Tunisia and Ghana: Parallel Histories, Diverging Democracies

There are some striking similarities between quietist Salafi thinking in Morocco and key political and societal dictates of liberal and neoliberal logics. These traditions all variously vilify the state as a means of effecting individual and, ultimately, societal transformation. They also variously locate matters of responsibility at the level of each individual, rather than at the level of society or the state.

This paper investigates the impact of sub-Saharan African immigrants on the Tunisian labour market as well as their labour market integration and social inclusion compared to other immigrants, with a focus on the migration influx since the Tunisian uprising of 2010–2011.

Shortages in Tunisia have not resulted in the overt politics of bread riots. Nevertheless, citizens made ethical claims regarding the just distribution of goods. While this does not preclude overt political unrest in the future, it suggests that the bread riot thesis, with its prioritising of claim-making against the state, has overlooked the market as an arena of social intervention.

Social actors’ representative organisations and their effective participation in decision-making should be fostered through more collaborative governance institutions. Building mutual trust between different CSOs would also help here. This would prevent favouritism and provide more beneficial input to the state, both serving to promote more inclusive and sustainable growth for Tunisia.

Contemporary (predominantly post-2011) Arabic fiction exhibits a dystopian strand that projects a pessimistic view of the future. This literature has become particularly prominent not least because environmental degradation is a major problem in the Arab region.

Mobile phones have a close relation to the hand itself, when they are used as handheld cameras, or in the way a touchscreen is operated. When mobile phone cameras are used in documentary filmmaking to tell a migrant’s story on their own terms, they offer a “hands-on” approach to digital knowledge production that incorporates not only the reality of its production but also the potential for a change of perspective.

Recently, festivals have come to acquire unprecedented importance in Morocco. Looking at contemporary festivals in Morocco points to the lurking hierarchies, hegemonies, and modes of suppression which can help to unravel the urban conflicts and resulting resistance. An analysis.

The official politics of forgetting involved in Algeria’s post–Civil War reconciliation process poses important moral and political questions about the constitution of the political subject and of citizenship. This MECAM Paper deals with reconciliation in Algeria.

Recent pro-Palestine mobilisations in Tunisia restate the relevance of symbolic repertoires in the articulation of political discourses and in the reactivation of social movements. Culture and representation are once again sites of contention. Through aesthetic action in the public space, activists and artists are denouncing cultural colonialism and subalternity.

Thirty years on from their initiation, neoliberal policies have weakened Maghreb countries’ labour markets, leading to unanticipated forms of employment and deteriorating working conditions. These countries need to re-evaluate and revamp labour market reforms with ones that correspond better with their status quo and encompass an understanding of the local economic, political, and social structures to enable a sustainable, comprehensive, and fair integration of women and youth into the labour markets.

The current climate of autocratic tendencies and conservative populism raises concerns about the future of human rights in Tunisia. The new Constitution, emphasising the “objectives of Islam,” could further see religion impact the law and jeopardise the rights of vulnerable groups. A secular framework is crucial for guaranteeing freedom of conscience and protecting individuals from discrimination.

Laying the foundations for deciphering colonialism’s contemporary inertia, with its mechanisms continuing to broadly structure relations with the region, is key. European colonialism traumatically shaped both local societies and the categories typically used for their study. Deconstructing the latter and the dominant narratives inherited from colonialism in rejecting their uncritical use is vital for the present.

Based on its guiding theme “Imagining Futures – Dealing with Disparity,” MECAM, the Merian Centre for Advanced Studies in the Maghreb in Tunis, aims to play a notable role in advancing both current and future knowledge production in the Humanities and Social Sciences within, from, and about the Maghreb.

Economic theory defines the difference between the private and the public sector in terms of the legal ownership of capital. In other words, the public sector’s means of production are owned by the community through the state while those of the private sector are in the hands of entrepreneurs, who are members of civil society. This distinction between the categories of “public” and “private,” inspired by Western experience, appears insufficient to account for the reality of most countries whose state-building processes have followed paths different from those experienced in the Western world.

Academic freedom in the Maghreb has been deteriorating for the past decade. This paper documents the range of violations of academic freedom in Algeria, Libya, Mali, Morocco, and Tunisia and provides recommendations for universities and governments in their international cooperation.

This paper examines the concept of freedom in Islam, focusing on the Islamic doctrine of retreatist Salafism in Tunisia. Within Salafist Islam, freedom means strict adherence to religious purity and devotion. In contrast to Western conceptions, this religious movement frames freedom and subjection as intertwined conditions.

There are some striking similarities between quietist Salafi thinking in Morocco and key political and societal dictates of liberal and neoliberal logics. These traditions all variously vilify the state as a means of effecting individual and, ultimately, societal transformation. They also variously locate matters of responsibility at the level of each individual, rather than at the level of society or the state.

This paper investigates the impact of sub-Saharan African immigrants on the Tunisian labour market as well as their labour market integration and social inclusion compared to other immigrants, with a focus on the migration influx since the Tunisian uprising of 2010–2011.

Shortages in Tunisia have not resulted in the overt politics of bread riots. Nevertheless, citizens made ethical claims regarding the just distribution of goods. While this does not preclude overt political unrest in the future, it suggests that the bread riot thesis, with its prioritising of claim-making against the state, has overlooked the market as an arena of social intervention.