange Tradition; sie fand allerdings lange Zeit nur saisonal innerhalb des Landes oder der Region statt. Mit Beginn des internen Krieges (1980-1992) verließen immer mehr Menschen das Land. Ihre Geldüberweisungen an Verwandte in Salvador sind mittlerweile ein wichtiger Faktor in der salvadorianischen Ökonomie; ihr Anteil am Bruttosozialprodukt stieg nach Angaben der Weltbank von 1,4 Prozent im Jahr 1980 auf 11,7 Prozent im Jahr 1992 und 16,6 Prozent im Jahr 2014."},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-inline"},{"nodeType":"text","value":""}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Die anhaltende Emigration nach Kriegsende ist insofern erstaunlich, als der Friedensprozess El Salvadors als einer der wenigen internationalen Vorzeigefälle für den Übergang vom Krieg zum Frieden gilt. Die bewaffnete Opposition demobilisierte sich und wandelte sich zur politischen Partei mit beachtlicher Wählerschaft. In den Jahren 2009 und 2013 gewannen die Kandidaten des Frente Martí de Liberación Nacional (FMLN) sogar die Präsidentschaftswahlen; die Mehrheit der Bevölkerung lebt in Gemeinden mit Bürgermeistern, die der FMLN angehören. Aber auch wenn der Krieg zu Ende ist, bleiben ernsthafte und langandauernde Probleme und Spaltungen bestehen.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"$9e","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"$9f","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Die Präsidenten des FMLN folgten dieser Politik der öffentlichen Sicherheit im Großen und Ganzen. Obwohl sie behaupten, einen Schwerpunkt auf Gewaltprävention zu legen – formuliert in der Strategie zur Gewaltprävention aus dem Jahr 2012 – dominiert die repressive Politik die alltägliche Praxis. Ein Grund hierfür ist, dass der FMLN im Parlament keine Mehrheit hat; die anhaltenden Medienkampagnen, die eine moralische Panik gegenüber Gangs und Gewalt schüren, ein weiterer. Auch wenn die Nachkriegsmigration aus El Salvador ein komplexes Phänomen ist, spielt die Unfähigkeit der Institutionen, die Gewalt mit anderen Mitteln als der Repression zu bekämpfen, zumindest indirekt eine wichtige Rolle.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Ein dritter Faktor, der mit den beiden genannten in engem Zusammenhang steht, ist das Fehlen von sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Lebensgrundlagen für die Bevölkerungsmehrheit. Die Friedensverträge änderten das salvadorianische Entwicklungsmodell nicht. Über 50 Prozent der ökonomisch aktiven Bevölkerung verdient weniger als den Mindestlohn, dessen Kaufkraft im Vergleich zu 1970 nur noch 30 Prozent beträgt. Das reichste Fünftel der Bevölkerung verfügt über 60 Prozent des Einkommens, das ärmste Fünftel lediglich über 3,5 Prozent. Gleichzeitig ist die Steuerquote des Landes sogar im lateinamerikanischen Vergleich mit nur 13,6 Prozent niedrig.","nodeType":"text"},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"value":" In der Folge sind selbst Regierungen, die eine Änderung der Ungleichheit versprochen haben, aufgrund fehlender Ressourcen mit großen Schwierigkeiten konfrontiert. Die soziale Ungleichheit basiert auf einer Allianz zwischen (und politischem Widerstand von) rechtsgerichteten Politikern und Unternehmern, die sowohl die Ökonomie als auch die Medien des Landes kontrollieren und so jedwede Steuerreform oder andere substanzielle Veränderungen verhindern. Emigration wirkt so als ein Sicherheitsventil. Die Überweisungen von legalen und illegalen Migranten sind der bedeutendste Zufluss externer Finanzen. Die Regierung hat kein Interesse, daran etwas zu ändern.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Aus alldem wird ersichtlich, dass die Nachkriegsmigration aus El Salvador maßgeblich von der Interaktion aller drei Faktoren – Gewalt, dysfunktionale Institutionen und dem Fehlen von sozialen und ökonomischen Perspektiven – angetrieben wird.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Eine Friedensdividende für alle","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"heading-2"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Frieden ist ein komplexes Phänomen und mehr als die Abwesenheit von Krieg. Auch wenn das Ende eines Krieges ein erster Schritt sein kann und bestenfalls neue Möglichkeiten eröffnet, bleibt die Schaffung inklusiver Nachkriegsgesellschaften ein Langzeitprojekt. Die Analyse der anhaltenden Emigration aus Nachkriegsgesellschaften zeigt empirische Belege für das Zusammenwirken vielfacher Formen der Gewalt, schwierigen institutionellen Reformen und fehlenden sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Perspektiven.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Anhand des Beispiels Nepal wird deutlich, wie komplex die unterschiedlichen Gründe für Emigration zusammenwirken: Nach Kriegsende 2006 waren Gewaltausbrüche und wachsende Emigration ein Ausdruck der Frustration im Zusammenhang mit einem Mangel an institutioneller Repräsentation und wirtschaftlichen Möglichkeiten. Das Zusammenspiel der drei Faktoren ist auch in El Salvador offensichtlich. Der Mangel an Reformen des exklusiven Wirtschaftsmodells ist eine wesentliche Triebkraft der nichtstaatlichen Gewalt. Die staatliche Gewalt dient vor allem der Aufrechterhaltung des Status quo. Die reformierten politischen Institutionen sind nicht in der Lage, den sozial ausgegrenzten Gesellschaftsgruppen Sicherheit und Partizipation zu ermöglichen.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Vor diesem Hintergrund sollten internationale Akteure ihre Strategien für Nachkriegsgesellschaften anpassen. Auch wenn die internationalen Strategien immer komplexer werden, sind sie überwiegend Sektor bezogen und verwenden Sequenzierung als Ersatz für ganzheitliche Ansätze. Im Bereich der Gewaltreduktion fördern die ersten Projekte internationaler Agenturen und Geber meist zunächst DDR. Das ist zwar wichtig, reicht aber nicht aus. Sicherheit ist nicht nur für die ehemaligen Kombattanten und Eliten wichtig, sondern für die gesamte Gesellschaft. Aus diesem Grund sollten Programme der Gewaltprävention sowie der Unterstützung von Opfern gleichzeitig einsetzen und nicht erst dann, wenn Nachkriegsunterstützung nach ein paar Jahren in „normale“ Entwicklungszusammenarbeit überführt wird.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Die Reform von Institutionen ist ein langer und vielfach umkämpfter Prozess. Blaupausen taugen selten und Vorkriegsinstitutionen verschwinden nicht einfach. Die Unterstützung institutioneller Reformen muss deshalb auf dem Wissen über Vorkriegsinstitutionen und der Kenntnis der zentralen gesellschaftlichen Spaltungen beruhen. Nur dann verursacht der Reformprozess weniger neue Spannungen und können die reformierten Institutionen Gewalt als Mittel der Konfliktbearbeitung ablösen.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Nachhaltige Lebensgrundlagen sind nicht zuletzt – vor allem für junge Leute – eine notwendige Bedingung – sowohl für einen qualitativ hochwertigen Frieden als auch dafür, die Emigration zu begrenzen oder zu stoppen. Dafür sind ausreichende und menschenwürdige Arbeitsplätze und legale Migrationsmöglichkeiten zentral und wahrscheinlich wesentlich besser geeignet, um nachhaltigen Frieden zu schaffen und massenhafte Emigration einzugrenzen als die hohe Wettbewerbsfähigkeit. Diejenigen, die heute zur Bekämpfung der „Fluchtursachen“ aufrufen, sollten sich bewusst sein, dass der Krieg eher ein Symptom eben dieser Ursachen ist und fundamentale Veränderungen notwendig sind, um die Flüchtlinge zur Rückkehr zu bewegen.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}]}}}],["6K3Xg7fZk3ONehbIv3jTSY",{"sys":{"id":"6K3Xg7fZk3ONehbIv3jTSY","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Infographic Regional Neighbourhoods Matter for Peacebuilding","title":"Infographic Regional Neighbourhoods Matter for Peacebuilding","media":{"sys":{"id":"33sqjjzChbdWa1GDpiAzDF","type":"Asset"},"title":"Infographic Regional Neighbourhoods Matter for Peacebuilding","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/33sqjjzChbdWa1GDpiAzDF/dd0b8b625c3982b4c18f599da1e493ca/Infographic_Regional_Neighbourhoods_Matter_for_Peacebuilding-resized.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2000,"height":1505}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"altText":"The Infographic \"Regional Neighbourhoods Matter for Peacebuilding\" shows the differences of convergent and divergent conflict formation.","copyright":"GIGA / Marika Haustein 2022","withZoom":true}}],["6K92645urQ1TLMc1NpiYaW",{"sys":{"id":"6K92645urQ1TLMc1NpiYaW","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text GIGA Focus India after the 2024 Elections: Trends and Implications","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Prime Minister Narendra Modi seems to be in pole position to win India’s upcoming national elections. While their course will determine India’s democratic credentials, their outcome will define its role in addressing regional and global challenges. We present key factors that may shape Indian politics, governance, and its interaction with foreign powers in the coming years."}]},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Policy Implications"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The erosion of democracy under Prime Minister Modi has caused deep concern abroad. The EU and Germany have fundamental and growing economic, environmental, and strategic interests in strong ties with India, independent of its democratic record. Yet, the very importance of India also requires an awareness of the risks involved in dealing with an ever less democratic country. "}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A Watershed Moment"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"From 19 April to 1 June 2024, about 969 million registered voters (10 per cent of the global population) will head to the polls in India. The national elections have been hailed as one “for the progress of the country” by the ruling party and a way to “save democracy and protect the constitution” by the opposition parties. Even as the opposition bloc – the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) – gears up, many political observers say that the odds are in favour of the incumbent, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) – a coalition government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, with his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) at the helm. We look at how the Modi regime has performed over its previous two terms, and what are likely to be major trends for the new (or continued) government."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Centralisation of Power"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Since 2014, there has been a steady shift towards the centralisation of executive power sustained by the personality cult around Prime Minister Modi. An election verdict in favour of the ruling party for the third time in a row may entrench its ongoing extension of power. Three noteworthy factors in this regard are the Modi government’s capacity to push through its policies overriding the opposition, its alleged use of key government agencies to deter critical voices, and its increasing assertion of authority over state governments, straining India’s federal structure. While the Modi government has banked on the rhetoric of “good governance” to justify its proclivity for centralisation of political power, studies have shown that these factors have attenuated executive accountability mechanisms "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":""}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Taking the first factor, the BJP-led government has exercised its numerical dominance in parliament to pass bills without much discussion. During the 2023 winter session, for example, 146 opposition party members representing almost 20 per cent of the strength of the lower house were suspended till the latter’s adjournment. During this time, crucial bills were pushed through by the ruling NDA, steamrolling the opposition. These included ones that replaced India’s existing criminal justice laws and a bill that gave the central government a greater say over the selection of the country’s election commissioners. Two new election commissioners were already appointed by a prime minister-led panel under this new law six weeks before the elections. A greater or lesser majority for the BJP in the coming national elections could conclusively determine the power of the legislature to offset the executive."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Second, raids as well as arrests of opposition party members by government investigative agencies such as the Enforcement Directorate (ED) and the Central Bureau of Investigation have increased. About 95 per cent of ED cases since 2014 have been against opposition leaders – a fourfold rise compared to similar cases under the previous regime "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Fourteen political parties approached the Supreme Court in March 2023 regarding the “misuse” of these agencies against opposition parties and civil society actors "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" For example, the 2024 national elections have been preceded by the news of the freezing of the bank accounts of the Indian National Congress (INC), the largest opposition party, and the arrests of a former and a sitting chief minister belonging to opposition parties. The charges against opposition figures range from corruption to tax evasion. The INC has parried these charges as attempts by the ruling party to hamper their operations before the elections. This has raised questions about a level playing field, as critical for free and fair elections."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Third, an unchallenged ruling party at the centre of power has consequences for centre–state relations. The BJP has touted “double-engine sarkar” – that is, the same party as the head of government at both the national and federal level – to be beneficial for the development of a state. The BJP has also pushed for “one nation, one election” (simultaneous elections of national and state assemblies), ostensibly to make polls more efficient and cost-effective. These are viewed by the opposition as attempts to weaken India’s federal structure "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Certain actions have contributed to the trust deficit between the centre and non-BJP government-led states. These include actions that purportedly increase the central government’s interference in state affairs, such as passing three disputed farm bills overriding the opposition, demonstrating a “regional bias” in the devolution of funds for states, and appointing governors viewed as being pro-BJP in states led by non-BJP governments "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Such increased political centralisation puts to the test India’s cooperative federalism. While these factors speak of declining checks on power from other branches of the government and opposition parties, reports and surveys indicate a waning of civil society’s democratic rights."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Shrinking Civil Spaces"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Indian state has long had instruments at its disposal to restrict civic action in the name of security or development. These have been used by governments led by different political parties against journalists and civic actors to varying degrees. This targeting has intensified since 2014 as per various data-driven media and policy reports. In 2022, V-Dem downgraded India to an “electoral autocracy,” based on a decline in press freedom as well as political and civil liberties."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$a0"},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" However, the ED’s conviction rate was just 0.5 per cent regarding money-laundering cases through March 2022 "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":""}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"India’s ranking in the World Press Freedom Index fell to 161 out of 180 countries worldwide in 2023 from 140 out of 180 in 2014. During the farmers’ protests in Delhi in 2020 and 2021, certain critical media outlets faced Twitter-account bans or income-tax raids, with some journalists accused of sedition. Other reputable media outlets have come under the control of business magnates closely aligned with the BJP. Most notably, in 2022, New Delhi Television Ltd. (NDTV), the network that pioneered independent news broadcasting in India, was acquired by Gautam Adani, a billionaire with allegedly close links to the ruling party. A 2023 survey of 206 journalists found that 80 per cent believed that the press covers the Modi government too favourably "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":""}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A number of monitoring organisations and indexes, including V-Dem and Scholars at Risk, have found that academic freedom and institutional autonomy have declined in India in recent years. Universities have faced pressure to restrict work deemed “politically sensitive” by the government. Between 2014 and 2020, there were 54 incidents where events on campuses were cancelled due to pressure from organisations linked to right-wing groups, notably higher than the five such incidents recorded between 2010 and 2014. While there has been some pushback from civil society against these restrictions, a majoritarian mandate would further shrink the available space and scope for such contestation."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Shifts and Continuities in Foreign Policy"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"With a multipolar world in the making, India enjoys an international setting that may be more conducive to its ascendancy than at any time previously in its history as an independent state. Its internal market and growing population make it an attractive investment destination for Western businesses keen to diversify risk amid China’s increasing assertiveness. Intensifying United States–China rivalry has markedly raised India’s value as a security partner for the West. Modi and his key foreign policy personnel have leveraged India’s comfortable strategic position to their advantage. Yet, an emphasis on Hindu nationalism and an increasing personality cult around Modi also pose foreign policy risks that may play out forcefully during his third term, should it come to pass."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Modi has preserved India’s strategic autonomy, shying away from binding alliances. India has deepened its trade relations with Russia, while continuing to improve ties with the US. With highly visible state visits and vital defence agreements, India–US relations today are closer than ever. The Modi government has further developed its partnerships with France and Japan, especially on infrastructure and defence."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Regionally, Delhi has continued previous governments’ initiatives albeit under the new slogans of “Act East” and “Neighbourhood First.” Relations with Bangladesh have improved, as steps like the India–Bangladesh Land Boundary Agreement of 2015 have helped resolve the two countries’ border disputes, at least to some extent, amicably. Fearful of growing Chinese investments, India has also extended numerous lines of credit to neighbouring countries. Yet, key disagreements remain unresolved, from the sharing of river water to migration. Anti-Indian sentiment persists across South Asia, with its neighbours forging closer ties with Beijing to hedge against Indian predominance."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A visible change to India’s foreign policy under Modi is the absence of any meaningful attempts to resolve tensions with Pakistan. Relations have gone from bad to worse, including a limited airstrike on Pakistani soil ahead of India’s national elections in 2019. As a corollary, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, also including Pakistan, is practically defunct. A looming conflict pertains to water-sharing with Pakistan following Indian plans for new hydropower projects on its western borders."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Modi government is aware of its military and economic limitations vis-à-vis China, its powerful northern neighbour. Initial attempts at leader-level personal diplomacy did not produce closer ties. Although not provoked by India, tensions across the border have escalated repeatedly. As a result, India is investing heavily in security via new infrastructure and an increased military presence along the contested border. Prospects for a breakthrough in relations are dim, as illustrated by Chinese President Xi Jinping’s absence from the G20 summit held in New Delhi in September 2023."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$a1"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Modi’s consistent outreach to the Indian diaspora worldwide has been a noteworthy feature of his foreign policy. Addressing tens of thousands of people of Indian origin in Australia, the US, and elsewhere, Modi has effectively created a novel tool of foreign policy, often backed by enthusiastic supporters abroad. However, the stifling of dissent domestically has in the past few years clearly extended abroad, with the widespread self-censorship of intellectuals, journalists, and academics outside India. A repressive climate domestically affects India’s appeal as a partner in science and cultural exchange, potentially undermining its prospects as a vast soft power."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$a2"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Towards a Proactive Defence Strategy"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Under Modi, India’s outlook on national security has shifted from cautious to proactive. The 2014 “Doval Doctrine,” introduced by his national security advisor, presents a hawkish approach to national security that has heavily influenced India’s orientation on defence. Beijing and Islamabad strengthening their ties and Chinese forays into the Indian Ocean have brought the possibility of a multifront war to the fore. Alongside this, advancements in military technology have highlighted the need to develop the country’s armed forces based on an all-encompassing assessment of current and future needs, rather than on defeating specific potential adversaries."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In keeping with his strongman image, Modi has repeatedly expressed his commitment to making India militarily strong. To this end, his focus has been on transforming the armed forces to bolster capacity, increase tri-service integration, and – in a bid to reduce excessive reliance on imported defence platforms – to achieve self-reliance here. Such reform processes only took off during his second term, with the creation of the post of Chief of Defence Staff (above the Army, Navy and Air Force) in 2019 and the Department of Military Affairs within the Defence Ministry a year later. His government also introduced an integration plan to restructure the tri-services into three theatre commands, focused on Pakistan, China, and maritime operations in the Indian Ocean Region, respectively."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In terms of capacity, India has markedly increased its investments in new technology. The Galwan conflict in 2020 was a turning point, after which the military received emergency powers to issue defence contracts up to USD 36 million without time-consuming bureaucratic approval or tender processes. The 2024 defence budget further emphasised acquiring deep-tech capabilities through schemes like “Innovations for Defence Excellence” seeking to incentivise the emergence of startups in cutting-edge fields (like artificial intelligence, quantum computing, and nanotech)."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$a3"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Yet, challenges persist. Progress on defence reforms has been slow amid deep-rooted interservice rivalries and “preserving the status quo” mindsets. Those changes that have been made have also received mixed reviews. While supporters laud command-structure reforms for giving the military a greater voice in decision-making related to national security, critics view these interventions as an attempt to exploit inertia in the armed forces to further assert Modi’s dominance and gain political dividends. India still lacks a formal, comprehensive national-security strategy, resulting in an absence of clarity on long-term defence preparedness."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Despite some progress, India is far from Modi’s original goal of producing 70 per cent of military equipment locally by 2020. It remains the largest defence importer in the world. On big-ticket items like tanks and jets especially, Indian industries struggle to meet the qualitative requirements of the military. Finally, achieving Modi’s aim to double defence exports to USD 5 billion by 2024/2025 from USD 2.63 billion in 2023/2024 will require sustained investment in the defence-industry ecosystem – a strategic priority for the new government."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A Mixed Economic Report Card"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"India’s economic growth forecasts before elections paint an optimistic picture. Apart from the government’s Economic Survey (2022–23), data and statistics from the World Bank’s India Development Update (2023) and the International Monetary Fund’s annual Article IV consultation report on India (2023), cited below, place India in a better position than other emerging economies. Post-pandemic growth has been robust, driven by returning consumer confidence and considerably higher public and private investment. The rebound of private consumption was supported by the pent-up demand during lockdown, supporting the construction of new homes. Public investment has increased to 3.3 per cent of GDP, mainly focusing on upgrading roads and railways."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Under Modi, sectoral growth has been uneven: strong in services, moderate in manufacturing, yet disappointing in agriculture. The government and the Reserve Bank of India have successfully stemmed rising inflation by raising interest rates and deepening protectionist measures to safeguard the consumer. The public deficit has reduced to (a still unsustainable) 9 per cent of GDP, but the country is well on its way to further consolidation, helped by the recent boost in tax and remittances. Public expenditure has also gone to a large – albeit declining – extent into subsidies, salaries, defence spending, and social programmes. The financial system has gained in strength, non-performing assets fallen, while the financial buffers of private (less so of public) banks have been more than adequate. Lending to local companies has been boosted as a result."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"For some time now, with no improvement witnessed under the Modi government, export growth has been somewhat subdued because of falling global demand. Imports have marginally declined, as induced by falling international oil and gas prices. The current-account deficit has climbed modestly to 1.1 per cent of GDP – remaining manageable because of greater capital inflows, turnaround in export growth, and increasing foreign exchange reserves. India’s debt-to-GDP ratio was at 81 per cent in 2022/23, denominated overwhelmingly in rupees "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Notably, India’s foreign direct investment inflows (gross, net, and as percentage of GDP) have declined to their lowest levels since 2007/8."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Yet, challenges persist vis-à-vis India’s economic trajectory. Rapidly rising greenhouse gas emissions endanger national and global sustainability. For the incoming government, it will be vital to avoid an even greater carbon footprint by switching more aggressively to renewables and by selling energy at market prices, thus helping make distribution companies, dependent as they are on repeated bailouts, viable enterprises."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"India’s economic development largely bypassed a take-off in low-skill, job-rich sectors as it shifted from a mainly agrarian to a services-led economy. India will need to create between 145 and 330 million jobs by 2050 to absorb its young and growing workforce. Most new jobs have been created in the low-productivity agriculture and informal sectors. The female labour force participation rate remains low, with women’s formal employment at around 10 per cent at present."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"While it is the fifth-largest economy worldwide, India is not a global leader in productivity terms. In agriculture, it is far below the frontrunner (the US) at 2.3 per cent; in productive services (business, health, information), it is only at 20 per cent. This is partly the result of too many firms remaining in the informal sector (to avoid labour and other regulations), fragmentation and overmanning in agriculture, and high import and foreign-investment barriers limiting participation in global value chains. The manufacturing sector is catching up faster, but offers relatively few jobs on account of being capital-intensive."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Social expenditure has increased by around twofold over the last decade in nominal terms, although mostly on healthcare. This has resulted in a massive improvement of certain indicators (e.g. infant and maternal mortality rates). In education, extremely poor learning outcomes in primary and secondary schools are not budging. The lack of broad-based vocational education is slowly improving. However, India lags behind on developing the skilled workforce needed for industry."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Welcome labour reforms have been enacted, but implemented only in some federal states. Agricultural reforms, essential to modernising the sector and adapting to climate change, remain pending. Privatisation efforts, while announced perpetually, have been limited, with the exception of Air India. The trade regime, less strict now, is plagued by higher import tariffs than in comparable economies as well as frequent anti-dumping actions. Focus on concluding new free trade agreements (FTAs) suffers from the participation of only minor partners (Australia, United Arab Emirates) while related negotiations with the heavyweights (China, European Union, US) drag on or have been abandoned altogether."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Despite the government’s statements to the contrary, India’s recent track record on economic multilateralism is poor. This is exemplified by its last-minute withdrawal from the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, the drawn-out negotiations on an EU–India agreement, and the blocking of the latest World Trade Organization negotiating round’s successful completion. India has instead focused on pursuing bilateral treaties over genuine multilateral efforts."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A Climate Change Leader?"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"As the world’s third-largest emitter of CO2, India plays a pivotal role in contemporary climate politics. Despite its rising yet still relatively low per capita emissions compared to other major emitters (2022: 2 tonnes in India versus US (close to 15), China (8), and Germany (over 8)), its sheer size makes it a key player in sustainability efforts. Climate change has been high on Modi’s global agenda since taking office. There is now growing awareness of its ramifications due to India’s vulnerability to extreme-weather events, the links between pollution and climate change, energy security, and the potential for global leadership in the climate regime. The increased sensitivity to these issues is evidenced by the Indian Supreme Court’s landmark judgement recognising freedom from the adverse effects of climate change to be a fundamental right of citizens."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"While climate change may not be a primary electoral issue, its impacts – including the flash floods and droughts that have come to plague India in recent years – are nevertheless likely to resonate with voters as an existential threat to their livelihoods. Similarly, discussions on pollution and the striving for greater energy security, especially through the expansion of renewables, find sway with voters. However, it is unlikely that the upcoming elections will induce any significant changes in India’s position hereon. Even under a new government, continuity is likely to prevail when it comes to the progressive aspects of environmental and climate politics."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Modi government has a mixed record in this regard. Policies like the “Forest Conservation Bill” of 2023 enable the diverting of forest land to private developers without the consent of forest-dwelling communities. They have been characterised as a “disaster for the country’s forests and the forest-dependent people” by parliamentarians "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" In striving to build infrastructure, the government has been criticised for prioritising business interests over climate and other social concerns, leading to considerable environmental harm and ultimately countering efforts to mitigate climate change "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" A 2023 Utility Bidder report found that India was recording the second-highest deforestation rate worldwide, losing 668,400 hectares of forest land between 2015 and 2020. Moreover, its industries often violate emission standards with impunity, and effective measures to reduce air pollution are lacking."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Both nationally and internationally, the Modi government has been lauded for its aggressive expansion of renewable energies. While the share of coal in installed generation capacity is still at 49.1 per cent "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" that of solar and wind especially is growing rapidly. India has more than tripled its capacity, from 35 gigawatts in 2014 to 125 GW as of 2023, which is just under 40 per cent of total installed electricity capacity yet far from the promise of 500 GW by 2030 "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" Moreover, the 2024–2025 interim budget includes some crucial measures – like a scheme to subsidise solar panels for homes – to push green-energy expansion and help reach India’s net-zero promise by 2070. Yet, this raises the topic of potentially contradictory trends, as the country is also at the forefront of an expansion, or at least consolidation, of global coal consumption and imports. Both renewables and fossil fuels have grown substantially – a development observed with increased concern by developed and developing countries alike."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"This may become a problem for the Modi government’s expansive ambitions of assuming a leadership role in the Global South, especially in the realm of climate change. India has indeed become an important voice here, shaping a Southern narrative on climate action. We can expect related policies to continue to be aggressively pursued on the global stage, despite critics saying that India’s level of commitment to emission reductions is not ambitious enough for the Paris Agreement. While this view will be rejected by referring to India’s historically miniscule emissions, it is unlikely that such counterarguments will long resonate with the rest of the world. This may become a problem for Modi, as leadership on climate change is crucial to his envisioned legacy."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A Cautious Outlook for India–EU Relations"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"As one of the world’s fastest-growing major economies, India’s stature on the global stage is rising. The outcome of the forthcoming elections will have important consequences not only for the country and its global standing but also the international community at large. India, under the current regime, has been part of a global trend of democratic backsliding. According to a pre-poll national survey, inflation and unemployment, rather than declining civil liberties, are pressing concerns for voters, without causing a significant dent in Modi’s popularity "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" The increasing nationalistic rhetoric that aggravates religious and ethnic fault lines has aided the BJP’s rise to power and may persist. As EU–India relations are built on shared values, this may become a sticking point in their interactions, including on FTA negotiations – which the EU insists must be based on human rights."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Regardless of the challenges facing the country, India’s rise – both economic and geopolitical – seems inevitable. There will be more opportunities for military, security, climate, energy, and technology cooperation. For example, the EU and India are branching out into emergent tech areas including AI. In defence, India’s desire for private players to play a bigger role, and strategically diversifying away from Russian military imports, will open new doors for joint projects here. There is huge scope for weapons deals and exports from EU members like France and Germany, alongside increased joint exercises. However, even as India looks to diversify from Russia, this may be a slow process. India will likely be unwilling to revise its position on the Ukraine War as part of its broader desire to deter Russia from becoming a junior partner to China. Should the war continue to persist, new free-trade frameworks between India and Russia could hinder greater strategic convergence with the EU."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"On climate change particularly, engaging with India on a level playing field will be crucial. The urgency of the problem mandates that the EU must find mutual points of interest that can help return us to a safe planetary trajectory. Theoretically, at least, the tool of a “just energy transition” could be useful here."}]}]}}}],["6OQccEKfP9ivegsN728LRt",{"sys":{"id":"6OQccEKfP9ivegsN728LRt","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik Focus Global 2021_01_1","title":"Grafik Focus Global 2021_01_1","altText":"Grafische Darstellung Bbaffnete Konflikte in der Welt 1990-2018.","copyright":"Authors’ own compilation, based on data by Gleditsch et al. (2002), Sundberg, Eck, and Kreutz (2012), Pettersson and Öberg (2020). ","caption":"Figure 1 \nArmed Conflicts 1990–2018 (Frequency per Region)\nNote: MENA = Middle East and North Africa.","media":{"sys":{"id":"xmmALnfX1qSARacF6BUMe","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Focus Global 2021_01_1","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/xmmALnfX1qSARacF6BUMe/b0a5265885476f4de0ae1d6bd487398e/Figure1-Focus-Global-2021-01-en.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":4096,"height":2304}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["6QhsgKfPwQnPDA0FZ5amo3",{"sys":{"id":"6QhsgKfPwQnPDA0FZ5amo3","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur Focus Global 2020_05","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"headline":"Literatur","contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"nodeType":"unordered-list"},{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}]}}}],["6SnCQjaFsPWsq3sWchoVkn",{"sys":{"id":"6SnCQjaFsPWsq3sWchoVkn","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Abstract Building Pathways to Peace: State–Society Relations and Security Sector Reform","headline":"Abstract","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Local actors should be involved in peacebuilding processes and security sector reforms (SSR). The book presents a feminist and intersectoral conceptualisation of SSR as well as quantitative and qualitative findings from 42 post-conflict societies as well as from Afghanistan and Colombia. Open Access until 11 December 2023!","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"}}}],["6Uor6skeZxiTX5r6yjVngQ",{"sys":{"id":"6Uor6skeZxiTX5r6yjVngQ","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Literatur Focus Global 2020_02","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"headline":"Literatur","contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":""}],"data":{}}]}}}],["6UslBY2oA47mZ34Dl2hEna",{"sys":{"id":"6UslBY2oA47mZ34Dl2hEna","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Tabelle Focus Lateinamerika 2019_01_1","title":"Tabelle Focus Lateinamerika 2019_01_1","altText":"Tabelle der Ergebnisse der Parlamentswahlen der Jahre 2000-2015","copyright":" Inter Parlamentarian Union Archive Venezuela, verschiedene Jahrgänge.","caption":"Tab. 1\nErgebnisse der Parlamentswahlen der Jahre 2000-2015\nAnmerkungen: PSUV: Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela (gegründet 2007 aus den Parteien, die Hugo Chávez unterstützten). MUD: Mesa de la Unidad Democrática (gegründet 2008 als Zusammenschluss der Oppositionsparteien).","media":{"sys":{"id":"59fD9PQDhwTtWgRjSX1BZ2","type":"Asset"},"title":"Tabelle Focus Lateinamerika 2019_01_1","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/59fD9PQDhwTtWgRjSX1BZ2/5187d80be6392c8bc2ee46789a82302e/Tab1.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],["6V1up2eLsmOGctjMOsq1So",{"sys":{"id":"6V1up2eLsmOGctjMOsq1So","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text GIGA Focus Bringing Afghan Women to the Table: How to Negotiate with the Taliban","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Norway’s and Switzerland’s recent hosting of the de facto Taliban regime representatives in early 2022 has overshadowed the risks to women and their rights in the aftermath of the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021. Unless international and European policymakers make significant policy interventions while engaging with the de facto Taliban regime, these risks will only escalate."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Policy Implications"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"To avoid an enormous humanitarian disaster in Afghanistan, some level of engagement with the Taliban is required. Switzerland has followed Norway’s lead in informally engaging with the Taliban. Such initiatives can bring sustainable results only if engagement with the Taliban includes Afghan women. If Taliban delegations excluding women are accepted in engagements with European counterparts, the group will be further emboldened to persist with exclusionary policies at home."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"hr","content":[],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Taliban Takeover of Afghanistan"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The sudden US withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021 took many by surprise. Though the withdrawal was inevitable, especially after the US–Taliban Doha talks, the style in which it came about and the ease with which the Taliban regained control of Afghanistan was less than expected. Soon after, the international community started giving hints that sooner or later, some form of engagement with the de facto Taliban regime will take place. Norway was the first country to officially invite the regime to talks, welcoming a Taliban delegation, along with several Afghan civil society members and activists, to Oslo in January 2022. It was also reported on 8 February 2022 that Geneva Call (an NGO based in Geneva) had invited a Taliban delegation to discuss humanitarian concerns in Afghanistan. On paper, these initiatives are important to avert a major humanitarian disaster in Afghanistan."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"At the same time, space for women has been constantly shrinking since the Taliban came to power, and women’s rights activists in Afghanistan are being attacked and detained by the regime. On 28 February 2022 the Taliban also restricted Afghans from leaving the country and announced that women intending to study abroad could leave only if accompanied by a male guardian ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). European negotiators should be aware of these developments while engaging the de facto Taliban regime and emphasise preserving the gains made towards equal rights in the last two decades."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Women before the Taliban Takeover(s)"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Afghanistan boasts a complex political and ethnic makeup, where internal frictions between various groups have historically existed. Due to these frictions and periodic conflicts, women have often suffered and have had little say in policy and decision-making. However, the widespread belief that the provision of equal rights for women was made possible only during the US-led coalition presence in Afghanistan is inaccurate. In fact, major improvements towards equal rights were made more than a century ago. It was during King Abdur Rahman Khan’s reign (1880–1901) that some of the laws detrimental to women were either eliminated or modified, such as the obligation for a woman to marry her deceased husband’s next of kin (Ahmed-Ghosh 2003). In terms of other landmark developments concerning women’s rights, Afghan women became eligible to vote in 1919, the first girls’ school opened in 1921, and the country’s 1964 constitution proclaimed equal rights for all ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). The notion and general perception that Afghanistan has remained a rugged and “primitive” society, as described in colonial literature, does not correspond with reality (Yousaf 2021). Similarly, in Afghanistan’s history, women have often claimed space and played a role in politics, governance, and resistance. Therefore, it is important to briefly dissect political developments in Afghanistan in the twentieth century."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Between 1930 and 1978, Afghanistan witnessed what many call its “golden period.” The country saw relative stability, infrastructural development, and nation-building. Thomas E. Gouttierre, former director of the Center for Afghanistan Studies at the University of Nebraska, who lived in Afghanistan between 1964 and 1974, called Afghanistan very “governable” during that period ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"$a4"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The US-led state-building project in Afghanistan between 2001 and 2021 did introduce and implement some positive initiatives. Some of these measures, albeit more focused on the urban centres, resulted in presidential elections; institution-building; investment in the economy, healthcare, and education; and more professional opportunities for women. Women were able to pursue careers in journalism, the arts, and the entertainment field – something unheard of during the Taliban’s first rule. These gains came after prominent European states such as Germany, along with the United States, engaged in development cooperation with the Afghan government and civil society between 2002 and 2021. Germany contributed to gender equality in Afghanistan through the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ), which engaged with indigenous Afghan organisations to improve legal awareness among women and empower female jurists and police officers."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"It was due to the coalition’s efforts that Afghanistan adopted its first National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security in 2015, based around the pillars of participation, protection, prevention, and relief and recovery. However, when the US administration decided to formally initiate the so-called peace talks with the Taliban in Doha, principles of equal representation were negated, and the talks took place mostly between men. It was this exclusion of women and the newly gained Taliban legitimacy that emboldened them to sideline women from policymaking and governance positions soon after their takeover in August 2021. Before the Taliban’s takeover, women’s rights activists had rightly predicted and warned that the extent to which women were included in the US–Taliban peace talks in Doha would shape the future of liberties women hold in Afghanistan. As a result, gains made by the United States and Europe in terms of women’s rights now risk being rolled back by the Taliban."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Women after the Taliban’s 2021 Takeover"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Taliban and its supporters define women’s rights through the prism of patriarchal and conservative interpretations and expectations vis-à-vis women’s roles in Afghan society. Similarly, discussions on women’s rights by the Taliban and its supporters often end in a critique of Western values, complete with sarcastic insinuations. In November 2021 a pro-Taliban cleric posted an unverified photo, tweeting the following caption in Pashto ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"):"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","content":[],"data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"3pfPBDuq7uZ08m1ZRItJsY","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik Focus Asien 2022_02_1","title":"Tweet in Pashto ","media":{"sys":{"id":"5opaie8gvUWbC0PyJVq3fL","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik Focus Asien 2022_02_1","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/5opaie8gvUWbC0PyJVq3fL/0237faa92c580c204c7e7e6c0a1c1196/Asien_2022_02_Figure1-web1.png","details":{"image":{"width":2389,"height":325}},"contentType":"image/png"}}}}}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Author’s Translation: “In Holland, a boy married a goat. Those who demand women’s rights from us [the Taliban] have given their women’s rights to animals.”"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The derogatory tweet highlights the disingenuousness of the Taliban towards women’s rights and indicates an important discrepancy in the Taliban’s messaging on electronic and social media: The supposedly “new” Taliban (or Taliban 2.0, as the media called it initially) have become smarter in their messaging when it comes to using different languages for local and international content consumption ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). Where English-language statements coming from Taliban spokes"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"men"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" on women’s rights are somewhat measured, statements in local languages (Pashto and Dari), especially on social media, are often harsh and carry a threatening tone. Women, especially rights activists, are not only arrested but also openly threatened on social media for their actions by Taliban affiliates, particularly in live chat rooms in Twitter Spaces (a feature introduced by Twitter that represents a new way to have live audio conversations – anyone can join them)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Mubeen Khan – a famous cleric and Taliban social media personality – has become notorious for openly threatening Afghan women on social media. Soon after an anti-burqa (Afghan cultural veil) protest in January 2022 in Kabul, Khan, while speaking in a Twitter Space warned that the “Islamic Emirate” (read: Taliban) would take strict action against “these women” (who took part in the protest). He further advised that the Islamic Emirate would not allow anyone to “insult” the religious and cultural values of the country ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). Days following his threat, the Taliban raided houses of women activists involved in the protest, arresting some ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). After public outcry over the arrests, Khan called the arrested activists liars and warned that “anyone who disrupted the public must be arrested.” He further warned that “an order had gone to all security forces to arrest them (women activists) and bring them to justice” ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). Such intentions and statements highlight the continuing risks women in Afghanistan face under the current de facto Taliban regime. The present situation and the risks faced by Afghan women, therefore, also create policymaking complications for international stakeholders, particularly the European Union, as they attempt to send humanitarian and financial aid to Afghanistan."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Policymaking for a Taliban-Governed Afghanistan"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The international community, particularly the European Union, is faced with a catch-22 when it comes to negotiating with the de facto Taliban regime. On the one hand, the international community is hesitant to provide the Taliban with the recognition and legitimacy it seeks to consolidate its rule by formally negotiating with international stakeholders. On the other hand, Afghanistan is faced with one of the biggest humanitarian disasters in the world, with most of its population at risk of starvation. The level of diplomatic and financial engagement required to avert this disaster will be perceived and used by the Taliban as a legitimisation of their regime. However, engagement along these lines will likely invite resistance from those Afghan women and civil society organisations that support liberal values and desire a more inclusive society in Afghanistan."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-3","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Role of the European Union"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Important EU member and associate states – such as Germany, France, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and Switzerland – now face the policy challenge of resolving Afghanistan’s economic woes, which would require negotiating with the Taliban. The Oslo talks, despite being a positive first step, nevertheless highlight various complications and issues that need addressing in Afghanistan. Afghans in Europe have held protests against such initiatives ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"; "},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). They demand that the Taliban be held accountable for their human rights violations, and they urge potential partners to resist providing the de facto regime with the legitimacy it seeks from the international community."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Similarly, it was reported that a Taliban delegation was informally invited to Switzerland by Geneva Call to hold talks with Swiss officials and humanitarian experts in Geneva. Geneva Call, through a tweet on 10 February 2022, announced that the Taliban delegation had “adopted a humanitarian declaration after high-level discussions in Geneva” (Geneva Call 2022). The declaration covered crucial issues including the protection and provision of healthcare and education for all Afghans, respect for humanitarian aid, and the safeguarding of the environment and cultural heritage ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). While many see the declaration as a positive development, most of the comments from young Afghans on Geneva Call’s social media pages highlight a broader resentment towards “legitimising” the Taliban. These Afghan critics of the Taliban view these initiatives as similar to the Doha talks, where women and civil society members were likewise excluded. Though the Swiss authorities maintain that the invitation and the visit were not meant to provide legitimacy to the Taliban, such dialogues and invitations, after all, carry some perception of legitimacy."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"For any future events and invitations vis-à-vis Taliban delegations, representation of Afghan women should be a bare-minimum requirement. If the Taliban resist, this requirement can also be fulfilled by using financial and political leverage in any way possible. Development aid for Afghanistan, where possible, should also contain provisions and conditions related to investment in girls’ education and professional opportunities for Afghan women."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Finally, as discussed above, the Taliban have become smarter in how they manage and disseminate messages on social media in different languages. Conciliatory statements in English and threats in Pashto and Dari mean that international partners engaging with the Taliban also need to keep a vigilant eye on the Taliban’s messaging and statements in local languages. This would allow international partners to keep better track of the Taliban’s positions and commitments regarding gender equality and human rights."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-3","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Indigenous Voices in Policymaking"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In the words of Bina D’Costa, “knowledge is being produced about people who are actual repositories of knowledge and we have cared little to learn from them” (D’Costa 2021: 600). The same dilemma applies to Afghanistan, where a significant portion of post-9/11 policymaking took inspiration from non-indigenous stakeholders and many local stakeholders were excluded. A similar trend can be witnessed since the US withdrawal. The Taliban, who are in power but represent the views of only a small proportion of Afghan society and the overall ethnic Pashtun population, are at the forefront of negotiations and engagement with the international community."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Though Norway took a positive step in this regard by also inviting Afghan women, there is a long way to go to ensuring that all Afghan voices are heard in policymaking circles. Sustainable and durable peace in Afghanistan can be ensured only if due agency is afforded to women, who, over the past four decades, have been relegated to the sidelines of policymaking processes. The inclusion of women experts, politicians, and policymakers presents a political and a cultural challenge, particularly when it comes to the conservative and patriarchal rural societies. Nonetheless, any effort towards peace and conflict resolution will succeed only if Afghan women have a seat at the policymaking table. The more a male-dominant and ultraconservative group such as the Taliban engages and negotiates with women in the presence of European and international negotiators, the better the chances are of changing and challenging the Taliban’s perceptions, policies, and worldviews."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-3","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Finding Common Ground on Ethnic Issues"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Besides working towards strengthening women’s rights, EU negotiators should also consider ethnic cleavages in Afghanistan. After the fall of the first Taliban regime in 2001, the US-led coalition, along with the European Union, made efforts to find common ground between different Afghan ethnic groups and form a united government. However, an initial delay in the Bonn Conference, leading to the Northern Alliance’s (NA) capturing of two-thirds of the country, meant that the NA received a majority stake in the interim setup ("},{"nodeType":"hyperlink"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"). The Taliban is a predominantly ethnic Pashtun group. Also, Afghanistan has historically been ruled by Pashtuns, so other major ethnic groups – such as Uzbeks, Tajiks, and Hazaras – naturally carry some resentment towards continued Pashtun rule. Therefore, the return of the Taliban has already escalated the risk of ethnic divide within the country. To find common ground now, the European Union can follow the Bonn template but must ensure that all major ethnic groups get their due representation in negotiations concerning Afghanistan. This representation should also consist of Afghan women, and not only men."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Humanitarian vs. Security Approach: The Way Forward"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan has presented international stakeholders with the dilemma of whether Afghanistan should be regarded from a security perspective or a humanitarian perspective. The Taliban, until recently, was considered a terrorist group. Therefore, its taking over of Afghanistan creates potential security (e.g. al-Qaida and Islamic State) and humanitarian (e.g. mass displacement and economic) problems. The United States has so far seen Afghanistan only from a security perspective. EU member states and associates, particularly Norway and Switzerland, have adopted a relatively balanced approach by also incorporating the humanitarian perspective into their initiatives."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"However, several women’s rights activists in Afghanistan are either missing or have reportedly been arrested by the Taliban. Moreover, Taliban spokesperson Zabiullah Mujahid also recently announced that Afghans would no longer be allowed to leave the country. This has created further fears and risks for activists wanting to leave the country. At the same time, the country is also facing a humanitarian emergency, with the Afghan population at risk of mass starvation. To address this potential humanitarian disaster, international and EU aid agencies will need to go through the Taliban to help the Afghan people in need. This would require further engagement with the group on the Oslo and Geneva models. However, this engagement should take place only if Afghan civil society members and women are included in the process."}],"data":{}}]}}}],["6af71f15-cbca-403c-b70b-48414487d277",{"sys":{"id":"6af71f15-cbca-403c-b70b-48414487d277","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Frieden durch Konflikttransformation: Erfahrungen aus Kolumbien","path":"/de/publikationen/beitraege/frieden-durch-konflikttransformation-erfahrungen-aus-kolumbien/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","date":"2017","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"tagline":["Friedensgutachten"],"link":"http://www.lit-verlag.de/isbn/3-643-13758-6"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"2017","type":"Kapitel in Sammelband","isbns":[],"links":[],"pages":"148-162","status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"2017","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/contributiontobookanthology/chapter","value":"Kapitel in Sammelband"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]}],"subtitle":"Kapitel in Sammelband | LIT Verlag | 2017","urnLinks":["http://www.lit-verlag.de/isbn/3-643-13758-6"],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2017","hostTitle":"Friedensgutachten 2017","publisher":"LIT Verlag","unitUuids":["af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b","adb4adf2-146e-47d4-9353-0a3b3da4ac1b"],"seriesIssn":[],"personNames":["Sabine Kurtenbach"],"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"seriesTitle":["Friedensgutachten"],"seriesNumber":["25"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"hostEditorNames":["Bruno Schoch","Andreas Heinemann-Grüder","Corinna Hauswedell","Jochen Hippler","Margret Johannsen"],"publicationLocation":"Münster","managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Contributions","date":"2017-01-01T00:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-publications-contributions","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Publications Contributions","description":"istock / FactoryTh","file":"$36:1:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["6aiAmdoBUwUcmf5vfN7NnP",{"sys":{"id":"6aiAmdoBUwUcmf5vfN7NnP","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Latin America’s Search for Security: Between Repression and Dialogue","showHeadlineLeft":false,"backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The assassination of Ecuadorean presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio has brought violence in Latin America back to the fore. It also revealed the close relationship between criminal and political violence. While “iron fist” policies may be attractive to voters, they alone will not achieve sustainable security.\r"}]},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Policy Implications"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Comprehensive and long-term policies must include the de-legitimisation of the use of violence and the reduction of social inequalities. Further necessary elements are reforms of the security sector, working to overcome impunity for state and non-state actors, and the prioritisation of the rule of law and human rights. Disarmament and demobilisation processes must be conducted with transparency, monitoring, and the involvement of civil society to build legitimacy and acceptance."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Manifestations of Violence "}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Latin America is no longer a hotspot of war and armed conflict, yet other manifestations of violence persist. While these are mostly labelled “criminal,” the assassination of Ecuadorian presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio on 9 August 2023 and the increase in electoral violence throughout the region show that it is impossible to draw a clear-cut distinction between criminal and political violence. Although today’s political violence differs from previous civil wars which aimed at standing up to the national government, it serves political purposes such as maintaining the social, economic, and political status quo and controlling specific populations and territories."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Different actors are directly or indirectly involved in this violence, such as organised-crime figures or political, economic, and military elites, who directly or indirectly collaborate with non-state armed actors (NSAAs). It has a number of different manifestations, such as state repression, electoral violence, or gender-based abuse. The following maps show where in Latin America state and non-state armed actors are mainly fighting each other (Map 1) and where they are mainly targeting civilians (Map 2)."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Map 1. Battles between State and Non-State Armed Actors in 2022"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"3zsX45pk2tXAA7lppHvVJ8","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2023_03_01","title":"Battles between State and Non-State Armed Actors in 2022","media":{"sys":{"id":"1nPKNojZHoc9ksBLjj2RrH","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2023_03_01","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1nPKNojZHoc9ksBLjj2RrH/dacadf1eeb45da0aa82277f50a2cac7d/Map1_BattlesState_NSAA.png","details":{"image":{"width":3507,"height":2480}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Grafik zeigt Gebiete mit Kämpfen zwischen staatlichen und nichtstaatlichen bewaffneten Akteuren im Jahr 2022"}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source: Raleigh et al. (2010)."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Map 2. Violence against Civilians in 2022"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"2ZGBiqNgfK60MRqkGtraRz","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2023_03_02","title":"Violence against Civilians in 2022","media":{"sys":{"id":"rBikUBAihtTM7hmvK8LzP","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2023_03_02","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/rBikUBAihtTM7hmvK8LzP/8188dd512107a845365ab312a31167af/Map2_ViolenceAgainstCivilians.png","details":{"image":{"width":3507,"height":2480}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Grafik zeigt Gebiete mit Gewalt gegen Zivilisten im Jahr 2022"}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source: Raleigh et al. (2010).\r"}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$a5"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Although some of these states have long been among the world’s most violent countries, the phenomenon is not static: it varies with changes in global markets and the reconfiguration of power relations at the national and subnational levels. The recent increase in violence in Ecuador and the decreases in El Salvador and Venezuela are examples hereof. The high degree of flexibility and adaptability of NSAAs to these shifts is another important factor shaping levels of and spatial variations in violence."}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-4","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Figure 1. Homicide Rates in Colombia, Ecuador, El Salvador, and Venezuela, 2014–2022"}]},{"nodeType":"embedded-entry-block","data":{"target":{"sys":{"id":"eGPX6PLmJR5NpJVg7evT6","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Grafik GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2023_03_03","title":"Homicide Rates in Colombia, Ecuador, El Salvador, and Venezuela, 2014–2022","media":{"sys":{"id":"g4MZjNyXOZ2mGXY8Olc9j","type":"Asset"},"title":"Grafik GIGA Focus Lateinamerika 2023_03_03","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/g4MZjNyXOZ2mGXY8Olc9j/bb3f77c91d4a17b9ae2fa700681a1cf1/Fig1.png","details":{"image":{"width":2207,"height":1476}},"contentType":"image/png"}},"altText":"Grafik zeigt Mordraten in Kolumbien, Ecuador, El Salvador und Venezuela, 2014-2022"}}},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"heading-5","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Source: InSight Crime (various years). "}]},{"nodeType":"hr","data":{},"content":[]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The increase in violence in Ecuador since 2020, for example, is the result of a combination of factors at different scales: "}]},{"nodeType":"unordered-list","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"},{"nodeType":"list-item"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"While the precise turn of events may be specific to Ecuador, the entanglement of domestic and global processes as well as of structural factors and actor dynamics can be seen throughout Latin America. They provide a breeding ground for violence and crime. This favours populist promises of “easy solutions” to what in reality is a much more complex problem."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"History Bites Back: The Structural Context to Violence and Crime"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$a6"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Inherited Inequalities"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" (CAF 2022)."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"For much of the twentieth century, inequality and marginalisation provided guerrilla groups and other NSAAs with a vast reservoir of young recruits made up of landless campesinos and urban slum dwellers. Globalisation and an extractivist development model have played their part in these continuities, as has the reduction of state finances due to the structural-adjustment programmes of the international financial institutions. Both processes have led to a loss of employment opportunities in the formal economy. As with the reduction of poverty and inequality, the growth of formal jobs slowed significantly before the pandemic while informal ones increased afterwards (Maurizio 2021). "}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Informalisation reduces social cohesion and promotes disintegration. Although many new forms of organisation and types of social movement have emerged in civil society, they tend to focus on selective or only local issues. Within one generation, patterns of social relations have changed significantly. Migration has been one of the individual responses to the various crises. The growth of evangelical churches, which emphasise individual rather than collective forms of action and coping, is another symptom. In terms of violence and crime, increasing social fragmentation has destroyed traditional patterns of inclusion and control."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"A second element at the structural level relates to the capacity of state institutions to provide security and justice, which is often analysed in terms of the absence of the state. However, the problem is not so much an “absence” of state institutions, but rather their specific – often repressive – presence in areas where marginalised populations and minorities live, reproducing entrenched patterns of exclusion and power hierarchies (González 2017). Despite some far-reaching plans for security-sector reform in Latin America that came as part of democratisation and peacebuilding processes, the issue of violence has more often than not been used in public discourse to forestall substantial change in the security sector – such as limiting the use of the armed forces to securing national borders or making the judiciary independent of politics. Both of these reforms, however, are crucial to tackling transregional crime."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$a7"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Coping with Violence – Nayib Bukele versus Gustavo Petro"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The experience of violence affects societies in different ways: In addition to the direct cost in terms of human lives and material damage, it is often constitutive of a society’s self-image and of its legitimation and acceptance of the phenomenon. Displacement, flight, and migration change the spatial and social composition of the population as well as access to and control over natural resources. In many cases, the destruction of social relations and the lack of civilian instruments for conflict transformation contribute to lowering the threshold for the use of violence in everyday life. "}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"However, violence not only destroys societies but also “reorganises” them: Policies to manage or reduce its different manifestations are a case in point. In a climate of fear and of a lack of trust, often reinforced by “moral panics” and populist political discourses, repressive approaches are more likely to be accepted. This can lead to the creation or renewal of vertical relationships of loyalty behind formal democratic facades. However, the emergence of networks of mutual support, assistance, and solidarity among victims, refugees, and diasporas may offer alternative ways of coping with and reducing violence. As with many other complex phenomena, responses to violence and crime are rarely either/or ones but will include elements of both approaches. "}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Although the governments of Colombia and El Salvador currently appear to be at different ends of the political spectrum in terms of dealing with NSAAs, both societies have extensive experience with repressive and dialogue-based approaches alike. "}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Repression"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In Colombia, after the failed peace process with the FARC in the late 1990s, then-President Álvaro Uribe (2002–2010) pursued a policy of heavy militarisation. The armed forces almost doubled in size, and the US-backed Plan Colombia provided training and equipment for counternarcotics operations. Violence declined significantly during Uribe’s first term in office. However, these developments were accompanied by gross human rights violations. According to the Comisión Colombiana de Juristas (2007), more than 11,000 people were killed or assassinated outside the armed conflict during Uribe’s first term. Paramilitary groups (tolerated or even supported by the state) were responsible for 61 per cent of the deaths, guerrilla groups for 25 per cent, and the state directly for 14 per cent thereof. "}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"In Colombia, two problems with taking a repressive approach stand out during different time periods: First, the country’s geography (three mountain ranges and a lack of infrastructure) makes territorial control by the state difficult, even with the second-largest military in South America. Second, and probably more importantly, the armed forces and police have either turned a blind eye to or even collaborated with those NSAAs seeking to preserve the social, economic, and political status quo – namely, private armies and paramilitary forces. On the other hand, NSAA groups and their demobilised members who sought to change the prevailing order have been persecuted, as have many civilian political and social groups too (Aviles 2012). The assassination of more than 3,000 representatives, candidates, and members of the Unión Patriótica – a party founded by demobilised FARC members in the mid-1980s – is the most notorious example. "}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The relationship between repression and the state is even more evident in the case of El Salvador. Here, governments of different ideological persuasions have used “iron fist” policies to contain and reduce the violence of Central America’s most hardened street gangs – the Mara 18 and the Mara Salvatrucha. These strategies resemble military operations during the civil war (1980–1992) and have undermined the implementation of the profound security-sector reforms envisaged in the 1992 peace accords. Two elements stand out: first, the continued use of the armed forces for public security, when their role should have been limited to guaranteeing the integrity of the country’s borders; second, the discursive construction of insecurity as the main threat to the country, despite evidence that the maras are not responsible for the majority of violence (Kurtenbach and Reder 2021)."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$a8"}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"“Bargaining with the Devil …”"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"So what about dialogue to bring NSAAs under the rule of law, to demobilise them, and to disarm them? Violent countries all have some experience with this approach, which Vanda Felbab-Brown (2020) illustratively titled "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Bargaining with the Devil to Avoid Hell?"},{"nodeType":"text","value":". Since the end of the Cold War, peace agreements have ended civil wars: starting in El Salvador in 1992, followed by Guatemala in 1996, and most recently in Colombia between the state and the FARC in 2016. Even though the governments of the day had branded these NSAAs criminals and terrorists for most of the civil-war era, they eventually sat down and talked with them. These negotiations were largely supported by international actors such as the United Nations or the so-called Groups of Friends. "}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$a9"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"However, the biggest dilemma facing those seeking dialogue is the need for a minimum level of justice and reparation for the victims, as well as adherence to international standards on the rule of law. Colombia shows this very clearly: At the end of his first presidency, Uribe initiated a process with the paramilitary groups that had united under the name “Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia” (United Self-Defence Forces of Colombia, AUC). Colombian civil society and many international actors were suspicious that this was aimed at legalising the AUC’s violently accumulated wealth (most of it in the form of land grabs coming after the forced displacement of previous owners). "}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Colombia signed the Rome Statute in 1998 and ratified it in 2002, but excluded the prosecution of war crimes for seven years. On this basis, and due to the fact that Uribe did not have a majority of his own in Congress, domestic and international actors lobbied for adherence to a minimum international standard of justice. Although this was still criticised by human rights organisations, it helped to demobilise around 25,000 paramilitaries and to justify the Special Justice Mechanism for the FARC ten years later. "}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Nevertheless, the Petro government’s (2022–) current policy of “total peace” provides a profound illustration of the difficulties of dialogue with a multiplicity of NSAAs with different agendas and degrees of social embeddedness. At the heart of the Colombian debate is the distinction between the “political” and “criminal” aims of the NSAA – as some protagonists’ biographies show, achieving this in a clear-cut manner is impossible. Dario Antonio Úsuga David (alias Otoniel) – leader of Colombia’s largest criminal organisation, the Gulf Clan – began his “career” as a guerrilla fighter, demobilised, joined the paramilitaries, demobilised again, and then became the head of the Gulf Clan."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Ecuador is another example of changing strategies and their impact on violence: In 2007, then-President Correa legalised some of the gangs and homicide rates dropped significantly. However, the austerity policies of his successor, Moreno, reduced funding for key state institutions such as the Technical Secretariat for a Comprehensive Drug Policy. Outgoing President Lasso militarised prisons and largely ignored the issue of rising violence. While politicians and administrations develop their policies according to (short) electoral cycles and often populist strategies, NSAAs can afford to take long-term approaches and have proven themselves very flexible in adapting to changing transregional and global contexts."}]},{"nodeType":"heading-2","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The Need for Long-Term and Consensus-Based Strategies"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"What this brief review of the structural drivers and some select experiences of coercive and negotiated violence reduction shows is that transforming NSAAs is ultimately a highly complex endeavour. Strategies need to focus not only on those who have the weapons. The dynamics of violence, the specific contexts it manifests in, and the entanglement of violent and non-violent processes also need due consideration. "}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"The first challenge is whether or not to talk to members of NSAA groups, and then how to convince them to lay down their weapons. As a Colombian colleague noted, they may need to be given an offer they cannot refuse. But they also must take responsibility for the violence they have committed, especially against civilians. Transitional-justice processes and international experience with leniency programmes show that this is possible. The key requirement is that disarmament and demobilisation must be both transparent and independently monitored. The involvement of civil society herein is essential to build legitimacy and acceptance for these processes. Closely linked to these points is the need to protect civil society actors (e.g. activists, pro-democracy and inclusivity agents, human rights defenders), as they are key to monitoring and advocating for strategies based on the rule of law, human rights, transparency, and accountability. "}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Second, the dynamics of violence are also fed by developments beyond specific local or national territories. Strategies that do not address these dynamics will at best shift violence to other places or across borders, as we have seen in Ecuador. The reconfiguration of power relations also affects these dynamics. Colombia is just one example where we can see that violence is increasingly affecting political and social actors such as human rights activists, representatives of social and ethnic minorities, and demobilised ex-combatants. This shift can lead to both old and new cycles of revenge and violence."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$aa"}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"After all, violent and non-violent developments are closely linked, as the restrictions on basic human rights within punitive and coercive strategies show. At the same time, security policies must also include NSAAs who finance or incite violence for their own political, social, or economic reasons. These networks must be identified and dismantled, and the actors involved brought to justice."}]},{"nodeType":"paragraph","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Comprehensive and long-term policies are needed to address the historical and structural violence witnessed in Latin America. These must include the de-legitimisation of the use of violence and public policies to reduce social inequalities. Violence prevention must also focus on reducing impunity, reforming the security sector, and prioritising the rule of law and human rights. Democracy means governing for a limited period of time, so historic tasks – such as those outlined here – cannot be solved in one legislative term alone. It is therefore necessary to build a broad consensus in society supporting these strategies to reduce violence based on the rule of law."}]}]}}}],["6b56fb7d-2a66-40bb-832b-ae78cdda14e4",{"sys":{"id":"6b56fb7d-2a66-40bb-832b-ae78cdda14e4","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Special Issue: Weathering the Storm? The EU as a Global Peace and Security Actor in Turbulent Times","path":"/de/publikationen/buecher/special-issue-weathering-storm-eu-global-peace-security-actor-turbulent-times/","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/bookanthology/special_issue","value":"Sonderausgabe einer Zeitschrift"},"type":"Sonderausgabe einer Zeitschrift","date":"12.2021","personUuids":["7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54","d442c65b-f89e-408d-b2e7-c09e5f875cc0"],"tagline":["European Review of International Studies","Brill Academic Publishers"],"link":"https://brill.com/view/journals/eris/8/3/eris.8.issue-3.xml"},"dataDetail":{"doi":[],"date":"12.2021","type":"Sonderausgabe einer Zeitschrift","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"Dezember 2021","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/bookanthology/special_issue","value":"Sonderausgabe einer Zeitschrift"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"editor","value":"Herausgeber:in (Editor)"},"uuids":["7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54","d442c65b-f89e-408d-b2e7-c09e5f875cc0"]}],"subtitle":"Sonderausgabe einer Zeitschrift | Brill Academic Publishers | 2021","urnLinks":["https://brill.com/view/journals/eris/8/3/eris.8.issue-3.xml"],"blueprint":"PUBLICATION","dateShort":"2021","publisher":"Brill Academic Publishers","unitUuids":["97a4e582-6071-4f7b-8e76-a83a8d97290b","af15c86e-7314-4c67-9b3d-5decc373818b"],"seriesIssn":["2196-7415"],"personNames":["Julia Strasheim","Andreas Grimmel"],"personUuids":["7e189bb3-c220-4fa0-972e-2d0876b36a54","d442c65b-f89e-408d-b2e7-c09e5f875cc0"],"seriesTitle":["European Review of International Studies"],"seriesNumber":["3"],"seriesVolume":["8"],"isForthcoming":false,"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"79Iw2W1y5I439nIQKWTblO","type":"Entry","contentType":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:sys:contentType"},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild referierte Artikel","title":"Bild referierte Artikel","altText":"Ein Stapel Zeitschriften","copyright":"iStock.com/ pinkomelet","media":{"sys":{"id":"3MVDYqgKxq8a8ZuszO7pV9","type":"Asset"},"title":"iStock-831942476","file":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"}}}],"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"3MVDYqgKxq8a8ZuszO7pV9","type":"Asset"},"title":"iStock-831942476","file":"$36:18:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - Books","date":"2021-12-13T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["6bb11ac3-432b-4d91-94a0-e1f7b0e5e8c9",{"sys":{"id":"6bb11ac3-432b-4d91-94a0-e1f7b0e5e8c9","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"“Organization of African Unity”: An Optimist’s Appraisal 60 Years On","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/organization-of-african-unity-an-optimists-appraisal-60-years-on/","dataTeaser":{"date":"3/2023","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfaf-23032","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Die Pan-Afrikanische Kooperation steht vor schwierigen Herausforderungen und verspricht dennoch viel. Die Agenda 2063, das zentrale Programm der AU, beschreibt “the Africa we want”. Es beschreibt auch das Afrika, das Europa unterstützen sollte – doch dies verlangt eine Partnerschaft auf Augenhöhe.","personUuids":["c38eabb1-a8fe-4e6d-9b59-7173eda6806a"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2023 | ISSN: 1862-3603","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"05.2023","dateShort":"2023","links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfaf-23032"],"personNames":["Niklas Krösche"],"dateLong":"Mai 2023","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-86862-0"],"unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","920d7f1c-74c0-49d5-8839-00b833e607c5","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesNumber":["3"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3603"],"useDynamicPdf":true,"personUuids":["c38eabb1-a8fe-4e6d-9b59-7173eda6806a"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["c38eabb1-a8fe-4e6d-9b59-7173eda6806a"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"6cA0ZqihJ0SALtZMFLMEVQ","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Afrika 2023_03 (Header)","description":"","file":"$36:75:1:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Africa","date":"2023-05-24T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["6bba18f4-fb0d-4ef6-bd00-d843f9f270cd",{"sys":{"id":"6bba18f4-fb0d-4ef6-bd00-d843f9f270cd","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Venezuela weist deutschen Botschafter aus - Maas warnt vor Verschärfung der Lage","dataTeaser":{"blueprint":"CLIPPING","pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"type":"Interview","tagline":["RBB Radio Eins","Interview"],"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"date":"07.03.2019","link":"https://mediathek.rbb-online.de/radio/radioeins-mit-Sonja-Koppitz-und-Max-Spal/Venezuela-weist-deutschen-Botschafter-au/radioeins/Audio?bcastId=20121102&documentId=60908768"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"CLIPPING","type":"Interview","pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":[]},"expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"links":[{"url":"https://mediathek.rbb-online.de/radio/radioeins-mit-Sonja-Koppitz-und-Max-Spal/Venezuela-weist-deutschen-Botschafter-au/radioeins/Audio?bcastId=20121102&documentId=60908768"}],"date":"07.03.2019","mediums":["RBB Radio Eins"],"mediaFormats":["Radio"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2019-03-07T12:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["6buUAfSg1yvWFAW4YA8cBR",{"sys":{"id":"6buUAfSg1yvWFAW4YA8cBR","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"content"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Text Focus Global 2021_05_1","backgroundColour":"White","showMoreButton":false,"showHeadlineLeft":false,"contentAlignment":"Left","content":{"nodeType":"document","data":{},"content":[{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Neuausrichtung des Multilateralismus\r"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Im Januar 2021 wurde Joe Biden als neuer Präsident der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika vereidigt. Sein politisches Programm steht im krassen Gegensatz zu dem seines Vorgängers Donald Trump, sowohl innenpolitisch als auch international gesehen. Das „America-First“-Dogma, so sagten viele, sei an sein Ende gekommen. Die Krise des Multilateralismus – traditionelle Befürworter, die ihre Unterstützung zurückziehen, sowie ein aufstrebendes China, das die auf Regeln basierende internationale Ordnung in Frage stellt – kann mit den USA als erneutem Unterstützer überwunden werden.\r"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$ab"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$ac"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Zwei konkurrierende Erzählungen über Multilateralismus\r"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Zum Multilateralismus lassen sich zwei große Erzählungen ausmachen: „Wiederbelebung und Stärkung“ bzw. „Umstrukturierung“ (Narlikar 2021). Das erste Narrativ sieht in der Abkehr einzelner Staaten von der regelbasierten Ordnung die Ursache für die jüngsten Probleme des multilateralen Systems bei der effektiven Bewältigung globaler Herausforderungen. Folglich erfordert die Lösung aktueller Probleme einfach ein stärkeres Engagement der einzelnen Staaten: zum Beispiel durch eine Aufstockung der Mittel für Institutionen wie die WHO oder durch eine Reform festgefahrener Institutionen wie der Welthandelsorganisation (WTO). \r"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Das zweite Narrativ, „Umstrukturierung“, fordert eine grundlegende Überarbeitung der multilateralen Ordnung, da das derzeitige System überhaupt erst zu einer Krise des Multilateralismus geführt hat. So hat beispielsweise die Förderung globaler Wertschöpfungsketten durch die WTO Möglichkeiten geschaffen, diese Interdependenz als Waffe einzusetzen (Farrell und Newman 2019). Die Regeln müssen angepasst werden, um der Tatsache Rechnung zu tragen, dass feindliche Akteure wirtschaftliche Verbindungen ausnutzen können. Dieses zweite Narrativ betont nationale Interessen, „weaponized interdependence“ und Werte als grundlegende Leitlinien für die Außenpolitik und schlägt die Bildung von Bündnissen gleichgesinnter Staaten in bestimmten Bereichen der Zusammenarbeit vor – also eine partielle und schrittweise Abkopplung von Rivalen bei gleichzeitiger tieferer Integration mit vertrauten Partnern (Narlikar 2021). \r"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$ad"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Wettbewerb zwischen den USA und China\r"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Aus Sicht der USA lässt sich die Hauptsorge auf der internationalen Bühne vereinfacht auf Folgendes reduzieren: Ein autoritäres Regime mit enormen digitalen Überwachungsfähigkeiten ist auf dem Weg, eine Supermacht zu werden, und ist somit Rivale der USA. Es agiert dabei zunehmend aggressiv. Dies wird sowohl aus sicherheitspolitischer Sicht als auch unter normativen Gesichtspunkten als gefährlich und unerwünscht angesehen. Außerdem werden die wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen zu China weithin als ungünstig für das nordamerikanische Land bewertet."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$ae"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$af"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Die EU versucht, ihre eigene Position zu finden\r"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$b0"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Die EU betrachtet China sowohl als Partner als auch als Konkurrenten und strategischen Rivalen, wobei einige Länder die Partnerschaft und andere die Rivalität betonen. In den letzten Monaten scheint sich die Position etwas in Richtung offene Rivalität verschoben zu haben – zumindest in Brüssel. Nach gegenseitigen Sanktionen gegen Einzelpersonen, die damit begannen, dass die EU Maßnahmen gegen chinesische Beamte wegen ihrer Beteiligung an der Führung von Internierungslagern in der Region Xinjiang verhängte, liegt die Ratifizierung des Investitionsabkommens CAI (über das seit 2013 verhandelt wird) nun auf Eis. Außerdem haben sich einzelne EU-Mitgliedstaaten in letzter Zeit von China abgewandt. So hat Italien unter dem neuen Ministerpräsidenten Mario Draghi seinen Fokus weg von chinesischen Investitionen hin zu Europa und die USA verlagert (Johnson, Ghiglione und Sciorilli 2021)."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Deutschland hat kürzlich ein "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Weißbuch Multilateralismus"},{"nodeType":"text","value":"$b1"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$b2"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$b3"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Die Suche nach gleichgesinnten Partnern hat begonnen\r"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Der Zusammenschluss mit gleichgesinnten Ländern jenseits der traditionellen Partner wird sich sowohl für die USA als auch für die EU als notwendig erweisen, um eine auf Werten basierende internationale Ordnung erfolgreich zu verteidigen. Die Suche nach neuen Partnern ist besonders wichtig für den Fall, dass sich die USA erneut vom Multilateralismus zurückziehen. Um andere Länder zu überzeugen, einen Teil des kürzlich verlorenen politischen Kapitals zurückzugewinnen und China als Entwicklungsmodell auszustechen, müssen die Maßnahmen der EU und der USA mit ihren Grundwerten übereinstimmen, um das Vertrauen zu schaffen, auf dem Bündnisse aufgebaut werden können. Außerdem müssen sie Lösungen für konkrete Probleme liefern. Ein schneller Zugang zu COVID-19-Impfstoffen für Länder des globalen Südens wäre beispielsweise ein starkes Signal. \r"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Initiativen wie QUAD, die Allianz für Multilateralismus (ein informelles, wertebasiertes Netzwerk gleichgesinnter Staaten, das von Frankreich und Deutschland ins Leben gerufen wurde) oder das deutsche "},{"nodeType":"text","value":"Weißbuch Multilateralismus"},{"nodeType":"text","value":" – in dem ausdrücklich betont wird, dass immer mehr Länder legitime Ansprüche auf Mitsprache und Mitgestaltung der internationalen Ordnung erheben und auch die Zivilgesellschaft eine stärkere Beteiligung einfordert – deuten darauf hin, dass die Suche nach Partnern im Gange ist. Die Bildung von Allianzen spricht dafür, dass die Formierung von Blöcken – mit Demokratien auf der einen und autoritären Regimen auf der anderen Seite – begonnen hat. So hat beispielsweise China nach dem Abzug der NATO-Truppen im August 2021 sehr schnell freundschaftliche Beziehungen zu den Taliban aufgenommen. Andere Länder sind möglicherweise bereits dabei, sich strategisch zu orientieren."}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"heading-2","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Die Herausforderungen der tektonischen Verschiebung in der Geopolitik bewältigen\r"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$b4"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$b5"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"$b6"}],"data":{}},{"nodeType":"paragraph","content":[{"nodeType":"text","value":"Gleichzeitig sollte man sich davor hüten, sich der Zusammenarbeit völlig zu verschließen, da dies zu einem offenen Konflikt führen könnte. Dennoch ist auch übermäßige Vorsicht gefährlich: Die Absicherung von Risiken durch Vermeidung einer härteren Gangart gegenüber China mag zwar wie eine vernünftige Strategie erscheinen, die die wirtschaftlichen Interessen der EU schützt und eine Konfrontation vermeidet, aber sie hilft dem autoritären Regime auch, die USA zu überflügeln und zur neuen globalen Supermacht zu werden, die die Idee der universellen Menschenrechte offen ablehnt. Die realen Folgen dieser Entwicklung sind nicht absehbar. Aus einer wertebasierten Perspektive ist ein solches Szenario nicht wünschenswert.\r"}],"data":{}}]}}}],["6c36aae3-2ef5-44f4-9ec7-dcb588e0d15e",{"sys":{"id":"6c36aae3-2ef5-44f4-9ec7-dcb588e0d15e","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Raisi’s Foreign Policy: Pragmatic Revolutionism and the Iranian Pivot to Asia","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/aussenpolitik-raisis-pragmatischer-revolutionismus-iranische-neuausrichtung-asien/","dataTeaser":{"date":"7/2021","link":"https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-76658-1","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","personUuids":["583a77e6-9f4e-493d-b5a7-daee43fe921d"]},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","type":"GIGA Focus","pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"subtitle":"2021 | ISSN: 1862-3611","keywords":{"structured":[],"free":["Raisi","Iran","Foreign Policy","Iranian Pivot to Asia","China","Pragmatic Revolutionism","Belt and Road Initiative"]},"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4","isForthcoming":false,"date":"12.2021","dateShort":"2021","links":[{"title":"Text (PDF English)","url":"https://pure.giga-hamburg.de/ws/files/28756321/web_Nahost_2021_07_en.pdf"}],"status":"Veröffentlicht","doi":[],"personNames":["Mohammadbagher Forough"],"dateLong":"Dezember 2021","isbns":[],"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Nahost"],"seriesVolume":[],"urnLinks":["https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-76658-1"],"unitUuids":["ad45334a-a711-40ae-9bcc-d826df57092d","351d4fd3-2221-4d14-827e-1527cf9c8f23"],"seriesNumber":["7"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3611"],"useDynamicPdf":false,"personUuids":["583a77e6-9f4e-493d-b5a7-daee43fe921d"],"relatedProjectUuids":["ae3317a8-9db1-4f13-9eb9-841eb5b03247"],"roleMaps":[{"uuids":["583a77e6-9f4e-493d-b5a7-daee43fe921d"],"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"}}]},"pageIntroMedia":[{"sys":{"id":"7qgH3armCcaq6mDTtnODml","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild GIGA Focus Nahost 2021_07 (Header)","title":"Bild GIGA Focus Nahost 2021_07 (Header)","altText":"Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi attends the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Dushanbe, Tajikistan.","copyright":"Reuters / Didor Sadulloev","media":{"sys":{"id":"2hphuNupQf8nONhIx37xlh","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA_Tajikistan_Sep2021_Dushanbe_Iran_President_Raisi_SCO_Reuters_RTXHAPCP_Didor_Sadulloev_Website","description":"","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/2hphuNupQf8nONhIx37xlh/d8fefc629c31cc3731178e532db57b0a/GIGA_Tajikistan_Sep2021_Dushanbe_Iran_President_Raisi_SCO_Reuters_RTXHAPCP_Didor_Sadulloev_Website.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}}}}],"teaserText":{"data":{},"content":[{"data":{},"content":[{"value":"Dieser GIGA Focus beleuchtet den neuen konservativen iranischen Präsidenten Sayyid Ebrahim Raisi und seine Doktrin des „pragmatischen Revolutionismus“. Der Autor analysiert die außenpolitische Orientierung nach Asien und schlägt vor, wie die multilateralen Tendenzen politisch genutzt werden können.","nodeType":"text"}],"nodeType":"paragraph"}],"nodeType":"document"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"2hphuNupQf8nONhIx37xlh","type":"Asset"},"title":"GIGA_Tajikistan_Sep2021_Dushanbe_Iran_President_Raisi_SCO_Reuters_RTXHAPCP_Didor_Sadulloev_Website","description":"","file":"$36:417:1:fields:pageIntroMedia:0:fields:media:file"},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Middle East","date":"2021-12-17T00:00:00.000Z","titleOverwrite":"Die Außenpolitik Raisis: pragmatischer Revolutionismus und die iranische Neuausrichtung nach Asien"}}],["6cCGIjRe4XeB33knD1k104",{"sys":{"id":"6cCGIjRe4XeB33knD1k104","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"mediaImageAudio"}}},"fields":{"internalName":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05_1","title":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05_1","altText":"Map of Countries’ Positions on the TPNW.","copyright":"Author’s own representation, based on data form ICAN (2020). ","caption":"Figure 1 \n\nCountries’ Positions on the TPNW (25 October 2020) \n\nNote: Done with Mapchart.net.","media":{"sys":{"id":"4a5sz9eY3qDLv9S27ZpzrO","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild Focus Global 2020_05_1","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/4a5sz9eY3qDLv9S27ZpzrO/3ce9597e4e5de66130ae62fef7fbf696/Grafik-1.png","details":{"image":{"width":1858,"height":839}},"contentType":"image/png"}}}}],["6d2cd224-aeda-4d5a-8ceb-335a7dda9edb",{"sys":{"id":"6d2cd224-aeda-4d5a-8ceb-335a7dda9edb","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Under Pressure: Democratisation Trends in Sub-Saharan Africa","path":"/de/publikationen/giga-focus/under-pressure-democratisation-trends-in-sub-saharan-africa/","dataTeaser":{"date":"4/2023","link":"https://doi.org/10.57671/gfaf-23042","type":"GIGA Focus","tagline":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","teaserText":"Die jüngsten Militärputsche zeigen, dass Demokratisierung in Afrika in die Defensive geraten ist. Während Langzeittrends ein positives Bild zeigen, bedrohen neben Putschen sozioökonomische Probleme, Gewaltkonflikte, machthungrige Eliten und externe Unterstützung für diese die weitere Demokratisierung.","personUuids":["6a5605cd-d456-430b-9fe8-19714c79a8ab"]},"dataDetail":{"doi":["https://doi.org/10.57671/gfaf-23042"],"date":"09.2023","type":"GIGA Focus","isbns":[],"links":[],"status":"Veröffentlicht","dateLong":"September 2023","keywords":{"free":["West Africa"],"structured":[]},"pureType":{"key":"researchoutput/researchoutputtypes/workingpaper/giga_focus","value":"GIGA Focus"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"author","value":"Autor:in"},"uuids":["6a5605cd-d456-430b-9fe8-19714c79a8ab"]}],"subtitle":"2023 | ISSN: 1862-3603","urnLinks":[],"blueprint":"GIGA_FOCUS","dateShort":"2023","publisher":"German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)","unitUuids":["df8790e3-3952-4f8c-961e-13a5821d6550","b3ddc657-9933-454b-8b17-869d513f723e"],"seriesIssn":["1862-3603"],"personNames":["Matthias Basedau"],"personUuids":["6a5605cd-d456-430b-9fe8-19714c79a8ab"],"seriesTitle":["GIGA Focus Afrika"],"seriesNumber":["4"],"seriesVolume":[],"isForthcoming":false,"useDynamicPdf":true,"publicationLocation":"Hamburg","relatedProjectUuids":["21ac9a67-7c52-45cf-b2b8-1bd5f1e1f3d6"],"managingOrganisationalUnitUuid":"a65daf31-e463-438f-9891-d1c1e8ad18e4"},"teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"1fYfAuN5zjzo9Ncmx0OjFz","type":"Asset"},"title":"Bild GIGA Focus Afrika 2023_04 (Header)","file":{"url":"//images.ctfassets.net/jlhgjubhhjuo/1fYfAuN5zjzo9Ncmx0OjFz/a31375a656435bfaff6189cc3352afa7/GIGA_Mar23_Nigeria_Election_REUTERS_Abraham_Achirga_RTSGX8EW.jpg","details":{"image":{"width":2400,"height":1350}},"contentType":"image/jpeg"}},"typeOrSubtype":"Publications - GIGA Focus Africa","date":"2023-09-19T00:00:00.000Z"}}],["6da7df73-2484-4cc5-9e44-7ac67fb5b941",{"sys":{"id":"6da7df73-2484-4cc5-9e44-7ac67fb5b941","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"US Kriegsschiffe vor den Küsten Venezuelas","dataTeaser":{"date":"04.09.2025","type":"Interview","tagline":["Bayern 2","Interview"],"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","teaserText":"

Der Konflikt zwischen den USA und Venezuela geht in die nächste Runde. Diesmal geht es um Venezulas vermeintliche Beteiligung am Drogenhandel. Aber was steckt dahinter?

","personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]},"dataDetail":{"date":"04.09.2025","type":"Interview","links":[],"mediums":["Bayern 2"],"keywords":{"free":["Venezuela","USA","Drugs"],"structured":[{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/latin_america/venezuela","title":"Venezuela"},{"uri":"keywords/GIGA_Countries/north_america/usa","title":"Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika"}]},"pureType":{"key":"clipping/clippingtypes/clipping/clipping","value":"Interview"},"blueprint":"CLIPPING","expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"mediaFormats":["Radio"]},"typeOrSubtype":"Press/Media - Interview","date":"2025-09-04T10:00:00.000Z","teaserImage":{"sys":{"id":"default-placeholder-press-media-all","type":"Asset"},"title":"Placeholder Press Media All","description":"(c) istock / Fedor Kozyr","file":"$36:3:1:fields:teaserImage:file"}}}],["6f70c05a-6073-493b-91e4-34122fa0b23b",{"sys":{"id":"6f70c05a-6073-493b-91e4-34122fa0b23b","type":"Entry","contentType":{"sys":{"type":"Link","linkType":"ContentType","id":"pureContent"}}},"fields":{"title":"Al Grano","dataTeaser":{"date":"27.05.2021","link":"https://twitter.com/alemEmbajador/status/1399343206098219008/video/1","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/consultancy/participating_in_or_organising_an_knowledge_transfer_event","value":"Beteiligung an oder Organisation einer Veranstaltung zur Wissensvermittlung"},"roleMaps":[{"role":{"key":"consultant","value":"Berater:in"},"uuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"]}],"blueprint":"LECTURE","description":{"key":"Beschreibung","value":"Video tweet by the german ambassador on different topics"},"personUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"externalOrganisationUuid":"a19056a7-490e-4b50-93d0-c4b2775a128d"},"dataDetail":{"blueprint":"LECTURE","pureType":{"key":"activity/activitytypes/consultancy/participating_in_or_organising_an_knowledge_transfer_event","value":"Beteiligung an oder Organisation einer Veranstaltung zur Wissensvermittlung"},"keywords":{"structured":[],"free":["Colombia","peace","entanglement"]},"expertUuids":["3747dd76-4cf0-47c2-9649-38a1566fd9dd"],"externalOrganisation

Regionalinstitute

Forschungsschwerpunkte

Journal

Jahrgang/Band

Nummer

Seiten

DOI

Link

Benachrichtigungen

Soziale Medien

The Limits of Peace in Latin America