After an upwards trend prior to 2011, academic freedom in the Maghreb (Algeria, Libya, Mali, Morocco, and Tunisia) has been deteriorating for the past decade and counting. It is hardly surprising that levels thereof in the Maghreb are declining given that North Africa has become more autocratic during this time period (V-Dem Report 2024). Documented violations of academic freedom range from new regulations and legislation undermining university autonomy and the freedom to teach, to arrests of students and scholars.
Universities, scholars, and students throughout the Maghreb have increasingly become the target of surveillance, censorship, persecution, and political violence since the 2011 uprisings.
According to UNESCO, women are still underrepresented in higher-education institutions (HEIs) regionally and the gender gap in education remains high (Elmeshad 2013).
University autonomy has been curtailed and undermined by state interference throughout the region. It perpetuates through the underfunding of higher education, novel laws or regulations restricting teaching freedom and university self-governance, or the appointment of university administrators based on their political allegiance instead of their qualifications.
Recommendations
It is crucial that universities, funders, and governments involved in cooperation with North African HEIs, scholars, or students do not – even unintentionally – contribute to the deterioration of academic freedom. Therefore, the former should refrain from partnerships with organisations that have close ties to the incumbent regimes, or at least practise due diligence. HEIs as well as funding and international-exchange organisations should use their leverage to protect and promote academic freedom and university autonomy in the region and establish programmes to support students and scholars at risk. If those participating in such programmes are targeted by defamation campaigns or law-enforcement officials, their institutions, colleagues, and funders must stand up for their partners unequivocally.
Ghana and Tunisia have often been framed as beacons of democracy in their respective regions. However, as Ghana’s democracy matured over decades, Tunisia’s experiment ultimately collapsed. This paper examines diverse factors shaping their paths, offering lessons on the risks of democratic backsliding.
